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:
the
XXII.
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Sirtchali
Mosque
in
Konia. See p. 185.
LUKE THE PHYSICIAN AND OTHER STUDIES
IN
THE
HISTORY OF RELIGION
W. M. RAMSAY,
Kt..
Hon. D.C.L.,
etc.
WITH THIRTY-EIGHT ILLUSTRATIONS
HODDER AND STOUGHTON NEW YORK
GEORGE
H.
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THE I
i.
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L
PREFACE The in
volume have appeared various Magazines, Contemporary Review, Exposipapers republished
tor, Journal
in this
of the Royal Asiatic
Most
dered.
of
my
change
alterations
the
the
in
last,
which
is
there any essential
articles, is
opinions.
original
more
little
Even
changed
Only
enlarged.
and
precise
formerly stated.
been
but only
Elsewhere,
the
which haVfe been introduced are intended
render
to
;
of six older
in
thanks are ten-
them have been profoundly modified
and much enlarged
made up
Geographical
Society,
Journal, to the editors of which
in
in
the
emphatic the views
first
article,
which has
expression, has been greatly
the sixth article
(first
published in
1882) have the additions been indicated.
The
last article
criticism it
I
felt
stands in
much need
from more experienced scholars. the depths of
steps had
to
striking result
my
be taken
in
ignorance the
;
subject.
of help and
In writing-
but the
first
The most
was reached at the last stage, and is and the Table of Contents
stated only in a footnote
and Index.
The pagan
Christian church-grave or
temple-grave became the
memorion ; and the pagan
Preface
vi
Ovpa appears as the church doorway on gravestones in Isauria.
The
century are
full
great Anatolian writers of the fourth
of information, which yet remains to
be collected and valued. lockius von its
Iconium
volume and
my
Amphimodern study in
Professor Roll's
the one great
The humble
department.
this
is
essays which conclude
former series of Pauline and
other Studies tread in his footsteps
but
;
I
am
mindful
of the poet's advice, longe sequere et vestigia se7nper
adora. I
am
indebted for the very interesting series of
photographs, not merely to
my
Gertrude Lowthian
Mr.
Bell,
wife, J.
but also to Miss
G. C. Anderson*
Senior Censor of Christ Church, Oxford, fessor T. Callander,
and Pro-
Queen's University, Canada
;
and
them for permitting me to adorn my preface with the names of such experienced and successful explorers, and my book with views so skilfully taken in spite of the ink-black shadows cast by I
am
grateful to
that pitiless sun.
The Index
is
largely the
work of
my
wife.
W. M. RAMSAY. Aberdeen,
3isf October, igoS,
CONTENTS I
PAGB
Luke the Physician
i
II
The Oldest Written Gospel
......
69
III
Asia
Minor
:
the Country and
its
Religion
.
.
103
.
141
IV
The Orthodox Church
in
the Byzantine Empire
V The Peasant God
:
the Creation, Destruction and
Restoration of Agriculture in Asia Minor
.
169
VI
The Religion of the
Hittite Sculptures at Boghaz-
Keui
199
VII
The Morning Star and the Chronology OF Christ
.
.
.
.
.
of the Life .
.
.217
Contents
viii
VIII PAGE
A
Criticism of Recent Research regarding the
New
Testament
The
St.
247
.Historical
Geography of the Holy Land
Paul's Use of Metaphors
Roman
.267
.
drawn from Greek and
Life
283
XI
The Date and Authorship of the
Epistle to the
Hebrews
299
XII
The Church
of Lycaonia in the Fourth Century 329-410
Introduction
:
The
Organisation.
I.
II.
.
A
.
Ecclesiastical .
.
The
Presbyters
:
their Relation to .
IV. Crosses and Christian of
•
331
.
334
......
Bishop of the Church Reorganisation
Deacons
V.
.
its
Chronological Arrangement of the Documents
Diocletian
III.
and
District
Ornament
.
Monograms
(also
The Church Manager
.
No. 42)
or
after
339
Bishops and .
.
-351
as the Origin .
Oikonomos
.
.
368
.
.
369
Contents
ix
PAGE
VI,
The Church
in the
Decoration of
Tombs:
the
Christian Grave in Isauria was a Miniature
Church
.
.
.
.
VII, Distinction of Clergy and Laity:
VIII. Deaconesses
.
.
Early Stage
its
.
......
IX. Martyrs
X. Curses on Christian Graves
XIII. High-Priest of
.....
XIV.
God
Christian Physicians
XV. Quotations from XVI.
Indzx
Slaves of
the
387
393 395 395
XI. Virgins or Parthenoi in the Lycaonian Church
XII. Heretic Sects
-370
.... .... New Testament
397
400 403 403
366 and 406
God
407 .
.
.411
ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES I.
On
the Byzantine Military to Dorylaion
II.
On
Road
.
.
:
TO FACE PAGE the Pass leading .
.
.
.
io6
.
...... .......
the Central Trade Route: the Source of the
io6
Maeander III.
On
the Central Trade Route polis
:
the Falls at Hiera
IV.
The
City,
Rock and
Castle of Kara-Hissar
V.
The
City,
Rock and
Castle of Sivri-Hissar
VI.
Roman
Milestone on the Syrian Route
VII. Archaic Sepulchral ber weather
VIII.
The Tomb
of
Monument
.
.
.
in
II^
,
ii6 ii6
.
Phrygia .
IO&
.
:
Novem.
.
King Midas: a Phrygian Holy Place
IX. The Grave of an Ancient Phrygian Chief
128'
.
132
.
136
Antioch and the Sultan- Dagh
140
XI. Phrygian Rock- tomb of the
The
Site of Pisidian
124
.
.
>
X. The Broken Grave of an Ancient Phrygian Chief
XII.
I2&
Roman Time
.
Illustrations
xii
XIII.
The
TO FACE PAGE Monasteries and Churches at Deghile, on the
Mountain above Barata
.
.
XIV. Church and Memorial Chapel on the Summit Kara-Dagh from the west :
XV. Church on
the
Summit
the south-east
XVI. The Throne
of the
.
Kara-Dagh
.
of the
.
.
.
.
.140
.
.
.158
.
from
:
.158
.
of the Anatolian God, near Barata
XVII. Ruins of Double-arched West Door of Church at Bin-Bir-Kilisse (Barata)
XVIII. Monastery
at
on
Deghile
.
.
.
160
at
.160
.
Mountain above as ornament
the
Barata, showing brickwork used in a stone building
XIX. Church
.
at Barata
Apse
.
Nave
.
.
.
.
at Ibriz
.
.
.
.
.
.
.....
XXII. Early Turkish Art in Konia XXIII. Early Turkish Art
:
:
Door of
the Sirtchali
.164
.174
Mosque Frontispiece
Zazadin-Khan near Konia
.
........
of the Virgin-Goddess
Limnai
:
.164
.
South Arcades of the Nave and
:
.
XXI. The God and the King
XXIV. The Gate
.124
.
Deghile on the Mountain above Barata
at
North Arcades of the
XX. Church
.
.
:
192
looking over the
192
Illustrations
xiii
FIGURES IN THE TEXT PAGE 1.
Plan of the Entrance to the Hittite Palace at Euyuk
2.
Relief at Euyuk.
.
207
Procession of Worshippers, headed
by the Chief Priest and Priestess, approaching the Goddess
3.
208
The Warrior Goddess and
210
4.
The Chief
5.
Apollo the Pastoral
Priest of the
The
Goddess of Ephesus
God
Votive Relief
6.
of the Hittites with her Favourite
Priest
.
.213
.
of Lystra on a Third-century .
.
Christian Star as a Decorative
.
,
.216
.
Dove and Leaf on
.......
the Grave of a Third-century Christian Virgin at
Nova 7.
Isaura
The Symbol
of the Cross as a Decorative Element on a
Lycaonian Grave 8.
.
.
.
Nova
The Monogram
Isaura
.
.
.
330
Element on .
.368
.
Decoration (the entrance of the church)
on the Grave of a Third-century Bishop Isaura
-330
.
.
on the Grave of a
of Christ as a Decorative
a Lycaonian Grave 10. Architectural
.
.....
Christian Architectural Decoration
Physician at
9.
328
.
.
11. Christian Architectural
.
.
.
Nova
at
.
.
•
371
Decoration and Church Screen
on the Grave of a Bishop
at
Nova
Isaura, a.d.
300
379
xiv
Illustrations
PAGE 12. Christian Architectural
Decoration on the Grave of a
Fourth -century Deacon 13. Christian Architectural
Anthropomorphic
Isaura
.
.
.
383
Decoration on the Grave of a
Fourth-century Bishop at
14.
Nova
at
Nova
Lycaonian
showing Cross and Rosette
Isaura
Christian (
ponding Decorative Elements
.
.
384
Grave-stone,
Monogram) .
.
.
as corres.
.410
ERRATA AND ADDENDA. 6,/oy " the Frontispiece" read " Plate III ". P. 203, note, for " Hermann " read " Humann ". P. 273, note I, read " Quarterly Statement for 1S95 ". P. 109,
1.
'2, for 200 read 250-5. b,for " sj'mbol of the Cross " read " Christian Star ". This reading and interpretation will be defended in 17, 341, 1. I.
P. 281, note
P. 328,
fig.
Pp. 340,
1.
Expositor, December, igo8.
LUKE THE PHYSICIAN.
I.
LUKE THE PHYSICIAN. It has for some time been evident to
New Testament
all
who were not hidebound in old prejudice that there must be a new departure in Lukan criticism. The method
scholars
of dissection had
When
failed.
ture has to be examined,
and cut
corpse,
work
is alive,
for a time
it
it is
in pieces
a real piece of living
false
method
to treat
only a mess can
:
to
as a
The
result.
and must be handled accordingly.
examined the work attributed
litera-
it
Criticism
Luke
like
a
Nothing corpse, and the laborious autopsy was fruitless. in the whole history of literary criticism has been so waste
and dreary as great part of the modern critical study of As Professor Harnack says on p. 87 of his new Luke. book,^
"
All faults that have been
criticism are gathered as
it
made
New
in
were to a focus
Testament
in the criticism
of the Acts of the Apostles ".
The
question " Shall
itself at
we hear evidence
or not
?
"
presents
the threshold of every investigation into the
Testament.^
Modern
criticism for a time entered
with a decided negative.
^Lukas der Artst der Verfasser des geschichte, Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1906.
the personal name,
we
^The bearing of
mind was made
Its
dritten Evaitgeliums
on up,
its
New task
and
it
und dsr AposteU
In order to avoid frequent reiteration of
shall speak, as a general rule, of " the
this question is discussed in the
writer's Pauline Studies, igo6.
(3)
Author " simply.
opening paper of the
;
4
Luke
I.
would not
listen to
But the
decided.
evidence on a matter that was already results of recent exploration
So long
attitude untenable.
made
this
as the vivid accuracy of Acts
xxviL, which no critic except the most incompetent failed to perceive
and admit, was supposed to be confined to that
one chapter, isolated
when
it
was possible
it
to explain this passage as an
and solitary fragment
was demonstrated
patchwork book.
in the
same
that the
became
characterised the whole of the travels, the theory impossible.
Evidence must be admitted.
are sensitive to learn,
impressions,
have become aware of
the book which is
new
we have now
chiefly appeals to
him
is
The
before us.
The
willing to hear evidence.
All minds that
minds that are able to
all
this.
But
accuracy
lifelike
result
is
visible in
Professor
class
Harnack
of evidence that
not geographical, not external, not
even historical in the widest sense, but literary and linguistic
and
this
he finds clear enough to make him
views, and
come
former
to the decided conclusion that the Third
Gospel and the Acts are a historical work
in travel
in
two books,^
by Luke, a physician,
written, as the tradition says,
companion
alter his
and associate
in evangelistic
work.
Paul's
This
conclusion he regards as a demonstrated fact {sicker nach-
gewiesene Tatsache,
p. 87).
It
does not, however, lead him
to consider that Luke's history
is
true.
ingeniously against attaching any high
worthiness to the work,
much more
'
He
I
it
trust-
entails the admission that
trustworthy than the champions of
date would or could allow.
which
argues very
and hardly even concedes that the
early date which he assigns to is
He
degree of
That
is
it
its later
the only impression
can gather (see below, p. 32) from the Author's
hints at the poseibility that a third book
Luke, but never written.
See below,
p. 27.
may have been
intended by
;
the Physician language in his
this
own book
On
book.
5
the other hand, in a notice of
more favourably
{Selbstanzeige)} he speaks far
about the trustworthiness and credibility of Luke, as being generally in a position to acquire and transmit reliable infor-
mation, and as having proved himself able to take advantage
of his position. of
harmony
cannot but
I
gradually working his later opinion
Some
is
feel
due to the
here,
way
to a
that there
is
a certain want
that the
fact
new plane
Author was
of thought.
His
more favourable.
years ago
I
ments on the Acts.^
reviewed Professor McGiffert's argu-
The American
professor also had felt
compelled by the geographical and historical evidence to
abandon
He
in part the older criticism.
also admitted that
more trustworthy than previous critics allowed he also was of opinion that it was not thoroughly trustworthy, but was a mixture of truth and error he also saw that it is
the Acts
is
;
a living piece ot literature written by one author.
Acts was not thoroughly trustworthy, he
the fact that inferred that
it
could not be the work of a companion and
friend of the Apostle Paul
;
and he has no pity
erroneous idea that the Acts could
fail
had been written by the friend of Paul. words
:
"
can be destroyed is
But what
for
the
to be trustworthy if I
it
concluded with the
Dr. McGiffert has destroyed that error,
inadmissible
But from
if
an error
to
Professor McGiffert
the view that Professor
Harnack champions.
".
is
The careful and methodical studies of the language of Luke by Mr. Hobart" and Mr. Hawkins* have been thoroughly used by the Author. He mentions that Mr. Haw^In the Theologische Literaturzeitung (edited by himself and Professor Schurer), 7th July, 1906, p. 404.
^The review is republished in Pauline Studies, '^Medical Language of St. Lukt, Dublin, 1882. *Hora€ Synopticae,
1899.
1906, p. 321,
6
Luke
I.
unknown
kins seems to be almost
expresses the opinion
have produced more
Germany
in
10) that Mr. Hobart's
(p.
effect,
and
(p. 19),
book would
he had confined himself to
if
the essential and had not overloaded his book with collections if
and comparisons that often prove nothing.
that
is
clusive demonstration has
The
many.
doubt
I
the reason that Mr. Hobart's admirable and con-
real reason
is
produced so that the
little
German
Ger-
effect in
scholars, with a
That many of his examinations of words prove nothing, Mr. Hobart was quite few exceptions, have not read aware
;
rightly,
it.
but he intentionally, and, as
gave a
full
I
venture to think,
statement of his comparison of Luke's
language with that of the medical Greek writers. completeness with which he has performed
produces such effect on those
who
pursued to the end almost every
task
his
read his book.
line
the
It is
that
He
has
of investigation, and
shown what words do not afford any evidence as well as what words may be relied upon for evidence. The Author says that those
Hobart's book
who merely glance through are almost driven
opinion (as they find so nothing).
way
many
This description of the
the pages of Mr.
over to
the
investigations
opposite
that
prove
common German " critical "
of glancing at or entirely neglecting works which are the
most progressive and conclusive investigations of modem times suggests much. These so-called " critics " do not read a book whose results they disapprove. studying facts
is
not to their taste,
leads to a conclusion which
The method
when they
see that
of it
they have definitely rejected
beforehand.
The importance
of this book
lies in its
convincing demon-
stration of the perfect unity of authorship throughout the
whole of the Third Gospel and the Acts.
These are a history
.
the Physician
in
two books.
ii.
52 on the one
All difference between parts like
on the other hand
mere
in
trifle
7
and the
hand,
—to take the
"
Luke
We "-sections
5-
i.
of Acts
most divergent parts
—
is
comparison with the complete identity
a in
and method of same throughout. He was, of
language, vocabulary, intentions, interests
The
narration.
writer
is
the
dependent on information gained from others
course,
Author
is
disposed
to
:
the
allow considerable scope to oral
information in addition to the various certain or probable written sources cotisiderable details,
but Luke treated his written authorities with
;
freedom as regards style and even choice of
and impressed
own
his
personality distinctly even on
those parts in which he most closely follows a written source.
This alone carries Lukan criticism a long step forwards,
and
sets
it
on a new and higher plane.
Never has the unity
and character of the book been demonstrated so convincingly and
conclusively.
The
by the method which literary criticism, viz.,
step is
is
made and
the plane
reached
is
practised in other departments of
by dispassionate
investigation of the
work, and by discarding fashionable a priori theories. Especially weighty, in the Author's judgment,
is
the evi-
dence afforded by the medical interest and knowledge, which mark almost every part of the work alike. The writer of this history
The
out.
dence
—
I
was a physician, and that fact investigations of Mr.
is
apparent through-
Hobart supply
all
think the word "all," without "almost,"
used in this case
— on which the Author
relies.
the evi-
may
be
Never was a
case in which one book so completely exhausts the subject
and presents
itself as final,
to be used
mented even by Professor Harnack. a
slip,
but certainly a regrettable
notice of his
own book published
slip,
in
and not It is
to be supple-
doubtless only by
that the Author, in his
the Theologische Litera-
8
I.
Ltike
makes no reference to Mr. Hobart, though he mentions other scholars from whose work he has profited. The Author has up to a certain point employed the plain,
turzeitung,
simple method of straightforward unprejudiced investigation into the historical
work which forms the
subject of his study,
much by
a method which has not been favoured called critical scholars of recent time. this simple
So
far as
the so-
he follows
method, which we who study principally other
departments of literature are in the habit of employing, his
most
study
is
follow
it all
instructive
through
;
and complete.
But he does not
multa tainen suberunt priscae vestigia
If we read his book,
fraudis.
of the fashionable possessions as to
we shall find several examples method of a priori rules and prewhat must be or must not be permitted. critical
These examples are almost
of the one kind.
all
Wherever
anything occurs that savours of the marvellous in the estimation of the polished
and courteous
scholar, sitting in his well-
ordered library and contemplating the world through
windows, attention
the
first
century.
it
must be forthwith
and
as
mere
as
its
unworthy of
That method of studying
delusion.
century was the method of the later nineteenth I
venture to think that
of the twentieth century.
know
aside
set
If you
it
will
not be the method
have ever
lived in
Asia you
that a great religion does not establish itself without
some unusual accompaniments. The marvellous result is not achieved without some marvellous preliminaries. Professor Harnack stands on the border between the nineHis book shows that he teenth and the twentieth century. sensitive of and obedient to the new certain degree is to a spirit
;
critical
but he
is
only partially
method was
false,
and
so.
is
The
nineteenth century
already antiquated.
old crusty, musty, dusty specimen of
it is
A
fine
appended to the
;
the Physician
9
Author's Selbstanzeige by Professor Schurer,
who
more
fills
than three columns of the Theologisclu Literature eitung^ 7th July, 1906, with a protest against the results of
and a declaration of his firm resolution
new methods and
to see nothing,
allow no other to see anything, that he has not been ac-
customed to see
The
first
"
:
These be thy gods,
O
Israel
".
century could find nothing real and true that was
not accompanied by the marvellous and the "supernatural".
The
nineteenth century could find nothing real and true that
Which view was right, and which wrong ? Of these two questions, the second
was.
complete?
way
of contemplating
— both views were wrong—
Both views were right
fitable at the present. ;
Neither was complete.
way.
At
present, as
gling to throw off the fetters which
nineteenth century,
from
its
prejudices
it
Was alone
is
in in
we
either
pro-
is
a certain a certain are strug-
impeded thought
in
the
most important to free ourselves
and narrowness.
The age and
the people,
of whatever nationality they be, whose most perfect expression
and greatest hero was Bismarck, are a dangerous guide the twentieth century.
power
In no age has brute force and mere
to kill been so exclusively regarded as the
aim of a
nation,
and the one
Parliament of Man, as nineteenth century
;
in
and
justification to
Europe during the in
latter part
it
of the
no age and country has the out-
students of history and ancient
owe
one great
a place in the
look upon the world been so narrow and so rigid
religion
for
letters.
among
the
Those who study
to the progress of science that they can begin
now to understand how hard and lifeless their old outlook was. But we who were brought up in the nineteenth century can licirdly
shake off our prejudices or go out into the
can only get a distant view of the is
one of the
first
to force his
new
way out
hope.
light.
We
The Author
into the light of
day
;
lo
Luke
I.
but his eyes are
He
dazzled,
still
and
his vision not quite perfect.
Luke always found the marvellous quite as own immediate surroundings, where he was a
sees that
much
in his
witness and an actor, as in the earliest period of his history
but he only infers, to put
Luke was
it
in coarse language, "
What was
How
the truth?
cannot say.
men
Consult the
was trained
in
of one thing
I
was Luke right?
I I
far
the nineteenth, and cannot see clearly.
am
certain
unheeding way, he
is
:
Practically
all
wrong.
In
rules
out in this
it
so far as
he
willing
right.
by the Author has long been England and Scotland. What is new and is
the ratiocination, the
familiar to
interesting
theorising,
to understand
understand Luke
Harnack quite
Professor
and the study
:
Personally,
I feel
On
of Luke's nationality.
is
well
as
and the
We study
personal point of view in the book under review.
work.
is
the argument, in the sense of facts affording
evidence, stated
and valuable
But Harnack
in so far as Professor
comes near being
to hear evidence, he
it
blind
of the twentieth century.
condemns Luke's point of view and
us in
how
".
much
as to
worth the time and
specially interested in the question this the
Author has some admirable
and suggestive pages. That Luke was a Hellene is quite clear to the Author. He repeats this often and if once or twice his expression isi ;
a
little
uncertain, as
open, that
is
if
he were leaving another
only from the
scientific desire to
within the limits of what the evidence permits. real doubt.
different in
The
possibility^
keep welf
He
has na>
reasons on which he lays stress are utterly
from those which have been mentioned by
mysel!^/
support of the same conclusion, but certainly quite
strong
if
not stronger
;
it is
as:
a mere difference of idiosyncrasy'
1
the Physician
which makes him lay
stress
1
on those that spring from the
thought and the inner temperament of Luke, while
I
have
spoken most of those which indicate Luke's outlook on the world and his attitude towards external nature.
But just was quite conscious of the other class and merely emphasised those which seemed to have been omitted from
as
I
previous discussions of the subject,^ so the Author's silence
about the class which as proof that he
is
I
have mentioned need not be taken
reasons appeal most to the mind of one in the
But those
insensible to such reasons.
country and has
felt
sphere they are taken. fanciful to the scholar
who
has lived long
the sense impressions from whose
Perhaps they are apt to seem
who
has spent his
in the library
life
and the study.
The sentimental tone and which
characteristic of
is
the frequent allusion to weeping,
Luke,
is
characteristic also of the
Hellene: dort und kier sind die Tranen helleniscJie (p, 25). Mark and Matthew have hardly any weeping there is more but Luke far surpasses John. Such ideas and in John :
;
words as "injury" (an inadequate translation of the Greek Acts xxvii,
{5/3/349,
acteristically
xxviii. 4)
is
Greek.
10, "
21),
"the barbarians,"^ are char-
Justice did not suffer
him to live " (Acts
exactly the word of a Hellenic poet
are put in the
mouth
:
the words
of the Maltese barbarians, but they are
only the expression in Greek by Luke of their remarks in barbaric speech and their attitude to Paul
Hellenised thought of a Hellene. Justice
and Zeus are almost equivalent
In an extremely interesting passage, '«}icetches
;
and they are the
To Pindar
or Aeschylus
ideas. p.
100
the character of Luke's religion.
Paul the Traveller, pp. 21, 205 ff. Both are confined to Paul and Luke in the
f.,
He
the Author
recognises
'^St. 2
New
Testament.
12
I.
Luke
with correct insight the fundamental Hellenism of Luke's Christianity.
view,
To
put the matter from a different point of
Luke had been a
comprehend
either
we and we
Hellenic pagan, and could not fully
Judaism or
As
Christianity.
in Ignatius,
so in Luke,
see the clear traces of his original pagan
thought,^
detect the early stage of the process which
was destined to work Church.
and
itself
The world was
out in the paganisation of the
not able to comprehend Paulinism,
the result of this inability to understand the spiritual
power was the degrading of spiritual ideas into pagan personal deities conceived as saints.
Luke need
It
was not possible
to spring at once to the level of Paulinism at the best
more than a
single
there had been unbroken progress.
life,
for
even
that would
;
even supposing that
As
it
happened, there
supervened a degeneration in the level of thought and comprehension, after the
first
impulse communicated by Jesus
had apparently exhausted itself, until the Christian idea had time slowly to mould the world's mind and impart to it the power of comprehending Paulinism
better.
After the
generation of Pauline contemporaries and pupils had
first
died,'
we see little proof that Paulinism was a living power until we come down to Augustine, and then it appeared only for,' a moment. I
1
confess, however, that the Author, while
he catches this
undeniable characteristic of Luke's religious comprehension^
seems to miss the elements in his thought that were capable These were only germs, and the of higher development. ij
do not mean to imply that the Author expresses exactly this opinion ir/ form about Luke; he pictures Luke's idea as a definite hard fact; to nt\ always comes natural to regard a man's ideas as a process oC growth, an<
this it
The Author isolates the to look before and after the moment. Ignatius see Letters to the Seven Churches, p. 159 ft".
i
pment.
Oi
the Physician
ij,
weakness of the Author's view seems to be that he recognises only the fully articulated opinion
and
sometimes blind
is
Hence
to ideas which were merely inchoate.
I
cannot but
regard the estimate (on p. loi) of Luke's Paulinism,
and too
his failure to grasp Paulinism, as too hard I
may
case.
give an example to illustrate what
Like the Author,
thin.
Luke
i., ii.,
is
but unlike him,
;
Mary
think that this report comes from
of
think was the
think that the story in
I
dependent on an oral not a written report I
I
i.e.,
Like
herself.^
came through one of the women named by Luke elsewhere. Here we have a narrative which comes from a Hebrew source, from a woman thinking in Hebraic fashion, one whose language was Professor Sanday,
I
should conjecture that
saturated with Hebraic imagery.
it
This narrative Luke has
transmitted to us in a form which clearly shows origin,
and equally
clearly
shows that
it
its
Hebrew
had been re-expressed
Lukan language (as the Author has proved) and transformed by Luke. But also, I venture to believe, it has been
in
The
re-thought out of the Hebraic into the Greek fashion.
messenger of God, who revealed to Mary the Divine purpose, becomes to like Iris or
God.
Hermes, communicates the
Exactly what
narrative
will
Luke the winged personal being is
and the Greek
will
and
who,,
and purpose of
the difference between the original translation,
to speculate; but that there
I
am
not able to say or
was a more anthropomorphic
mind than there was in believe that Luke was trans-
picture of the messenger in Luke's
Mary's
I feel
no doubt.
lating as exactly as
he had heard.
He
Yet
I
he could into Greek the account whicht expresses and thinks as a Greek that
which was thought and expressed by a Hebrew. ^Christ Born in Bethlehem, p. 74
ff.
"
14
I.
Luke
But, with this qualification, the passage on to
me to
be most illuminative and remunerative.
the Hellenism of
Luke
merely of degree.
We
thing, but expressing
it
Author
sees clearly
first
102
— only
one
same
In the
:
"
He
first
finally the
has come
In the second place, the Author's v\q>n that
is
is
Christians, with Paul
was so incapable of comprehending the for that
regards
too imper-
I
and perfectly and
into personal relations with the
—
As
through the colouring and transform-
century character of Luke's thought
(p. 103).
appears
are really trying to say the
medium of our different personalities, and The really important matter is this. fectly.
place, the
f.
the difference between us
ing
first
lOO
p.
Luke
spirit of Christianity
inevitably implied in his exposition, pp. 100-
brings out into clearer light Luke's inability to
evolve from his inner consciousness the picture of Jesus
which looks out
such exquisite outline from his historical
in
The picture was given to, and not made by, Luke and how it was given him. He had intimate relations with some of those who had known work.
;
the Author himself shows plainly
and from
Jesus,
that,
more than from the
early written ac-
counts to which he also had access, he derived his conception.
Where he altered this conception, it could only be to introduce his own poorer, less lofty ideas, and to betray his want of real comprehension.
Gospel
I
do not
at all
deny that there are
in his
(as there are in the other Gospels) traces of the
age
and the thoughts amid which they were respectively composed
;
but these are recognised because they are inharmon-
ious with the picture as a whole.
They
are stains, and not
parts of the original picture.
Accordingly, in spite of certain differences, so close does this
part of the
task bring us, starting from our widely
opposed points of contemplation, that the conclusion of
the Physician
this brilliant
passage
position in the Jewish ceives "
it,
which
am
I
is
15
an expression of Paul's general
and Hellenic world, as Harnack con-
my own As the former is only Jew who has come into the closest
able to adopt and to use as
:
Paul and Luke are counterparts.^
intelligible as a Jew, but a
contact with Hellenism, so the latter Hellene, but a Hellene
who
is
only
intelligible as
a
has personally had touch with
the original Jewish Christianity."
Usually, in his characteri-
sation of Paul, the
Author sees the Jew so
sees nothing else
and, as a rule, Ijfind myself in strenuous
;
clearly, that
opposition to his conception of the great Apostle.
Here
he
h''
recognises the very close contact of Paul with Hellenism.
We
must, then, ask whether that contact had been so utterly
devoid of as the
seems fully
effect
on Paul's
sensitive
and sympathetic mind,
Author often represents it to have been ? To me it that, while Luke was the Hellene, who could never
understand or sympathise with the Jew ^ (though his
whole
and thought had been changed by contact with by Jews), Paul was the Jew who had
life
the religion taught
sympathised with much that lay in Hellenism and had been powerfully modified and developed thereby, remaining, however,
a Jew, but a developed Jew,
closest contact with
Hellenism
In the familiar argument
"
who had come
into the
".
about the
"
We "-passages
of
Acts, the Author puts one point in a striking and impressive
way. as
is
In these universally
between
"We"
possible, in sises
"
We "-passages,
recognised,
and
Luke
as
he points
distinguishes
Wherever
Paul.
it
view of historic and literary
Paul and keeps the "
We "
modestly
St.
Paul the Traveller,
p. 207.
he empha-
background.
^Gegenbilder, companion and contrasted pictures. '
and
carefully
reasonably
is
truth,
in the
out
i6
I.
Now, take
"And
it
Luke Acts
into account the narrative in
xxviii. 8-10:
was so that the father of PubHus lay sick of fever
and dysentery and laying
his
was done, the
whom
unto
:
Paul entered in and prayed,
And when
hands on him healed him.
which had diseases
rest also
this
in the island
came and were cured [more correctly, received medical treatment']: who also honoured us with many honours." '
passage attention
In this
concentrated on Paul, so
is
long as historic truth allowed
but Paul's healing power
;
by prayer and faith could not be always exercised. Such power is efficacious only occasionally in suitable circumAs soon as it begins stances and on suitable persons. to be exercised on all and sundry, it begins to fail, and of
a career
deepening into
pretence
imposture begins.
Accordingly, when the invalids came in numbers, medical advice was employed to supplement the faith-cure, and the
Hence the people
Luke became prominent.
physician
honoured not
" Paul,"
but
"
us
",
Here the Author recognises a probable objection, but considers it has not any serious weight, viz., that Luke, like Paul,
may have
ment.
cured by prayer and not by medical treat-
Against this he points to the precise definition of
which
Publius's illness,
works, but never in that faith-healers
is
paralleled often in
Greek
literature
do not trouble themselves,
the precise nature of the disease which
them.
He
conclusive
acknowledges that answer.
answer, which
is
this
is
who came
Luke
is
not a complete and real
Paul healed
not said to have healed the
afterwards.
treatment (^edepairevovro).
submitted to
strangely missed the
has
is
and argues
;
as a rule, about
complete and conclusive.
Publius (wzo-aro), but invalids
He
Greek medical
proper
The
They latter
received
verb
is
medical
translated
the Physician " cured " in the English
Now
agrees.
term, means
mand
;
and Professor Harnack medical
in the strict sense edepairevovro, as a "
medical treatment
received
in
and
;
the
in
situation
de-
(though Luke uses the word else-
this translation
where sometimes
"
and the whole
the context
case
present
Version
17
the sense
of "cure"):
the contrast
to Idaaro, the careful use of medical terms in the passage,
and above
all
the implied contrast of Paul's healing power
and Luke's modest description of his medical attention to his
numerous patients from
the latter sense.
The Author
all
parts of the island,
Knowling
Professor
states a careful
is
argument
Luke
the silence of Acts about
having written the book tion possible.
;
thrice
is
the Acts,
in
by
to be explained
is
is
his
no other explana-
Aristarchus, an unimportant person,
was
Luke
in the Epistles
mentioned
and that there
tioned in Acts solely because he
Luke
demand
that, since
and Aristarchus are twice mentioned together of Paul, and Aristarchus
all
here right.
in relation
is
men-
with Luke.
did not name himself, though he frequently indicates his
presence
by using the
first
Luke and
person.
were Paul's two sole Christian companions on
Rome.
These
facts,
Aristarchus
the triple reference in Acts to a person
so unimportant in history as Aristarchus, and
about Luke except
voyage to
his
in the editorial
*'
the silence
we," point to
Luke
as
the author.
This argument occurs or appeals to every one who approaches the book with a desire to understand
weight
;
but the weight
is
lessened
it
carries
by the enigmatic
silence
it
;
of Acts about Titus, a person of such importance and so closely alike in influence to
enigma
will
throw a flood of
Christianity in the
Aegean
He who
Luke. light
lands.
solves
that
on the early history of
A
conjecture that Titus
—
8
Luke
I.
1
was a
way
Luke
relative of
Paid
St.
(brother or cousin)^
the Traveller, p.
390
;
and as yet
advanced
is
in
see no other
I
out of the difficulty, since the only other supposition
that suggests itself
name
that Titus
viz.^
Lucanus was the
full
of the author, and that he was sometimes spoken of
as Titus simply, sometimes as Lukas (an abbreviated form)
— introduces apparently The attempt on
far greater difficulties
than
it
solves.
pp. 15-17 to demonstrate that the writer
of Acts was closely connected with Syrian Antioch, seems to
me
a distinct
That Luke had some family con^ is in perfect harmony with the
failure.
nection with Syrian Antioch
evidence of his writings, and must be accepted on the evidence of Eusebius and others
;
influenced his selection
A
but convincing.
some
cases.
false inference
For example,
that Syrian Antioch .letters (Gal.
liar
but the Author's argument that this
and statement of
ii.
11),
is
pointed out on
it is
only once alluded to
whereas
and emphatic way
details
in
it is
Acts
;
is
anything
seems to be drawn note
p. 16,
in the
in i,
Pauline
often mentioned in a pecu-
and the inference
is
drawn
that the emphasis laid on Antioch in Acts cannot be explained purely from the facts and must be due to some special interest
which Luke
felt in
it.
This reasoning implies
that the importance of different places in the early history
of Christianity can be estimated according to the frequency
with which they are mentioned in Paul's
letters.
Without
that premise the Author's reasoning in the note just quoted
has no validity stated,
and
;
but the premise needs only to be formally
its falsity is at
once evident.
In the Expository Times, 1907, p. 285, Professor A. Souter argues that in " " 2 Cor. viii. 18 Luke is called the brother of Titus. This always seemed to signify "cousin," and it might might a.h€\
indicate close firiendship
*0n
and intimacy
(St.
Paul the Traveller, p. 390). Note at the end of this article.
the character of this connection, see
the Physician In the view which
why
Syrian Antioch
Luke loved critical
its
I
is
have
19
tried to support, the reason
often mentioned in Acts
to speak of his
own
and immense importance
steps in the adaptation of the
Church
not that
the development of
in
In Antioch were taken the
the early Church.
is
but simply and solely
city,
to the
important
first
pagan world
;
for
the episode of Cornelius does not imply such a serious step,
and would have been quite compatible with the maintenance of a really Judaic Church.
The
reason
why Antioch
is
rarely
mentioned by Paul
is
that his letters are not intended to give a history of the de-
velopment of the Church, but to warn or to encourage his
Only
correspondents. into history, part.
It is
in Galatians
i.,
ii.,
does Paul diverge
and there Antioch plays an extremely important
the scene of action from Galatians
21 (where
i.
down to ii. i, and again ii. 11-14; two references how much historical weight is
Syria means Antioch)
and
in these
implied
!
The Author's
whom
priote,
further suggestion
Mnason
that
the
Cy-
Paul and his companions found living at a
town between Caesareia and Jerusalem,^
may
have been
the missionary from Cyprus that helped to found the Church in
Antioch
and
is
(p.
16, n. 2),
an example of the sort of vague
which annoys and scholar, but "
has absolutely nothing
Higher
which
Critics "
irritates is
in its favour,
might have been
"
the plain matter-of-fact English
extremely popular among the so-called
abroad and at home.
of utterly unproved
"
and improbable
Those suggestions possibilities
lead to
nothing, and should never be made, as here, buttresses for an ^At Jerusalem, as the Author thinks, assigning no value to Western My own view is that even the Accepted Text bears the same sense
readings.
as the Western (Expositor, March, 1895,
p.
213
f.).
20
I.
Luke
argument, founded on the Author's observation that the Antiochian leaders mentioned
in xiii.
i,
But we must remember that the
occurs.^
among
no Cypriote
first
of the
list,
the outstanding leader of the Antiochian Church, Barnabas,
was a Cypriote aries
who
and, though he
;
helped in the original foundation, he came to
Antioch immediately
after the foundation
reason to assume that the
must include
five leaders
;
and there
mentioned
is
no
in xiii.
i
the original founders.
all
The imagined in
was not one of the mission-
contrast between the importance attached
Acts to Syrian Antioch and Paul's comparative silence
about
is
it,
strengthened by the quotation of Acts xiv. 19
as a reference
—a confusion of Syrian with Pisidian Antioch,
evidently a mere
slip,
but a
slip
into
which the Author
has been betrayed by eagerness to find arguments
in
favour
of a theory.
Not much
better seems to
me
the inference drawn from
first speech, of Jesus (Luke iv. 21-27), which begins with " this parable, Physician, heal thyself," and ends with
the
Naaman, the Syrian. In this the Author conclusive proof that Luke was a physician, and that
a reference to finds
he was keenly interested
in
has Damascus with Antioch
Antioch. ?
True,
What connection we now speak of
them both as in Syria. But Syria was not a country. There was no political connection between Damascus and Antioch when that speech was delivered, and as little when Luke composed his history. The two cities were in different countries,
under different
and having so
was the
far as
capital of a 1
rule, far distant
we know nothing
Roman
from one another, in
common.
One
Province, the other was subject
Ein Cyprier wird nicht genannt.
the Physician to the barbarian
King of Arabia.
21
map
only on the
It is
that they look close to one another.
The
cases in which
I
myself obliged to disagree with
find
the Author are generally of one class, and are due to the
he frequently regards as indicative of Luke's
fact that
dividual character details which are forced
by
subject.
his
We
in-
on the historian
have found some examples
in the
Author's attempted proof that Antioch had a special interest for
Luke
as his birthplace.
to
show
that
is
specially
On
Ephesus had a
p.
106 he attempts similarly
and
special interest for him,
marked out among the Churches by him
;
this
supposed interest he explains by the further supposition that
Luke
settled
and wrote either
which Ephesus had a this
country
at
Ephesus or
may have been
have a central significance
Achaia. for
Why
Church
Gentile
Ephesus should
one who resided
not easy to see, except in the sense that significance for the
in a district for
and he adds that
central significance,
in
it
in
Achaia
is
had a central
general
:
in
other
words, that Ephesus was a leading and specially important
Church.
But,
if it
was
so,
does not
its
importance sufficiently
explain the attention and space which the historian
devotes to
it,
and personal love for speaking about the this
Luke
without supposing that he had some private
assumed residence of Luke
in
Achaia
city is
?
Moreover,
not in harmony
with the Author's footnote on the same page, in which he says that, while Acts clearly shows the foundation of the
Church
at Corinth to
have been the principal achievement
of Paul's second journey, yet to the Corinthian Church.^ 1 For Church
my own (Sf.
Luke himself had no
How it could have
relation
been possible
part I think that Luke had relations with the Corinthian Paul the Traveller, pp. 284, 390). But this is, as yet, merely
matter of opinion.
22 for
Luke
and yet not come into any
to settle in Achaia,
lation to Corinth,
Roman
cannot
I
in the
circumstances of
period understand, nor does the Author try to
The
explaia
re-
but regard Ephesus as the point of central
significance for his district,
the
Luke
I.
Achaia communicated with Ephesus
rest of
only through Corinth
and
;
it
is
simply incredible
that
Achaia should disregard Corinth and look
residents in
to
Ephesus.
The Author
Ephesus mainly
in
interest
seeks to prove that
(2)
;
way
the
ff.)
;
and he mentions
the
(i) the
which Paul addresses the elders
heartfelt tone of affection in
occasion
a special
felt
from the character of
Ephesian address (Acts xx. i8 of Ephesus
Luke
which Paul's address on that
in
turned into a general farewell to the congrega-
is
tions of the
Aegean
district;
(3) that
he knows and takes
notice of the later history of the Ephesian Church. (i)
The
facts
seem to
me
only to illuminate Paul's feeling
towards Ephesus and to mark out Luke's report as being a trustworthy account of an address which was really de-
Luke sinks and Paul alone emerges The words spoken by Paul prove nothing livered
;
feelings unless the speech
is
in
the report.
as
to Luke's
either a fabrication of Luke's,
or an unnecessary part of a history
of the
time,
unim-
portant in itself and not characteristic enough to deserve insertion.
Now,
if
true, the
the character of Paul occasion
:
it is
:
it
is
speech throws
much
on
the one episode in Acts which brings out into
clear, strong relief the intense interest which Paul
Churches.
light
uttered on a great and unique
In short,
it
is
eminently required
in
felt in his
order to
Aegean world, and it was spoken at the moment when Paul was taking farewell of that world in order to enter on the new world of complete the picture of Paul's work
in the
the Physician
25
West (after consecrating the results of his work in the Aegean world by an offering at Jerusalem intended to
the
cement the unity of speech is
all
the Churches of the East).
The
introduced with eminent dramatic propriety.
is
scope and weighty
historic in its
It
He who
in its matter.
argues that the words reveal Luke's feelings, not Paul's, therefore driven
back on the other alternative, that the
speech was a fabrication of Luke's
on the Author's
How
can
we
view,
Luke was
;
but
we remember
that,
present and heard the speech.
reconcile the contradiction
and admirer
panion
is
of Paul,
delivered on such a remarkable occasion
Luke, a com-
?
listened
the
to
address
but, in place of
;
reporting the speech which he heard, he presents his readers
with a fabricated one.
This contradiction can be reconciled only by declaring
Luke
to have been a singularly
the Author's view
:
and was untrustworthy as a natural
Is it reconcilable
?
bad historian
Luke was
historian.
account of another great occasion
by Paul
farewell to
and such
is
is
this
skill
view
and the
man who tells make such a false
Could the
?
the story of the voyage and shipwreck
The
But
with the literary
sympathetic insight of the work
(2)
;
incapable of being accurate,
?
Ephesus was
at
some points expressed
as a general farewell, because his audience included
representatives of
all
the Churches, in Achaia, Macedonia,
Asia and Galatia; and though these representatives were
accompanying him
when he was explaincome no more into those regions (having, as we know, Rome and the West now in view), he naturally began to speak more generally "Ye all, among whom I went about preaching, shall see my face no more ". to Jerusalem, yet,
ing that he intended to
:
This
is
said to
all
the congregations, Corinth, etc., which.
24
I.
Luke
though absent, were represented by delegates, who would report his farewell. (3) Considering
experience elsewhere,
past
Paul's
it
is
not strange that he should be able to foresee what dangers
from without and from within awaited Ephesus.
Further,
the Author has just pointed out that the address
had
already become general; why, then, does he assume that this sentence
29-30 applies only to Ephesus, and shows
such a knowledge of later Ephesian history as proves the
subsequent acquaintance with, perhaps actual residence
in,
Ephesus of the historian who composed the address and put it
into the
mouth
of Paul
It
?
might equally plausibly be
argued, on the contrary, that this sentence shows ignorance of subsequent Ephesian history, for both John and Ignatius
agree that Ephesus was long the champion of truth and the rejecter of error.^ In general, one feels that, where the
he
studying
is
Luke
in
a straightforward
inferences from observed facts
he has got a theory
Author
;
where he
in his head,
and
is
is
at his best,
way and drawing is
less satisfactory
straining the facts
to support the theory.
He
lays
much
stress
inexactnesses occur
undeniable in the
tius
;
same
and
and
I
all
on the
fact that inconsistencies
through Acts.
Some
and
of these are
have argued that they are to be regarded
light as similar
phenomena in the poem of Lucre-
in other ancient classical
writers, viz.^
as
proofs
work never received the final form which Luke intended to give it, but was still incomplete when he died. The evident need for a third book to complete the work,
that the
together with those blemishes in expression, form the proof: see below,
p. 27. '
Letters to the Seven Churchest p. 240
f.
:
the Physician
But the Author where
I
and
finds inconsistencies
He
see none.
25
complains,
e.g.,
that
faults in
Luke
is
Luke
not dis-
turbed by the fact that Paul was driven on by the Spirit
and yet the
to Jerusalem,
Tyre through
disciples in
this
same Spirit seek to detain him from going to Jerusalem. I
cannot
facts
thinks
I
any more than Luke
disturbed
feel
and
;
such were the
;
can only marvel that the great German scholar
we ought
(as the
Author
xxi. II,
is
not
Nor can
to be disturbed. does, p.
fulfilled
81) because
exactly as
it
I
blame Luke
Agabus's prophecy, is
Luke
uttered.
merely the reporter of what he heard Agabus say can only simple
profoundly
feel
facts,
grateful
that he
;
is
and we
recorded the
and did not suppress the prophecy or adapt
it
to the event.
The tendency
to regard historical details
which Luke
narrates as indicative of his personal character often takes
the form of blaming
the historian for being
where the inconsistency the
facts,
(if
it
not of the narrator.
inconsistent,
be such) was the I
fault
of
quote just one example.
Roman rights as a citizen why he does so only now".
In xvi. 37 Paul appeals to his
"one asks
One may but one
astonishment
in
certainly be quite justified in asking the question,
is
not justified in blaming
not claim his rights sooner.
This
is
Luke because Paul did an interesting question.
Paul had already several times submitted to punishment
Roman
from
or municipal magistrates without claiming his
immunity from such treatment
as a
Roman.
he began to take advantage of his privileged not this a step to the
We first
Empire take
it
reveal his
in his realisation of
At
this point
position.
Is
the relation of the Church
?
that
Luke
Roman
is
right,
and that Paul did not
at
citizenship to the Philippian magis-
26
Luke
I.
If that
trates.
is so, it is
absurd to blame the historian for
The Author, presumably, must hold
telling the truth.
that
Luke is wrong, that Paul did claim his rights earlier, and that Luke either suppressed or was ignorant of the Apostle's Now the Author's view is that Luke was in earlier appeal. Philippi as Paul's
companion
been known to the first
but he did not record the
historian,
Such conduct would
claim.
strictures
the facts therefore must have
;
justify the very severe
which the Author makes on Luke's
a story clearly and correctly.
But how
out that theory in a reasonable way!
If Paul
on the preceding day, how did
rights
beaten
in
inability to tell
difficult
it
come
defiance of the privilege of a
it is
to
work
claimed his that he
Roman
was
citizen?
And, if the magistrates were convinced by his claim on the morrow, how came they to disregard it on the first day.? Or are we to suppose that the beating was an invention of Luke's
?
In short, here and generally,
we come back to Professor if Luke was a friend
McGiffert's view (as stated above) that,
and companion of Paul,
his history
thoroughly trustworthy.
The
must be accepted as
qualities
of
intellect
and
heart which are revealed in his work show that he was an exceptionally
well-qualified
Author's theory that
witness
Luke was
and
narrator.
Paul's contemporary
The and
personal friend, and often an eye-witness of the events which
he records, but yet was untrustworthy as a recorder even of
what he had
seen, leads into
of which the above
There are chapter was
many
hopeless inconsistencies,
only one slight specimen.
clear signs of the unfinished state in left
by Luke
;
but
which
some of the German
this
scholar's
show that he has not a right idea of the simplicity and equipment that evidently characterised the jailer's
criticisms
of life
is
the Physician
The
house and the prison. ^
details
27 which he blames as
inexact and inconsistent are sometimes most instructive about
of this
the circumstances
Roman
town and
provincial
colonia.
But
never safe to lay
it is
much
on small points of
stress
One
inexactness or inconsistency in any author. faults
even
in
amines them studied here.
I
think
one exis
can find them in the Author hima puzzling way.
in
92 the paragraph Acts xxviii. 17-31
p.
make
clearly modelled to
On
I
finds such if
which Luke
in the microscopic fashion in
His point of view sometimes varies
self
On
the works of modern scholarship,
it
is
said to
be
the conclusion of the whole work.
96 the Author confesses his inability to solve the serious problem presented by the last two verses, and suggests p.
the possibility that
Again, on
p.
sections, but
Luke intended
20 he numerates xx.
on
p.
5,
to write a third
6 as part of the
Luke
105 f he declares that
book.
"
We"-
first
met
Paul at Troas, accompanied him to Philippi, and there parted from him, to rejoin him after some years, and in fact the meeting took place once
more
union only took place at Troas, then xx.
genuine part of the " I
But
at Troas.
if
the re-
6 cannot be a
5,
We "-sections.
suspect that inexactness on the Author's part forms the
foundation for a charge which he brings against me.
speaks of
my
theory that
Luke was employed by Paul
physician during his severe illness in Galatia.
spoken
it
would be a
inconsistency on fessor
Harnack that Paul
Luke never is
clear
my own
first
I
have so
entirely agree with Pro-
met Luke
in Troas,
travelled with Paul in Galatia
St.
I
example of inexactitude and
part.
put quite clearly and strongly in '
If
He as a
Paul the Traveller,
my p.
;
and
I
and that
think this
book, St. Paul the
220
flf.
28
Luke
I.
Traveller.
may
I
elsewhere have been guilty of this in-
exactitude and inconsistency
;
have made such a statement.
Luke
I
I
cannot remember to
have doubtless spoken of
as being useful as a medical adviser to Paul in travel-
have said that Luke would have discouraged
ling, as, e.g.,
I
any proposal
to
more
but
walk sixty miles
especially since Paul
his fever
was not confined
Moreover, a traveller
was
in
two days (Acts xxi.
liable to attacks
;
but
any one journey.
to Galatia or to
may be guided by his
of fever
16),^
physician's advice,
even though the physician does not accompany him.
The Author sistencies
has an object in thus dwelling on the incon-
and inexactitudes of which Luke
He
is guilty.
is
here preparing to cope with the supreme difficulty in Acts, viz.,
the disagreement between the narrative of Acts xv. and
that of Galatians
ii.
i-ii, if these are
taken (as the Author
takes them) to be accounts of the same event, or series of events.
—
for the
These are so plainly inconsistent with one another attempts to represent them as consistent are
the strange things in the history of learning
same incident, one must be Paul was present and took part
depict the
Now,
as
evidence must
rank higher, unless he be
—
among
that, if
they
fatally inaccurate. in the incident, his
condemned
as in-
tentionally misrepresenting facts, a theory which few adopt
and which need not be considered. Luke then must be wrong, where he is in disagreement with Paul. The disagreement can be readily explained by those who regard Acts as the work of a
later period
:
history, as they
may
reasonably say, had become dimmed by lapse of time, by the growth of prejudice, and by various other causes. But how
can those explain
Acts was
it,
written
*In a paper
now
who maintain
(as
the Author does) that
by the friend, coadjutor
reprinted in Pauline
and other Studies
and personal (igo6),p. 267,
;
the Physician
many
attendant of Paul, the friend of
29 other persons closely
concerned and certain to possess good information inconsistency
The
?
not in unimportant details, easily caught
is
by different persons the inconsistency is fundamental and thorough. To that question the Author has to prepare his answer
up
differently
and
his
:
answer
is
that
Luke was
against which the Author dialectic skill
is
is
always a
a single character.
struggling with extraordinary
Luke
He
and
difficulty,
throughout his book, but the struggle
and success impossible. tion,
habitually inaccurate
This answer
inconsistent with himself
is
is
is
vain
not, in the Author's exposi-
a double personality, good
and bad.
The
truth
is,
as has frequently been pointed out, that the
whole problem which governs so completely and so trously this
and most modern books about Acts
is
disas-
a mere
phantom, the creation of geographical ignorance, the of the irrational North Galatian view. different scene
On
from Galatians
ii.
2-1
result
Acts xv. describes a
1.
106 f the Author discusses the relation between
p.
Luke and the Gospel of John, and points out that of all the Apostles Luke shows interest in none but Peter and John. The idea that this greater frequency of reference to these two Apostles might be due to their greater importance in the
development of Christianity as the
Empire (which
I
hold to be the truth)
even a passing glance by the Author, in to,
some
is
religion
of the
set aside without
The
reason must
lie
accidental meeting of Luke with, or personal relation
John.
It is quietly
assumed from
first
to last that the
determining motive of Luke in his choice of events for record or omission
lies
in personal
idiosyncrasy or caprice,
never in the importance or insignificance of the events.
The
30
I.
Author says
Luke
that, considering his predilection for
remarkable that Luke does not mention him
when Paul shows
in Galatians
ii.
that John
that
But, even
to the Galatians.
would not be a
is
John,
it is
Acts xv.,
was one of the
and the only inLuke had not read the letter
three prominent figures in the incident ference which he draws
in
if
;
that inference were true,
sufficient explanation, for
it
Luke had abundant
opportunity of learning the facts and the comparative authority of the various Apostles from other informants;
the Author
fully grants that
and
he made considerable use of oral
information.
The only
commonplace
historian would permit himself to
justifiable inference
which the mere
draw
is
that,
according to the information at Luke's disposal, John did not play a prominent part in the incident described in Acts XV.,
whereas he was prominent
(Gal.
ii,
in the
scene described by Paul
2-10).
The view which
at present
commends
itself to
me
(but
which might, of course, be altered by more systematic consideration)
is
that the writer of the Fourth Gospel
Third, but that the writer of the Third did not
Fourth and had
The
little
knew know
the the
direct personal acquaintance with its
Harnack points out are analogies of subject, forced on both by external facts, and not caused by the character of the two writers.
author.
It
feels
analogies which Dr.
sounds, at
first
himself as the
hearing, strange to us that the
first
Author
to observe that the female elem.ent
is
much emphasised in Luke, whereas Mark and Matthew This seems give women very small place in the history.^ so
such a commonplace in English study, that
I felt
obliged to
' Worauf, soviel ich mich erinnere, bisher noch nie aufmerksdm gemacht Erst Lukas hat sie [i.e., Frauen] so stark in die evangelische warden ist. Geschkhte eingefuhrt. .
.
.
the Physician
be almost apologetic and very brief in
Was
Christ Born at Bethlehem
one's attention
called to the
is
31
in referring
?
to the subject
Yet when
(pp. 83-90).
fact, it is
not easy to refer to
any formal and serious discussion of this extremely important side of the evidence about Luke's personality and it may be ;
that the Author
is
the
least
at
first,
in
modern German
The truth
scholarship, to treat the topic in a scholarly way.
seems to be that German scholars have been so entirely taken up with the preliminary questions, such as "
a Luke at sort of
all ? "
what Even those who championed his reality proving it by what are considered more
in
weighty arguments, that they forgot the in
my
humble judgment
Luke
in his
humanity and
man ?
of a true person
;
all
thinking
Do
reality.
If so, they
mode
of proof which
to be far the strongest, vz2.,
to hold up to the admiration of
us a real
there
that they have never tried to discover
man he was.
were so occupied
seems
Was
his
men
this
man
works reveal to
must be the genuine composition
no pseudonymous work ever succeeded or
could succeed in exhibiting the supposititious writer as a real personality.
He
the task.
too
Professor
Harnack has only
has entered on
much cumbered by
it,
prepossessions,
half discarded, and above
all
half essayed
but never heartily, for he
by
is
old theories only
by the hopeless
fetters of the
North-Galatian prejudice, which inevitably distorts the whole history. I
have pointed out, in the passage just quoted
that this attitude of Luke's
donia (implying thereby that proper) istic
:
I
effect
it is
is
and here
I
(p.
characteristic of
90),
Mace-
not characteristic of Greece
might and should have added that
also of Asia Minor.
subject,
mind
But there
is
much
it is
character-
to say on this
can only refer to the discussion of the
on subsequent Christian development produced by the
32
I.
Luke
Anatolian craving for some recognition of the female element in the
Divine nature {^Pauline
and
other Studies, 1906, p.
ff).
135
The traditions of Jesus, which lie before us in the works of Mark and Luke, are older than is commonly supposed. That does not make them more trustworthy, but yet is not "
a matter of indifference for their criticism."
^
So says the
These are not the words of a dispassionate
Author on
p. 113.
historian
they are the words of one whose mind
;
a priori, and who In
opinion. Biblical
is
made up
strains the facts to suit his preconceived
no department of
historical
criticism except
would any scholar dream of saying, or dare to
that accounts are
not more trustworthy
traced back to authors
who were
if
say,
they can be
children at the time the
events which form this subject occurred, and
who were
in
year-long, confidential and intimate relations with actors in
those events, than they would be writers one or
they were composed by
if
two generations younger, who had personal
acquaintance with few or none of the actors and contem-
But compare above,
poraries.2
There
is
p. 4.
room, and great need,
serious examination of the question
Gospels traces of the age
in
for a dispassionate
how
and
far there exist in the
which they were composed, and
of the thought characteristic of that time.
Such an ex-
now be conducted to a useful end by one with his mind made up as to what must be later
amination cannot
who
begins
and what cannot be
real, for this
prejudice must inevitably
be of nineteenth century character and hostile to any true 1
Die Ueberlieferungen von jfesus, die bet Markus und Lukas vorliegen, man gewohnlich annimmt. Das macht sie nicht glaubwiirdiger,
sind alter als ist
aber dochficr ihre Kritik nicht gleichgiiltig.
"The Author dates Luke's History a.d. 8o. For a different reason I argued that Luke iii. ii was written under Titus. 79-81 {St. Paul the Traveller, p. 387).
the Physician
compi ehension of
first
century
and maintain that there are
33
realities.
I
cannot but think
elements in the Gospels,
later
showing the influence of popular legend, and reminding us that after
New
the
all
the picture of Jesus which stands before us in
Testament has always to be contemplated through
glass that
is
not perfect and flawless, through a
The
imperfect medium.^
marvel
is
picture
is
human and
flaws can be distinguished, but the
shines with hardly diminished clearness through the
After stating in a general
Harnack takes up give
in this
some specimens
As we
relies.
The
that they are so few and so unimportant.
so strong, so simple in outline, and so unique, that
way the
position
remarkable book,
in detail of
will
it
only
fair to
the arguments on which he
of points which seem to
show
be
will
his
made
method
employed
in the
at the outset are
at its best.
made on
concluding pages some remarks will be is
main
conduce to clearness to say that
most of the quotations which
of proof which
which Professor it is
are in almost entire agreement with the
position of his book,
it
medium.
the
In the
method
book.
The Author's argument and inferences about the passages in which the first personal pronoun " We " is used are stated most
definitely
on
p.
37
After minutely examining Acts
f.
xvi, 10-17, ^"^^ observing the identity in words, construction,
tone and thought, with the style of the rest of the Acts and the Third Gospel, he argues that,
took this passage from a
unchanged except the else
'
"
first
he has recast into his
Legend gathers quickly
study to observe
how
The name
is
the writer of the Acts left
personal pronoun
own
in the East.
nothing :
in
it
everything
characteristic vocabulary,
It
is,
for
example, an interesting
the historic figure of Ibrahim Pasha has been hidden
beneath a crust of legend 1832-40,
if
Source," he has
in the districts of
Asia Minor which he held from
famous, but the legends gather round
3
it.
34
Luke
I-
syntax and
Such
style.
a procedure
is
simply inconcefvable,
and therefore there remains only the position that the of the whole book "
We "-passages
:
is
he
vriter
himself the original composer of these
man whose
the
is
personal presence in
Troas and Philippi with Paul obliges him to speak as a witness of and sharer in the action. It is possible,
farther.
from
his
The own
writer did not take this passage, xvi. 10-17,
old notebook or diary, and insert
When
history.
the Author argues on o. 38, to go one step
after the events,
it
in
his
he wrote the history twenty to thirty years
he could not possibly have retained
respects exactly the
same
style as
he used
in all
in his old note-
This passage was written when the Book of the Acts
book.
v/as written
it
;
this
written
down
memory.
was composed as part of the whole work,
does not preclude the view that he had notes
though
at the time, with
This argument
which he could refresh his
absolutely conclusive to every
is
person that has the power of comprehending and appreciating style and literary art called
"
Higher
Critics
"
;
unfortunately
seem
to have
many
of the so-
become devoid of any
such comprehension through fixing persistently their attention
on words and
details.
Luke was not merely a witness, he took part in the action " Straightway we sought to go forth into Macedonia, concluding that God had called us for to preach the Gospel " unto them," and " we sat down and spake uftto the women (xvi. 10, 13): here the narrator makes himself one of the :
missionaries to Macedonia.
he was
my
He was
not a mere companion,
an enthusiastic missionary to that country
and on
view (though not on the Author's view) he continued to
be specially devoted to that country, except still
;
closer personal devotion to Paul called
in so far as the
him away.
the Physician
The Author, on
the contrary,
35
Luke
disposed to connect
is
with Ephesus, with Asia and with Achaia (as has been stated above,
He
21).
p.
not a Macedonian^ tarchus, a
in Acts xxvii. 2
principle
XX.
put to
sea, Aris-
4, 5,
in
On
reasoning.
this
(p. 31).
the same
might be argued that Luke was not an Asian
it
(which the Author in
—"we
Macedonian of Thessalonica, being with us "
cannot see any force
I
Luke was
finds a sufficient proof that
inchned to believe that he was), because
is
he speaks of
who were waiting The remarkable "
Tychicus and Trophimus,"
" Asians,
for us at
Troas
passage, Acts
".
xvi.
9,
must detain our
moment, while we apply to it a principle which the Author lays down on p. 11, though he does not apply it to xvi. 9, and would deny the inferences which we
attention for a
He
shall draw.
passages,
Paul
and
:
wherever
"
in
We "
alone, the
into
"
out
that,
is
it
We "-
"We"
and
"
We "
observe in xvi. 10
how
he emphasises Paul and keeps the
Now
put forward.
The
was seen by Paul
vision
message was given to Paul alone,
"
Come
over
Yet the narrative continues,
Macedonia and help us ".
And when he had
"
reasonably possible in view of historic
the background.^ is
throughout the
distinguishes carefully between
literary truth,
modestly the
Luke
points
seen the vision, straightway
we sought
go forth into Macedonia, concluding that God had called
to
us for to preach the Gospel unto
them
".
Without any ap-
parent necessity, even without any apparent justification, the writer assumes that, because Paul has been called into
Macedonia, Luke shares passage ^
in
which the
In this paragraph
I
am
in tlie sense of residing in
but ^
is
convenient.
See above,
p. 15
f.
in
the
"We"
is
call.
There
is
no other
without obvious
forced in
using the words Macedonian and Asian of Lukj
Macedonia or
in Asia,
which
is
not strictly accurate,
36
I.
justification
;
Luke
and on the view stated
pp. 200-3, there
is
Paul the
in St.
Traveller,
a justification hidden beneath the surface
in this case also, for
Luke had played a
part in the vision,
and was therefore forced to conclude that he as well as Paul was
called to Macedonia.
Several reasons (which need not
be repeated here) are there stated, which point to the idea
man
that the
of Macedonia,
and recognised
at sight as a
these are confirmed
Every time
I
us
in the vision
Macedonian, was Luke
by the observation now
and
;
stated.
xvi.
6-10,
struck with the intense personal feeling
under the words, the hurry and rush of the narrative,
lies
and the quiet ".
Paul saw
read this remarkable passage,
am more and more
I
that
whom
Luke
God had called the moment when
satisfaction of the conclusion, "
is
here introducing himself, in
he played so important a part
The
Paul's work.
large space
donian work in the Acts
is
in
determining the course of
which
is
given to the Mace-
out of proportion to
its
importance,
and can only be explained by Luke's strong personal interest in
it.
The Author
gives as an
example of the
style of the "
We "-
passages a similar analysis of xxviii. 1-16, a specimen of
continuous sea-narrative but must be studied
made on that
on
his treatment cannot be shortened,
Only one
criticism has to be
this excellent piece of investigation.
p.
ability in
;
in full.
44 the Author quotes, as
it,
if
It is
there were
Professor Blass's unjustifiable objection
conjectural alteration of, the reading
'irapaa-rjix,(p
strange
any proband
to,
Aioa/covpoK;,
"whose sign was the Twin Brothers," given by MSS. and Neither of them has all other editions in Acts xxviii. ii. observed that
this dative absolute
form, guaranteed
is
by many examples
the correct technical in inscriptions.
has been pointed out, and some examples quoted
This in
an
the Physician published long ago in the Expositor}
article
detail in
pression
There is no which the exact technical accuracy of Luke's ex-
is
more
made
clearly
Blass would change cS r]v
t^j
out than
as to be hardly Greek at
The author devotes
which
Luke
in
total
absence of
and John.
relative clause,
Greek so unidiomatic
is
all.
considerable space to statistics about
same words
the occurrence of the
and
and yet Professor
commonplace
into a
it
7rapdcn]fM0p AioaKovpwv,
this,
in the "
We "-passages
generally, as contrasted with the rarity
many
It is
impossible
or
Mark
of those words in Matthew,
argument:
to abbreviate this
the reasoning must be taken as a whole, and seems con-
though opinion
clusive,
always
will
differ
a good deal as to
the value of such verbal arguments in proving identity of Personally,
authorship.
such arguments, but
in
tics in this
The the "
I it
have not as a rule much belief
must be confessed that the
statis-
case are impressive.
of difference between
single sign
We "-passages
and
the rest
unusually large number of words
of in
the language of
Luke
in
lies
the former,
the
which
by Luke. Words which an author uses only once and no more occur throughout the writings are used
Luke
of
nowhere as
Testament
;
well
else
as
in all
amount of
proportion to the
in
the other books of the
they are distributed in a the "
fairly
New
even way, and
We "-passages
there
should be in them
about thirty-eight words which occur
nowhere
Acts and the Third Gospel
^
it
Room
else in the
for
it
fails in
did not occur to
the present volume.
me even
to defend this
consul's name, e.g., being always tacked
Greek, ablative
in
Latin)
:
I
had not
;
whereas
In St. Paul the Traveller, p. 346, technical usage (dates by a
common
on loosely by
realised
how
this absolute dative in
little
known
the technical
and the colloquial Greek of the later Hellenistic and the Roman period was known even to such masters of Greek as the late Professor Blass.
38
I.
Luke
there actually occur
in
the subject-matter.
Navigation and voyages play a large
part in the
"
But
of that class.
We "-passages,
because
it
was
this
is
due to
to a large extent
on voyages that Luke accompanied Paul in the earlier years of their friendship and he was by nature interested as a ;
Greek
in
Three-fifths of the
seamanship.
peculiar to the
"
We "-passages
words which are
are technical terms relating
to ships, parts of a ship, naval officers, sea-winds,
ment
of a ship,
almost
all
manage-
and matters of navigation generally, and
of them are nouns, while the few verbs without
Such words
exception denote actions required in seamanship. are forced on the writer rightly remarks,
it
a
is
by
his subject
;
and, as the Author
that in spite of the
striking fact
novelty of subject in chapter xxvii., describing the shipwreck, the
ordinary style and
vocabulary of Luke
traceable with perfect clearness even (p.
in that
are
long passage
60). It
is,
of course, acknowledged by practically
Luke employed
that
Sources.
written
all
scholars
These written
Sources he has modified and recast so that they assume
much
of his
own
style.
Now,
if
any one
still
continues, in
spite of the above-stated proofs from style and vocabulary,
Luke found the " We "-passages in a written Source, and took them over into his book, transforming them into his own style and language, the Author replies by a careful study of the way in which Luke elsewhere uses to urge that
his written Sources,
from which he demonstrates that
spite of the freedom with which
up
his written Source, the original style,
lary
This
still
is
in
Luke handled and touched syntax and vocabu-
are clearly traceable in the transformed narrative.
one of the most important and striking parts
Author's work, and will reward the closest attention.
in the
the Physician
While every one admits
Luke had
freely as a
starting-point that
access to written narratives about
of which he had not
mentions
39
in the
been an eye-witness
—
many
'for
events
he himself
opening of his Gospel that there were
many
such written Sources, founded on information given by eye-
which he could have recourse
witnesses, to
much agreement two books
his
But there is
is
indubitable original
its
in
at :
— there
not
is
and the parts of
as to the extent to which,
which, he was indebted to these Sources,
any
rate
for
we
one Source, the character of which possess
the
Source in practically
form (or a form so near the original as
to
be
equally useful for the immediate purpose of this investigation),
and can thus
tell
Some
Luke used
it.
conjecture
and
exactly
how
far
and
Sources are more or
inference, as they are
what way
in
less a
matter of
lost in the original
form and are merely supposed as the foundation of Luke's narrative.
But
is
it
practically universally admitted
now
Luke emplo)'ed the Second Gospel he took a copy of Mark in much the same text and extent as we now possess, and he wrote out three-fourths of it in his own Gospel in much the same order as Mark wrote it. He improved the
that
:
it up with explanatoiy additions and "improvements" or "corrections," and he added greatly
Greek, he touched
to
it
but
from other sources of information,
the style,
oral or
syntax and vocabulary of Mark
discernible in the
written
;
are clearly
borrowed passages.
The Author exemplifies this in two passages, Mark 21-28 {i.e., Luke iv. 30-37) and Mark ii. i-ii (i.e., Luke A few verses may be quoted from the first as a v. 17-24). i.
specimen of this most luminous and instructive investigation,
which ought to be studied by every one
words
in the
Author's
own
40
I.
Luke
Mark i. 21. And they go into Capernaum, and straightway on the Sabbath day He entered into the synagogue and taught.
Mark has used
Luke
And He came dowa
31.
iv.
Capernaum, a city of Galilee, and He w^s teaching them on the Sabbath to
day.
the plural "they went after
him"
in the
But
previous verse, and continues his narrative accordingly.
Luke had
30 (which belongs to a passage derived from a non-Markan source), " He passing through the the singular in
iv.
midst of them went His way"
;
and was therefore obliged to
change Mark's plural to the singular.
Further, in the pre-
ceding verses Mark's scene was the shore of the Sea of
and therefore the simple verb "go" was
Galilee,
But Luke's scene
suitable.
the preceding passage was at Nazareth,
in
and he marks the change of scene from the hill-country of Nazareth to the lower coast of the
And, as the readers
for
whom
lake, "
He came down ".
he wrote did not know the
topography of Palestine, he adds to the name Capernaum the explanation " a
cit)^
of Galilee
of the word "straightway," and verse 23)
;
"
teaching
"
them
seemed
the simple "taught in
"
employed
"
teach
Luke
".
He
it
(as in
"
without an ob-
Luke approved, and The process " was
(not very lucidly).
to
Mark was fond
usage, and often omits
but this also was not a usage that
he inserted
ing"
Again,
often
Luke disliked the Mark allowed the verb
but
;
the word. ject
".^
to express the facts better than
found the expression
"
was teach-
the following sentence of Mark, and brought
it
over
to this place. 22. And they were astonished at His teaching for He was teaching them as having authority and not as ;
32.
.And they were astonished at for His word was with
His teaching, authority.
the scribes." 1
Luke has already mentioned Capernaum
in
iv.
incidentally in a speech of Jesus, and explanation
be out of place.
is
Here the topographical explanation
*The quotations here follow
23
;
but there
it
occurs
unnecessary and would is
useful and suitable.
the Authorised Version almost exactly, but
—
—
"
the Physician
41
In the second half of the verse the thought
remodelled and transformed into
language
the verb
;
had been
entirely
is
Lukan Greek and Lukan
transferred to the preceding
sentence, and change was therefore imperatively required.^
And
23.
straightway
there
synagogue a man clean spirit; and he cried
in
in their
was
an un-
out, say-
ing
33.
And
the synagogue there
in
was a man which had a spirit ot an unclean demon, and he cried out with a loud voice
Luke here
cuts out the possessive "their," and replaces
the preposition "in" (perhaps a
rendering by
literal
Mark
from the original Semitic, not very satisfactory in Greek) by *'
which had
"
he defines
;
more
substitutes the
vivid
"
"
unclean
"
more
with a loud voice
precisely "
for the
"saying"; and omits "straightway" (compare verse
;
he
simple 21).
Verses 24 and 25 are taken over unchanged, except that in 25
A
Luke changes comparison
like
whole of the matter places there
where there
" out of" into this
is
".
might be carried out over the
common
distinctly
is
"from
to
Mark and Luke.
more change than
here.
In some
But even
most change, enough remains to show the
character of the Source.
Greek are frequent.
Slight alterations to improve the
Complete refashioning of the thought
and expression is rare. Words and phraseology which Luke rarely employs where he is writing freely are retained from the Source. tive
style
Luke recognised
that a certain type of narra-
had been established
allowed this to remain.
for
the
Gospel, and he
Especially in the beginning of a
borrowed paragraph he altered more freely to
suit
the pre-
made to follow the Greek more literally, as here was teaching," where both Authorised and Revised Versions give " taught
occasional slight changes are *'
(which '
is
better English in this case).
Similarly,
when
xegion," from Acts
the
Bezan Reviser transferred the
xvi. 8 to xvii. 14,
idea, " he neglected a
he remodelled the former passage.
42
Luke
I.
From some
ceding narrative.
places
it is
clear that
he did
not translate verse by verse, but considered a paragraph or incident as a whole, and transferred touches from one point
where they seemed more
to another,
more,
effect
more
self
or rather, perhaps,
vividly than
Mark
vivid forms of language,
Mark
ii.
3.
And
they
came
e.g.
studied
did,
and
lit
up with more
it
— Luke
carry-
ing unto Him.
He
effective.
he pictured the scene to him-
And behold! men
i8.
v.
carrying.
be best to give one continuous example from the
It will
Author, showing the net result over a short paragraph, of Luke's
way
Markan
of treating the
indicate non- Markan matter, is
gathered from
The
narrative.
Mark but
original;
and the
the capitals
matter which
italics
occupies a different place in his
reader observes
how Luke
in
his
opening
words places the picture before the reader's eye. Mark
ii.
Luke
i-io.
1. And when Reentered again into Capernaum after some days, it was noised that He was in the house.
And
17.
it
those days that there were
v. 17-24.
came
to pass
He was
on one of and
teaching
;
Pharisees and doctors
LAW Sitting bv WHICH WERE come out of every village of Galilee and Jud^a and Jeru-
OF THE
SALEM: and the power of was with Him to heal.
y
2.
,
And many were
gathered to-
the
Lord
Nil.
gather, etc. 3. 4.
nigh
And they come, bringing, etc. And when they could not come .
.
.
they uncovered the roof, and
when they had broken down the bed. 5. And Jesus seeing
it
up, they let
18. 19.
men
bring, etc.
not finding by what in,
way
they ...
let
him down through the tiles.
their faith, etc.
20. 21.
their hearts.
behold,
they might bring him
But there were certain of the scribes sitting there, and reasoning in 6.
And And
sees
And seemg their faith. He, etc. And the scribes and the Pharibegan
to reason, saying.
Who
the Physician
Why
7.
He
man thus speak ? is this that speaketh blasphemies ? who can forgive Who can forgive sins, but God
does this
blasphemeth
And
;
God ?
sins but one, 8.
alone
straightway
ceiving in His spirit
Whether
10.
is
that they so
sentence stress
ii.
in
i
But Jesus
perceiving
their
reasonings, etc,
etc.
may know
Son of man hath power on
?
22.
easier, etc.
But that ye
Mark
per-
Jesus,
reasoned within themselves, 9.
43
that the
23.
Whether
24.
But that ye may know,
is easier, etc.
etc.
earth, etc.
— Luke
v.
Luke
17.
an introductory-
prefixes
which he describes the general situation and lays
on the
fact that
haps implying an
was
it
for Jesus a
day of power
idea, natural to a physician, that
was not always equally strong non-Markan, yet most
of
it
in
Him).
(per-
His power
This sentence
is
actually lies in Mark's account of
the incident, and merely needs to be gathered out of what
he
The
relates.
last
statement regarding the power of
Jesus might perhaps be inferred by a physician from
10
f.
;
but
it
Mark
ii.
goes beyond what Mark says.
Moreover,
in
the
first
sentence Luke describes the com-
pany, Pharisees and doctors of the law, and their origin from
numerous present.
all Palestine, Mark only 6 that there were scribes
distant villages of almost
incidentally mentions
Luke
in
verse
gives the picture of a large assemblage of
learned and distinguished persons.
reproduced by Luke)
tells
Mark
in verse 2 (not
us of the crowd, but leads us to
understand that the crowd was of the ordinary kind, and we should naturally infer (though that
it
Mark does not
mainly consisted of the people of the
rather uneducated as a whole, though there
exactly say so)
district
and was
was a sprinkling
among them (verse 6). The two pictures are markedly different. If Mark was the sole authority upon whom Luke here could draw, this passage would certainly suggest that Luke made additions of scribes
44
I-
Luke
from his own imagination without actual testimony, and that he went at least to the verge, is
not beyond the verge, of what
if
allowable in thus reconstructing a picture from the words
of an earlier authority.
The question, then, arises: Had Luke no other authority? The Author seems tacitly to assume that he was dependent solely on Mark and, if so, one can only say that Luke goes ;
beyond
Hence
authority and his
his
—on
picture
the Author's assumption
trustworthy.
less
is
— the
general impres-
sion that results would be unfavourable to Luke's historical
trustworthiness in comparison with Mark.
But
is
the assumption correct
I
?
cannot think
claims to have had several authorities
and the
detail in
crowd and
its
Luke
so.
The
2).
(i.
certainty
which he describes the character of the
origin from all Palestine
seem
me
to
imply
to
the use of other testimony besides Mark.
One Markan exact locality
;
detail
is
Luke nowhere
omitted.
but leaves us to gather from
states the
v. i, I2, i6,
that
it
was near the lake of Gennesaret. In the sequence of the narrative the frequent use of the
simple
"
and
but
style,
"
is
to connect the sentences
changes are made
Some style,"
in
the words of
Mark
to
own
not Luke's
is
taken by him from his authority.
Various
improve the
of these changes are in the direction of a
which Luke seems to have regarded as
style.
" Biblical
suitable,
and
which he did not employ except where he thought the occasion and subject to be suitable in
i.
1-4,
but begins at once to
;
e.g.,
employ
it
he does not use
in
i.
5
ff.
;
here are the introduction of " they began to reason of " they
were reasoning
" (ii.
6
—
v. 21),
it
examples
and the form
"
instead
" it
came
Other changes are made to avoid words or usages which he disliked: he avoided the phrase "and to pass" (17).
the Physician
45
straightway," he changed the adjective " a
palsy
He
palsied" {irapaXeXvixevo^i), and so on.
Greek word kXiviSlov
better
man sick of the man that was
{irapaXvTiKO'i) into the participle " a
"
"
Mark's words,
altered
The Author
perceiving that they
" into "
within themselves
rightly
substituted
the
He
for the vulgar Kpd^arTov.
so reasoned
perceiving their reasonings
".
remarks that the change from
"
thy
sins are forgiven " to " thy sins are forgiven thee " (twice, 5,
9
;
V. 20,
23)
is difficult
is
also
ii.
may be more in
than meets the eye.
this slight addition It
There
to explain.
noteworthy that
in
the scribes " were
Mark
reasoning in their hearts," and that Jesus perceived "in His that they so reasoned within
spirit
Yet Luke's report of Jesus' words,
reasonings.
ye
themselves," whereas
Luke they simply reasoned and Jesus perceived
in
in
your hearts
?
What
their
reason
shows that the words were not spoken,
"
Here the
but only thought.
"
such repeated emphasis
is
picture given
exactly the
by Mark with
picture
we
that
gather from Luke, when we read his narrative to the end
and
it
due to
becomes stylistic
spirit" in v, 22
clear that his omission of
(which he evidently considered
more
picture of the event.
almost the effect is
effect of
produced
the sake of readers,
ii.
in
It
might
situation
;
Luke
v.
different
but this
more
is
either for
intelligible to his
not Oriental, or possibly because
he doubted the accuracy of some detail
may be
His
The same
misrepresenting the facts.
making the
" in
be said that they have
a few other cases
who were Western,
present case
in
and give a radically fairly
was
otiose).
4 which are introduced
serious kind,
;
"
the hearts
reasons alone, as was his omission of
The changes from 19 are of a
" in
The
in the Source.
taken as a good example.
It is briefly
noted by the Author, who, however, does not discuss
it,
but
46
Luke
I.
The words are fully discussed in my Essay on the Credibility of Luke {Was Christ Born at Bethlehem? pp. 58-64); but I may Mark ii. 4 epitomise here what is stated at length there. describes how the bearers of the paralytic stripped off the word
refers in a
to Wellhausen's explanation.
covering of clay and
broke a hole
from the
soil
in the ceiling,
and
let
roof of the house,
(flat)
down
the bed through
it.
This description was true of the simple Palestinian hut, but
who knew only the houses of a Luke adapts his account of the incident (not to a Greek house, but) to a Roman house, and tells how the bearers of the man who was paralysed went was
unintelligible to a person
Roman
Greek or a
up on the
city,
and
tiled roof,^
let
the hole {iinplnviwni) which
room
{atrium) of every
Roman
man down through
the sick
was
in the roof of
house.
There was not a hole
Luke
of this kind in the roof of Greek houses, and
wrote for an audience or a single reader
Roman official ^) in
Italy or in
we may assume in
Roman
this
familiar with
that the colony.
Roman
We
{viz.,
Roman houses,
some Roman colony
the public
therefore
Theophilus, a
i.e.,
living either
Perhaps
like Philippi.
was
common
make
such an
style of house
could hardly
assumption about the Colony Corinth, where probably Greek fashion was
dominant
;
but at Philippi the
Roman
soldiers
were numerous.
There tion
is
no question here that Mark
states the actual
and Luke misrepresents what occurred.
facts,
is
The
whether Luke, familiar only with Greek or
houses, misunderstood the description of the incident
ques-
Roman on the
roof of a rustic hut in Palestine, or intentionally stated the
^He
imitates
even the
Latin usage, which used the term "the tiles"
{tegulce) to indicate the roof.
^Sf.
Paul
the Traveller, p. 388.
the Physician
changed way
facts in this
order to
in
47
make
more
the scene
easily intelligible to his readers (or his reader, Theophilus),
preserving indeed the general character of the scene, altering the details
But, after
to Italian.
change
!
—
explain
how small even in this case is the good many sentences are needed to
all,
though a
for
modern
to the
it
but
and the surroundings from Palestinian
reader,
is
it
completed
in
two or
three words in the Greek.
What
most striking as the
is
vestigation
that
(r) the
is
Luke makes
in the parts
(2)
—a kind
faithfulness with
his authority,
even preserving
method of connecting sentences
largely Mark's very simple " {koI)
and the
in his authority,
which on the whole he reports
by "and
result of the Author's in-
shghtness of the changes as a whole
of connection which
where Luke composes
is
much
rarer
freely.
His almost invariable practice of touching up descrip-
tions of medical matters
:
on
this there will
be more to say
in the latter part of the present paper.
(3)
The way
in which,
even where he most freely
alters,
he preserves a certain style of expression, which he
evi-
dently considered to be an established and suitable form for
We
the Gospel.
Luke a marked
recognise in
and great dramatic propriety difference of scene
of
Luke
There
is
moment and
Author
is
scholars
of
Lukan
varies
to
sensitive to this
whom
I
to
in
me
during years
freedom
in
obedience to the feeling
the changes
of scene;
and the
beyond any other of the German
have read.
editors,
and attention
most impressed
a certain modulation and
expression, which
of the
sense of style
varying the style to suit
This has been the quality
action.
as a stylist that
of study. his
and
in
Even
Professor Blass, greatest
has been so taken up with explanation, readings,
and questions of verbal har-
;
48
Luke
I.
mony, that he has not been say
hands
observation
this
regarding the before
sufficiently (if
leads
much
like briefly to call attention
Acts
xvi.
may
venture to
In the Author's
very important results
to
two chapters of Luke's Gospel.
first
passing to this
6- 1
I
highest quality of style.
so) alive to this
controverted topic,
I
But,
should
once more to the paragraph
as a specimen of this quality in Luke.
1
me
has long appeared to
that this
It
the most remarkable
is
paragraph, from a certain point of view, in the whole of
Luke's writings:
view of history and
most
"
:
Acts:
in
Galatic
emotion
{St.
Paul the
sweep and rush of the narrative
the
point after
hurried over
himself and his
full x>f
"
Paul
:
whole
and his Pauline comprehension,
life
instinct with vibrating
200)
p.
most
is
it
province after
point,
Traveller, is
unique
province,
are
driven on from country to country,
is
Phrygia, Asian
Phrygia,
Bithynian frontier,
the
Mysia, the Troad, and he must have been in despair as to
what was
to be the
journey, until
at
outcome of
plained the overruling
We
dark and perplexing
this
the vision
last
and
purpose of
the
all
ex-
invitation
wanderings.
those
cannot wonder that the commentators have been so
perplexed and nonplussed by this paragraph, and that they
have had recourse to such it
perplexity
;
is
the
make
shifts to
fact
the whole passage, and that
or is
their
emotion
what the
way through
which
underlies
style brings out.
The
writer felt that breathless, panting eagerness, so to say
and
his style
is
modelled to
here and always subject
and
the
is
emotion compel
clothe themselves naturally in is
the perfection of
tator.
We
emotion.
suit the
The
almost out of the writer's control
style.
the
style :
the
or,
rather,
the suitable words.
That
But
it
style,
puzzles the
must here and everywhere
in
commen-
Acts follow truth
the Physician
and
we must regard
life;
49
the surroundings and the geo-
graphy.
And, if
Paul
if
here driven on from country to country,
is
the historian has to hurry over the lands to keep pace
with his subject,
Paul thinks
Christian?
his footsteps
plants
their
in
of Paul the
life
"he
imperially:
he marches on
vinces, and, as
much
not that the whole
is
of Pro-
talks
in his victorious course,
capitals ".^
to say that all the rest of right
It is
he
hardly too
Lukan study
is
an
exposition of the meaning and spirit of that one paragraph
where the mind of Luke and the influence of Paul are most perfectly expressed.
Regarding Luke that the historian
i.
and
and used no written Source
He
purely legendary. tive
by Luke
translated
i.
free composition of in
oral
tradition,
he regards those chapters as
;
allows the possibility that the narra-
himself; but he
posed to this view, and he of Mary,
of the opinion
is
may depend on an Aramaic
part
hymns
the Author
ii.,
dependent entirely on
is
is
not favourably dis-
absolutely convinced that the
and Zacharias,
46-55,
Luke
is
Source
written
i.
himself, that they
68-79, ^^^ ^^e
were originated
the Greek form, and never had an Aramaic form.
proof
lies in
the fact that the language and
The
style are so
thoroughly Lukan, adapted with extraordinary
skill
from
fragments of the Old Testament (the Septuagint). Considerable part of this view seems to able.
I
have always
felt
this part of his history as
him
to the
obtained
it
me
highly prob-
and maintained that Luke regarded being a pure addition
Gospel as recorded by his predecessors
from 1
oral, not literary
Pauline and. other Studies,
sources.^ p.
198.
^Christ Born at Bethlehem, Chap. IV.
4
He
made by :
he had
believed,
50
Luke
I,
however, that those sources were good, and he would not
have been wrote
mere popular
hymns
with popular tradition.
satisfied
The man who
gone on to repeat
1-4 could never have
i.
in
i.
ff.
5
a
or have invented without authority such
tale,
Mary and
as those of
Exaggeration and
Zacharias.
overdoing of a view fundamentally correct
is
here the char-
acter of the Author's opinions.
not draw the following inferences, but
The Author does
they seem to follow from what he does say.
Luke's history
is
Church out of
tion of the Christian is
most strongly
The
style of
governed according to the gradual evolu-
Biblical
Jewish cradle.
its
taken from the
{i.e.,
It
Septuagint
Greek) and Hebraistic in describing the birth and early In describing the
years of Jesus. of Christ
it
is
but
less Biblical,
many
life
still
and death and words
is
deeply tinged with
shows strong traces of
Hebraism, while
in
non-Lukan
due to the use of written Sources.
style
parts
it
In
describing the earliest stage of the Palestinian Church after
the death of the Lord, tic,
it
continued to be distinctly Hebrais-
and parts of the Acts even go beyond the
later parts
of the Gospel in the intensity of the Hebraistic tinge, as
marking the narrowed
spirit
if
of the early Church, which had
hardly yet begun to understand the universality of Christ's message.
and
in
In the second half of Acts (except in chap. xv.
some of the scenes
Hebraistic tone
and Lukan.
is
The
at Jerusalem,
perceptible)
it
is
where the
earlier
most thoroughly Greek
preface to the whole history,
Luke
i.
1-4,
on the same and markedly individual Greek here we have the true and natural Luke, As the Author says, the problem of the
is
level as the second half of Acts, in excellent
—
language and style of the Third
would be
insoluble,
Gospel taken by
itself
but by the aid of comparison with the
the Physician Acts, everything
clear.
is
whether the Sources tangled, were
it
be doubted, however,
Third Gospel could be disen-
in the
not that
may
It
51
we can
recover the originals inde-
pendently of Luke, through their survival
Gospels of
in the
Mark and Matthew. do not nnean that Luke was unconscious of the style: such an assertion would be ridiculous.
I
in
did not originate the
variation
and he did not employ
—
But he
subject originated
mere
for
it
his
variation
and
literary
it;
artistic
the Author definitely maintains, but for historical
effect, as
reasons, as a
means of conveying more
and
clearly
effec-
tively his meaning.
Study of the two forms, Hierosolyma and Jerusalem, which appear side by side
Luke's Gospel and Acts, shows
in
both that Luke was conscious of the difference between them,
and that he learned from Paul how to employ tive presentation of his subject.
There
is
tion to this difference in the other Gospels
present in the writings of Paul,
The form Jerusalem three times
:
for effec-
;
1
but
who probably
it is
clearly
originated
it.
occurs twice in Galatians, Hierosolyma
the latter
is
graphical term, the former in Revelation
it
no trace of atten-
in is
and Hebrews.
that
hieratic
A
Epistle clearly a geo-
and
Judaistic, as
it is
similar distinction can
on
Luke though it is partly obscured by various causes (notably by uncertainty, and sometimes perhaps by corruption, in the text). L Hierosolyma occurs only four times in the Third Gosthe whole be traced in
pel,2 ^
always very definitely in a geographical sense, while
They
all
use only the form Hierosolyma, except that Matthew once has
latter form is almost confined to Paul and Luke in the New Testament exceptions are noted above. Always in passages that have no parallel in the Gospels of Mark or Matthew.
The
Jerusalem.
;
"-
— 52
I.
Luke
Jerusalem occurs twenty-six times
:
some of the
latter cases
are mainly geographical in sense, but the atmosphere of the
may be regarded as deterSome of these cases are Mark or to Matthew; and
passage, the spirit of the context,
mining the form to be employed. in passages
Luke has
common
either to
deliberately altered the
form used.
in passages or in clauses peculiar to list,
its
own
Luke ;
But most are
The
following
taken from the Concordance by Moulton and Geden,
II.
II
Luke.
Passages peculiar to Luke five times
ii.
xix. II
III.
;
:
;
xxiii.
Passages
or both
Luke
tells
tale.
Luke 28
;
x.
30
:
name Jerusalem
;
in xiii. three times
occurs in ;
xvii.
xxiv., five times.
common
to
Luke with Matthew
or Mark,
the Physician
V. In Acts times,
WH.,
the numbers are
While
hieratic
and Hebraising,
details
in
or question, attach deliberately
some few
clear.
twenty-one).
used are
uncertain, the
Luke
general
beyond doubt
did,
to the distinction of form.
He
was not guided by
his Source, for
name used in his Source, name where the Source did
cases he changes the
The
it.
eye-witness,
is
and intentionally chose sometimes one,
in other cases inserts the
not use
no
is
some meaning
sometimes the other.
and
twelve and
some cases are
result of these statistics
in
Jerusalem occurs fourteen
of the places where the form Jerusalem
markedly
He
ff.,
Hierosolyma nineteen times (but according to the
text of
Many
xiv., xvi.
xiii.,
53
distinction
is
clearest
where he depends on
The distinction has
and had no written Source.
literary value, but
only a historical and real value.
It
was
used as a device to express meaning, not to give external and formal beauty.
aimed
Professor Harnack,
who
maintains that
at the latter kind of effect alone, without
of the former, cannot explain such a fact as
Luke took
Luke
any thought
this.
the distinction from Paul, in whose case
Finally, it
would
be ridiculous to think of a conscious striving after formal
and
artistic
or rhetorical effect.
A similar case is found in the distinction between the names Saul and Paul.
Luke
consciously and deliberately uses the
former to indicate the Apostle in his character as a Hebrew, the latter in his character as a citizen of the Graeco- Roman world.
I
have
little
to
add
to,
and nothing
the exposition of this subject in St. 81-8.
Here again we have a
Paul
to retract from,
the Traveller, pp.
distinction used
by Luke,
in
regard to which no one can dream of any striving on his part for artistic
delicate
or
literary effect
perception of real
:
it
fact
originates
and
entirely in the
historic
truth.
It
is,
Luke
I-
^4
nowadays to waste time on the Luke depended on two written one of which the Apostle was called Saul,
probably, not necessary idea
old-fashioned authorities, in
that
name
while in the other he bore the In respect of Luke's style,
Paul.
regret to find myself in one
I
important respect holding a view diametrically opposed to The style appears to me natural, unthat of the Author. forced, determined
on
by
tremely
artificial
The Author,
the subject in hand.
the contrary, takes
that Luke's style
the view
and elaborated (pp. 80
is
152), that
f.,
ex-
he
paid the most minute and careful attention to form and the
external qualities of style, but was careless to the last degree of fact and
out
in
an
truth and
consistency.
earlier part of this article
It
has been pointed
what
is
the fixed idea
and motive that induces the Author unconsciously to exaggerate (as I venture to think) the inconsistencies and the artificiality, art,
the contempt for facts and the devotion to verbal
He
that he discovers in Luke.
seems to
me
to have
often been misled by that fixed idea so as to misunderstand
Luke's method of narration.
Luke
in
Acts
observed the
opened doors.
xvi.
earthquake, but only It is quite
it is
jailer as its
not having
consequence, the
Harnack
evident that Professor
has never had the misfortune tune ? for
For example, he thinks that
27 describes the
(or, shall I
good
say, the
sage) to live in a country subject to earthquakes.
he would never think
it
If
he had,
necessary for the historian to record
that a person,
who was wakened from
(as the jailer
was wakened), was cognisant of the
an earthquake had occurred,
for
earthquake without perceiving
knew
for-
a good preparation for appreciating this pas-
better about earthquakes
by an earthquake
no person
is
fact that
roused by an
Luke and his readers and when he described the
it. ;
sleep
the Physician
earthquake and
its
55
consequences, and added that the jailer
was wakened, he could reckon on every one of
his readers
understanding without formal mention that the
jailer per-
ceived the earthquake.
He who
reads
Luke without
apply-
ing practical sense and mother- wit and experience will always
misunderstand him St.
;
and one of the chief purposes of
Paul the Traveller was must be
qualities
When you
my
to illustrate the fact that these
constantly applied
think you find an
"
in
studying Luke.
inconsistency "
should look carefully whether you
in
have been
Luke, you sufficiently
applying these qualities, before you condemn the supposed fault.
The Author
is
not disposed to admit that any written
Source was used by Luke rejects with
Sources used
contempt in
all
the Acts
in
the
half of Acts.
first
He
the numerous speculations about i.-xii.
as empty, unmethodical and
Bernhard Weiss to
valueless, excepting only the attempt of
prove that one such written Source can be traced here and there
in
tencies,
Acts
i.-xv.
:
Weiss detects numerous inconsis-
and explains these by the hypothesis that Luke
was here only a Redactor, who material thoroughly.
to harmonise his
failed
But, so far as language and style go,
the Author finds no part of Acts i.-xv. that can be separated
from the rest as showing signs of a different hand and expression, whereas in the Third Gospel the parts to
Luke and Mark, and
show such
those
signs distinctly.
common
On
to
the ground
regarding facts and the treatment of disposed to consider that
facts,
Luke used a
common
Luke and Matthew, of
difficulties
the Author
is
written Source for
the episodes in which Peter plays the chief part; but the
Source was Aramaic and Luke translated
it
himself, so that
— 5^
I.
own
his this
—
Luke
style appears alone in the
Greek
form.^
Even
in
case, however, the hypothesis that oral information
used by
alone was
Luke cannot
(in
his opinion)
be con-
vincingly disproved.
The Author
attaches
rightly
importance to the
great
proof that the writer of the Third Gospel and the Acts was
The same
a physician.
The
personality
is
written
by Luke
as an eye-witness
throughout.
and those which he has
borrowed from Sources that are known enumerates six classes of proofs 1.
felt
proofs are found in all parts of the work, both those
The
reader
is
The Author
to us.
:
presentation of the subject
as
a whole to
the
determined to a certain degree by point of view,
aims and ideals of a medical character, 2.
Acts of healing are recorded
in
abundance and with
especial interest. 3.
The language
of physicians
(in
These three
much
did
of the history
the
way
is
coloured by the speech
of technical medical terms,
proofs, however,
as the great physician
are not
etc.).
Jesus
sufficient.
and healer
;
and
it
must
be the case that the four Gospels should vary in the attention
which they pay to
this side of
His work and character,
and that one must go beyond the others in this respect. It would not follow that the one which goes beyond the others
was written by a
raised to a demonstration
The
phj^sician.
But these proofs are
by the following reasons
:
mentioned shows the observation and knowledge that mark a 4.
description of the several cases of sickness
physician. Gospel the parts common to Luke and Matthew rest an Aramaic Source, but the Author considers that Luke used a Greek translation from the original Aramaic, and did not himself translate. See below, p. 74. ^
In the Third
ultimately on
— the Physician
5.
The language
57
when he
of Luke, even
not treating
is
of medical matters and acts of healing, has a medical colour. 6.
Where Luke
element
is
speaking as an eye-witness, the medical
specially clearly visible.
is
The proof of
these six propositions
effect of a great
number of small
whole of Acts and the Gospel. to give
lies in
the cumulative
details scattered over the It
is,
of course, impossible
any analysis of such a demonstration.
few
There are
striking cases to quote even as specimens and one or two samples would give no conception of the strength of ;
One
the cumulative proof
of the most effective instances
has been quoted above, p. 16,
This topic leads up to a question which that have been taken over
we
still
possess almost in
by Luke from
its
original
I
Even
ber to have seen adequately discussed.
form
do not rememin the
Gospel of
in the
Mark, wherever there occurs any reference to medical treatment of sick persons, alters the expression
more or
the term " a paralytic
"
paralysed
".
He
^
of
Luke almost
less,
Mark
ii.
passages
the Source which
illness
or
invariably
v.
18 he changes
3 to " a
man who was
as in
could hardly ever rest satisfied with the
popular untrained language used about medical matters by Mark."^
In some cases the change does
not
imply really more
contained in the original Source, and amounts only
than
is
to a
more
and medically accurate description of
scientific
the fact related in the Source. addition to knowledge following examples
is
But
in other cases
involved, as appears,
e.g.^
a real
from the
:
" A man sick of the palsy " in the Authorised Version. This is the second class of alterations, systematically introduced by Luke into the parts which he takes from Mark, as mentioned on p. 47. 1
*
;
58
Luke
I.
1. Mark iii. i speaks of a man with a withered hand Luke vi. 6 adds that it was the right hand the medical mind demands such specification. 2. Luke viii. 27 adds to Mark v. 2 that the possessed man had for a long time worn no clothes this was a symptom of :
:
the insanity that a physician would not willingly omit. In
3.
Luke
viii.
55 the physician mentions that Jairus'
daughter called for food
Mark
{cf.
v.
42).
Various other
examples occur. In such cases are
we
to suppose that
Luke simply made them as
these additions without any authority, inventing natural and probable (p. 130, n.
4)
;
That
?
the Author's decided opinion
is
according to him, these are examples of Luke's
But why must we suppose
carelessness about fact and truth.
that Luke,
many
who
Author's opinion had access to so
in the
oral sources of information,
and who so often used
sources of this kind in both books of his history, never had access to Is
it
any
oral authority for
any event narrated by Mark ?
not more natural to suppose that the authorities with
whom
he had conversed told him sometimes about incidents
which Mark records; and
that,
Mark's account as his
he made additions
basis,
from other authorities sibility that
Luke
?
Those who
in
some cases
reject wholly the pos-
knowledge of the
facts,
regarding those additions as pure invention
justified in
seems inconsistent
witnesses
while he preferred to use
could have had access to any good oral au-
thority possessed of first-hand
it
'^
in the
(whom he admits
Author
;
are
but
to maintain that Luke's
to be first-rate) confined their
Mark omitted. Moreover, Luke is known to have used at least one written Source, apart from Mark we can trace it where it was employed by both
statements strictly to matters that
;
'
See above,
p. 44.
the Physician
Luke and Matthew.
There were perhaps cases
gathered information from it
59
it,
in
which Luke
though Matthew did not use
(see below, p. yj).
The
What
question inevitably arises,
have on general opinion
effect will this
The interest and
?
as has been already said,^ seems to
lie
book
value of the book,
even more in the evolu-
tion of the thought of a striking modern personality,
distinguished Author, than in the study of Luke.
viz.,
It
the
shows
the Author on the threshold of the twentieth century thought, yet not able completely to shake off the fetters and emerge
out of the narrow methods of the nineteenth century.
may be doubted whether we must estimate the
It
highly as
cination displayed in
convince any one
it,
who was
will
Professor ability
Harnack's book,
and the clever
ratio-
change any one's opinion or
not already convinced of the truth
Luke the companion of Paul wrote the Third Gospel and the Acts. Its method is too deeply infected with the that
vice of most it is
modern
investigations into questions of the kind
too purely verbal
The
facts.
during the
;
it
has too
little
hold on
realities
history of literary criticism of ancient last fifty
:
and
documents
years has demonstrated that by such
purely verbal criticism one can prove anything and nothing.
Almost
all
the real progress that has been
the discovery of
new
of the old books.
comparison with
made comes from
evidence, and not from verbal criticism
only by bringing the old books into
It is
facts
and
life
that they can be profitably
studied. It is difficult to
much
think that the Author himself can attach
value to the verbal proofs which he gathers together in
his third
Appendix, with the intention of showing that the '
See above
p. lo.
>6o
Luke
I.
letter
of the Council in Jerusalem (Acts xv. 23-29)
composition of
Luke without any
the free
is
written authority.
can-
I
not imagine that the Author arrived at his opinion on the strength of the verbal evidence, which conflicting; and, in
is
singularly
he confesses on
fact,
weak and
154 that the
p.
verbal arguments are perhaps less important than the reasons
of
fact
first
and
buttresses
latter
^
feels that his
One
in the
attempt to support the
notes with real regret the special plead-
comments on xv.
AvTLox'^i'O'V
opinion was reached
ground, and the verbal reasons are mere
added afterwards
tottering pile.
ing in the
One
history.
on the
Koi Svplav
23,
where Kara
in ol
Kara
proved to be a Lukan usage
is
ttjv
(as if
any one could doubt this) by comparison with the totally different sense of Kara in Acts ii. 10, Ac^vrj'; r^? Kara Kvpijvrjv. It
needs no demonstration that Luke could use the preposi-
tion with
an accusative
;
from the Danube to the to the
Persian
so could any other Greek speaker Nile,
And
Gulf.
and from the Atlantic Ocean
make
the attempt to
out, in
defiance of the plain sense and linguistic usage, that ol irpea-
^vrepoi dSeX
is
the easy reading and ol irpea-^vrepov koI
more
liable to alteration,
difficult reading,
mixes up argument and meaning
style of a lawyer pleading a
The same
bad
What
verses.
tion whether the Council or
aTraryryeWeiv (which
is
in the
case.
character attaches to
on the following
and therefore more
much
of the
bearing has
it
Luke composed
found in verse 27)
is
commentary on the ques-
the letter that
used by Luke
twenty-five times, by Mark only twice, and John twice ?
What
reason does this give for thinking that the Apostles
could not use the word? 1
give
^
Paul uses
There are some textual differences on this it five times in Mark, three times in John.
it
twice,
point.
the
Epistle
Moulton and Geden
the Physician
Hebrews has
to the it
6i
the Septuagint has
it,
it,
Matthew
uses
eight times.
Why
;
bearing on the question
and as a matter of xxiii.
Matthew and Mark do not use the
point out that
perfect of cnrocrikXKw
that had any, even the remotest,
as
if
?
Both use the verb very frequently,
Matthew has the
fact
John uses the verb and
'i^y.
Peter and Hebrews have
perfect passive in
perfect freely.
its
(the first using
it
Paul,
even the perfect
Similar remarks rise to one's lips in a good
active).
commentary
other parts of this short
many
:
many
of the notes
are absolutely irrelevant, and prove nothing,
Why
point towards anything.
do not even heap them up ? They
merely weaken the Author's argument, for they show that he has
tried every
But, while the
way and found nothing
to buttress his case.
Author spends several pages
cussion, he does not explain his position
portant questions that arise about this is
more
far
posed by a late writer
own
late writer
they find
:
it
make up
that Acts
this
document from
his his-
Luke, the companion of Paul, wrote the Acts, and
Luke was
in
latter part of the
Galatian
cities as
Luke
the closest relations with Paul during the
very journey in which (he all
his
makes
Decree of the Council
at
it
clear
and inevitable that
in
this
Jerusalem was the solution of the
himself and for
Now
all in his position.
every one asks from the Author, and what he is
Paul
tells us)
non-Jewish converts in the
an authoritative guide for their conduct
certainly
difficulty for
furnish,
was com-
quite natural that this
But the Author considers that the
delivered this letter to
life.
who maintain
should have to
resources.
torical
that
" critics,"
His position
letter.
instance than that of the more
difficult in this
thorough-going
in this dis-
on the really im-
some explanation of the
matter.
is
what
bound
How
does
to it
62
Luke
I.
come
Luke was
that
so entirely ignorant of the words of a
Decree which he describes as of such immense importance, and which Paul had in his hands when he met Luke at Troas ?
Or
if
the words of the Decree, does the Author
Luke knew
and wish to make us
seriously believe,
believe, that the his-
composed a sham one Author must explain what he con-
torian threw aside the real Decree and in its place
siders to
be the relation between the sham Decree and the
Do
real one.
If the
Finally, the
?
they state the same thing, or different things?
why
same,
does Luke in this case rewrite a document
whereas
entirely,
carefully
and so conclusively) he
Or does
original Source?
Council was a pure
carried
it
how does he reconcile He declares that Luke is to
this
and delivered
lie ?
If that
beyond mere carelessness
the last degree careless of truth
it
;
be
Lukan authorship?
with
but such elaborate falsification
;
of his
mere invention,
to Antioch
an elaborate
so,
much
so
the Decree a
to his Galatian converts
and consistency
retains
Author consider that the
the
fiction,
and the story that Paul it
Author proves so
in other cases (as the
goes far
implies wilful intention to mis-
lead.
They must
These are not questions that can be evaded. be answered, intelligible
him.
in
and
It is
make
order to
to us,
rational
Professor Harnack's view
who
desire to
understand
not sufficient to waive them aside (as the
Author does) on the plea that they have been discussed by others
;
for these
others
think
differently
about essential
points.
On words
this ;
studies
Where
question
the Author's argument
yet one does not
of words
that
feel
that
he attained
it
is
mainly of
was through these
his
present opinions.
the verbal argument of this book possesses
demon-
the Physician strati ve value,
63
has more than words to rest on.
it
the study of the parts
common
Thus, in
Mark and Luke,
to
the
reasoning rests on the firm foundation of the original written Source, and investigates the process by which
formed
In the study of the
"
We "-passages and
varied narrative to deal with,
But,
the facts.
when
Luke
trans-
words of the Third Gospel.
into the
this original
has a large extent of
it
it
cannot wholly neglect
the Author takes small pieces like the
song of Mary or the Decree of the Council of Jerusalem,
and analyses the language and
rests purely
on verbal
we fail to find strength in the reasoning. Take as a specimen with which to finish
statistics,
off this paper,
the passage Acts xxviii. 9 f., which is very fully discussed by the Author twice (pp. 11 f. and 123 f.). He argues that the true meaning of the passage was not understood until
medical language was compared, when
word hand
Kad'P]-\}rev,
is
upon".
by which the
it
was shown that the
of the viper
act
to
Paul's
described, implies " bit," and not merely " fastened
But
it
is
a well-assured
fact
that
the viper, a
poisonous snake, only strikes, fixes the poison-fangs in the flesh for a
moment, and withdraws
action could never be what
is
witness to this Maltese viper
and was shaken
;
its
head instantly.
by Luke the eyehung from Paul's hand, by him. On the other
attributed that
off into the fire
it
hand, constrictors, which have no poison-fangs, cling
way
do not
described, but as a rule
Its
bite.
in the
Are we then
to
understand, in spite of the medical style and the authority of Professor Blass (who translates that the
viper " fastened
Then, the very name
upon "
"
viper
"
momordit
"
in his edition),
the Apostle's hand " is
a difficulty.
{Ka6fjy\rev)
mistaken about the kind of snake which he saw trained medical \
man
in ancient times
?
Was Luke ?
A
was usually a good
64
Luke
I-
authority about serpents, to which great respect was paid in
ancient medicine and custom.
Mere
verbal study
here utterly at
is
without
no progress informed
me
A
We can
make
and
facts
realities
correspondent
^
years ago that Mr. Bryan Hook, of
Surrey (who,
good
the
turning to
of Maltese natural history.
fault.
my
naturalist),
correspondent assures me,
had found
Austriaca, which
is
parts of Europe.
in
is
Famham,
a thoroughly
Malta a small snake, Coronella
rare in England, but It
is
obligingly
common
in
many
a constrictor, without poison-fangs^
which would cling to the hand or arm as Luke describes.
and so like in markings and general appearance that Mr. Hook, when he caught his specimen, thought he was killing a viper. the viper,
It is similar in size to
My friend. I
Professor
J.
consulted, replied that
known
H,
Trail, of
Coronella
Aberdeen,
IcBvis,
whom
or Austriaca^
is
and the adjoining islands; but he can
Sicily
in
W.
It is known to no evidence of its existence in Malta. irritable, and to fix its small teeth so firmly into be rather the human skin as to hang on and need a little force to
find
pull
it
off,
though the teeth are too short to do any
injury to the skin.
a viper
amined.
;
and
Coronella
in the
While
it
is
is
flames
it
at a glance very
much
real like
would not be closely ex-
not reported as found in Malta except
by Mr. Hook, two species are known there belonging to the same family and having zamenis
similar
(or coluber) gemonensis.
habits,
The
leopardinus and
colouring of C. leopar-
dinus would be the most likely to suggest a viper.
These observations
justify
Luke
entirely.
We
have here
a snake so closely resembling a viper as to be taken for one
by a good
naturalist until he 1
had caught and examined a
Mr. A. Sloman, Kingslee, Farndon, Chester.
the Physician
specimen.
harm.
It clings,
and yet
That the Maltese
also
rustics should
snake for a venomous one people have the idea that
it
is
all
65 bites without
doing
mistake this harmless
Many uneducated
not strange.
snakes are poisonous
in
varying
degrees, just as the vulgar often firmly believe that toads are
Every
poisonous. in
detail as related
by Luke
is
natural,
and
accordance with the facts of the country.
The Author quite
fairly
quotes this passage as an example
One cannot doubt
of Luke's love for the marvellous. the reason for
its
appearance
in
Luke's history
is
that
that
it
seemed to the writer a proof of Paul's marvellous powers.
We see now
that, while
to Luke, the event
it
was bound
to
appear marvellous
was quite simple and
natural.
No
one
can doubt, probably hardly any scholar has ever doubted, that the incident
and so
is
narrated by an eye-witness
character
is
self-evident.
:
transcript from
direct, so evidently a
it is
so vivid
life,
that
its
But of what value would mere
verbal examination be in this case without investigation of the real
occurred
and surroundings
facts ?
It is
beginning to end.
which
in
the incident
same throughout Luke's history from
the
One may
refer to the incidents of the
stoning and reviving of Paul at Lystra, and the recovery of Eutychus at Troas, which are not necessarily marvellous,
but which both
be so; yet (as
Luke and the public assuredly considered to shown in St. Paul the Traveller) Luke,
is
while revealing what was the general belief and his own, describes the events simply
and
accurately, without intruding
anything that forces on the reader his
own
marvellous inter-
pretation.
Note.
—A
word must be added about the meaning of
Eusebius's statements as to Luke's origin, to
r&v
air' 'Avriox^^a.^;.
Paul
In St. 5
the
/iev ^kvo-i
wv
Traveller^ p. 389,
I
;
66
I.
Luke
expressed the opinion that this peculiar phrase, used in preference to one of the simple
ways of saying that he was an
Antiochian or resided at Antioch, amounted to an assertion that he did not live in Antioch, but belonged to an Antiochian
Professor
family. flicts
my
with
Harnack does not say anything that conI have observed), though
statement (so far as
he does not formally agree with it, and, on the whole, rather neglects it quite probably he may never have observed it. ;
But several others have disputed
it,
and asserted that
Some
Eusebius describes Luke as an Antiochian. passages will show that
I
was
right
parallel
had Luke been known
;
to Eusebius as an Antiochian himself, the historian
not have said that " Arrian, Ind.
TO
i8,
would
by family he was of those from Antioch ".
mentions Nearchos, son of Androtimos,
y€vo
(compare Bu//. Corr.
llTpv/Movi
•was
Hell., 1896, p. 471).
Nearchos
by family a Cretan, but he resided in Amphipolis, where settled, and where the son could only be
probably his father
a resident stranger, not a citizen "'Cretan
by
Trophimos, ^kv^i
Olympos
1
hence he continued to be Similarly
we
Lycia Telesphoros, son of
in
IIpvfivTja-eov';,'^
married to an Olympian
As
^
family, settled in Amphipolis".
find in an epitaph of
224).
:
a resident in
woman
Olympos and
(Bull. Corr, Hell., 1892, p.
resident strangers acquired
no
citizenship,
Unless an act of the Macedonian king forced the conferring of
it
was
citizen-
ship.
''Though
I
have no right
to decide
on such a point,
should be disposed to
I
regard Tlp\i^vt)aiovs as the better accentuation the form is due to rough and coarse local pronunciation of Greek, often exemplified in inscriptions of Asia :
Minor
:
many examples
recent date,
of this are quoted in writings on Asia Minor of
e.g., KartcrKtoiHurav for KarfffKivaaray,
as a representation of the sound of W. the modern pronimciation F.
In
where
Ilpvfi.vT]ff(ovs it
ov
must be regarded
represents either
W
or
See, e.g., Histor. Geogr. of As. Min., p. 281
Studies in Eastern Provinces (1906),
p.
360.
the Physician
some method
necessary to have
the second or third generation
:
67
them
of designating
in
had Telesphorus himself
migrated from Phrygian Prymnessios, he would have been
and
called npvfjLvrjcraev^i oIkoov ev 'OXvfiTro) (Cities
more formally
ii,,
2686
{olKrjaeL fiev M€L\i](rio
v(r€t Se 'laatix;).
471), or
p.
Ant., XX., 7,
2,
The form
Josephus,
speaks of Simon resident in Caesareia Stratonis
'lovBaiov, KvTrptov Be
as
after the
JBish. of
analogy of C.I.G.
Phr.,
cltto
'0^vpvyxeo}<;, etc.,
Papyri apparently in the sense of
used
is
"
in the
Egyptian
belonging to Oxyryn-
any implication that the person was not but in this expression the critical word 761/09
chos, etc.," without
resident there is
omitted
:
;
examples are numerous,
e.£^.,
'Akoipr)<;,
Km^ovof;,
Aiovvaiov, ra)v airo '0^vpirf)(^(av TroXeo)?, Grenfell and Hunt, Ox}>r.
No. 48, 49. also used in a
way
different
the last example, equivalent to e« rwv,
e.g.,
viro Ne<^€pno
The form T&v
uTTo
dvo
Mefji,(f)eo)
was resident Tcov diro
twi^
in
K(t)fi,r)f;
is
Greek Papyri Br. Mus.
Memphis)
'AKO)pe(j)<;
Amkerst Papyri,
Kda-ropo^ kco/jltj
.
.
.
Mva^ei,
In the second case Castor was not a
88.
is
32 (Nepheris
p.
also
KaTa
resident in his proper village that the formula
compare
;
from
used
:
in
in a
the former case
possible
it is
papyrus of the Serapeum,
moment at the Serapeum outside do not venture to make any statement
because Nepheris was at the of Memphis.
But
I
about Egyptian usage.
Literary usage certainly has a dis-
tinguishing sense for rwi/
d'rro,
avoddev ^pxryia
i.,
officer
p.
e.g.,
Xe^rjpo^ tmv diro
505 (Dindorf): this
rrj^i
Roman
of high rank belonged to a Jewish family of Upper
Phrygia and also of Ancyra, but he was not a resident '
wi in pap., corrected
to [ou]
by the editors
:
the writer
matical blunder, which ought not to be improved by editors.
made
in
a gram-
68
Luke
I.
Upper Phrygia,
the Physician
we know
for
(Waddington, Pastes,
p.
218)
;
his career of
that ruled at the period in question, he
even educated
in
Roman
in fact, considering the
service
customs
was probably not
Upper Phrygia, but in Italy, as he was when a youth.
able to enter the senatorial career
The
expression
tS)v airo is also
"descended from a person,"
e.g.,
{Butt. Corr.Hett., 1892, p. 218),
used in the
sense
of
t
"of the Heracleids descended
from Ardys," the Lydian king. Frankel, Inschr. Perg., to a
royal
letter,
'
i.,
p. 170, takes the
phrase appended
Adr]va^6pa
that Athenagoras the scribe
but a resident only.
(was the scribe: the
But the meaning letter
meaning
was not a Pergamenian is,
citizen,
"Athenagoras
was written) from Pergamos".
II.
THE OLDEST WRITTEN GOSPEL.
;
II.
THE OLDEST WRITTEN GOSPEL. In reviewing Professor Harnack's study o{ Luke the Physician
we found
that the best part of a very notable
book was the
common
to Luke and Mark, and the analysis of the relation between those two
comparison of the sections which are
In this detailed comparison the Author could not
writers.
confine himself to considerations of words (that vice of the
nineteenth century)
;
he was obliged constantly to take into
the things of real
consideration
life;
this case, as often before, that
Lukan
only when the study of words
is
directed
by the observation of
The problem principles
if
is
same
possible
troduced, and
guided him of Mark.
realities.
was to determine the his
This task, which would have been im-
in
As
to
by the document which Luke employed
original
now
Mark Luke in-
before us as the Gospel of
to see
exactly what changes
determine what reasons and principles
making
certain modifications in the narrative
a whole, the result of the Author's examination
was that Luke reproduces the certain degree changes the style,
and
the authority had perished, was facilitated
in those sections lies it
facts
on which Luke had dealt with the narrative of
fact that the
and
in
constantly controlled and
before the Author
authority, Mark.
possible
and we observed
criticism keeps right
facts accurately, that
words
in the interests
he to a
of literary
but that even these verbal changes are generally
confined to single words or short phrases (71)
;
and
that there
is
72
II.
a notable absence of
all
The Oldest attempt to introduce new meaning
into Mark's narrative or to intrude
into the record
ideas
Luke imhim but re-
belonging to the age when Luke was writing. proves the language of Mark, where he follows
;
meaning with impartial and remarkable fidelity. Where he desires in his Gospel to give more information than presents his
Mark
he generally does
gives,
it
in distinct sections,
evidently on other authorities, written or
presumption the
same
We
is
two
parts of his
And
fair
that he represents those other authorities with
perfect fidelity as
he shows
found ourselves compelled
chiefly in
oral.^
based
the
respects.
work
in
In the
in the case of
to differ
first
Mark.
from the Author
place, there
were other
which he seemed to be too much under
the influence of purely verbal methods, a kind of reasoning
of which
we entertain a profound distrust, and one which many errors in many departments of literature;
has led to
purely literary considerations of language and style often afford valuable suggestions
and
start
new
trains of thought,
but they have never produced any results that can be relied
on permanently, except when they are constantly guided and tested and controlled
The
by more
plan of the Author's
of the
present
article,
objective
and
real
methods.
new book, which forms the subject leaves little or no room for this
fault.^
In the second place, the Author to
seemed
to us occasionally
have not quite freed himself from certain prepossessions '
We
were, however, disposed to believe (differing herein from the Author)
that occasionally
Luke modified or completed a statement of Mark by knowsome other source (see p. 58); though these modifications
ledge gained from
do not amount to changes of essential facts. ^Spriiche und Reden yesu, die zweite Quelle des Matthaeus und des Lukas Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1907. Beitrdge zur Einleitung in das Neue Testament, II. Heft. Since the present article was first published, a transla:
tion by Rev. J. R. Wilkinson, M.A., has
appeared (Williams
?•
Norga'e, 1908).
Written Gospel
73
and assumptions which ruled the hard and unillurainative
That that
criticism of the later nineteenth century.
was needed
as a protest against older
assumptions,
should be the last to deny, and have always
I
freely admitted; but it
was sound
it
was only on the destructive side that
attempts at reconstruction were valueless
its
;
criticism
dogmatism and previous
and misleading, because the negative presumptions from which
started vitiated all
it
its
positive inferences.
new book, Sayings and
In the Author's
Speeches of Jesus,
forming the second part of his Contributions
New
duction to the
which ruled
parison,
Physician,
is
in the best portion
carried out even
the basis of the whole study.
more Hence
find myself in cordial
I
a
work
lished,
earlier
a
much
The main
result,
results
greater degree than in the previous case.
Common
of his Luke the
completely, and forms
agreement with the method and the
that the lost
to the Intro-
Testament, the method of detailed com-
to
Source of Luke and Matthew was
than Mark, appears to
me
to be firmly estab-
and to lead straight to conclusions of the highest im-
portance.
Although those conclusions are not
with the Author's opinions, they seem to
me
harmony
in
to spring in-
evitably from his main line of argument.
That the
first,
and
authority on which
in
many
Matthew
Gospel of Mark, practically is
now
generally admitted.
to this Source, the
respects the most important,
as well as
in
the form
Luke
in
relied
was the
which we possess
In studying the relation of
Author did not require
it,
Luke
to take into account
Matthew's version of the same Source, because Luke was wholly independent of Matthew, and the Source before us.
But
in the case of the
second
Common
still
lies
Source of
Luke and Matthew, the problem is a far more complicated and difficult one. The Source has been lost, and it is only
The Oldest
n.
74
through the comparison of Luke and Matthew that we can recover an outline of
contents and character, and to a
its
This
certain extent reconstruct the lost original document. original
Q and on pp. that he believes to be
for brevity's sake referred to as
is
88-I02 the Author prints
all
of
it
;
As he says
recoverable with certainty or high probability. himself,
it is
necessary to
fall
back occasionally on conjecture
and hypothesis, as the evidence does not
justify perfect
confidence. In the course of this article
we
Q
we
Source in
shall refer to the
original form (which
was indubitably
longer, than the Author's restoration),
such as
"
the lost
Common
name used by
ings" (a
adequate name, though
"
Source
its
to
denote
by him,
the restored form of the lost Source, as given 88-102, while
from
shall diverge slightly
the Author's custom, and shall use the symbol
pp.
complete and
longer, perhaps
much
by some circumlocution,
or " the Collection of Say-
the Author, but not in our view an
it
perhaps rests on ancient authority).
The original of Q was written in Aramaic; but both Luke and Matthew used the same Greek translation, and therefore throughout the Author's
work
Q
denotes a certain
Greek book, and not the older Aramaic question
is
occasionally have gone behind the sulted
Author
the is
Aramaic
original
for
some
rare,
assumed as the
and
final
may
and con-
details;
but the
if it
and that generally
single
The
Q
Greek form
confident that such a procedure,
pened, was extremely safely be
original.
mentioned whether Luke or Matthew
Q
ever hapalone
may
source of a certain
Luke and Matthew, about one-sixth of the former and two-elevenths of the latter. Perhaps Aramaic scholars might differ from the Author on this question it is under-
portion of
:
stood that one well-known English scholar,
who
has always
Written Gospel taken a very different view,
But
adheres to his
still
at least there can hardly be
did exist,
translation
75
And
the Aramaic in addition.
theory of
his
it
document
certain
positive
founded on the restoration of Q.
cases the lost
by consulting
the Author seems also to
Q
to the extent that his
restoration can be relied on as giving a fair original
opinion.
and was used by both Luke and
Matthew, whether or not they controlled have established
own
any doubt that a Greek
amount
of the
a trustworthy form and as permitting
in
inferences,
but
not
negative
inferences
of any particular incident in his
failure
There
Common
is
much
probability that in
some
Source was much longer than the
restored Q. Incidentally, in
this
study of the two largest Sources
which Luke and Matthew made use
of,
one must be strongly
impressed with the utter impossibility of recovering from
any
single
author alone the
authorities
which he tran-
Let any one take Luke's Gospel by
scribed.
Matthew's Gospel by parts that
itself,
come from
Q
itself,
or
and examine verse by verse the
and from Mark
He
respectively.
must conclude that the problem of analysing
either
the
Third or the First Gospel separately and distinguishing the Q-parts, the Mark-parts, and the parts taken neither from
Q
nor from Mark, would have been quite insoluble without
extraneous help.
And, more than
this,
if
Luke and Matthew were easy
to
distinguish
to each
impossible to analyse that into
the
preserved,
it
lost,
while both
would of course be
common Matthaeo-Lukan
the
from the parts peculiar
Mark were
;
but
it
parts
would be utterly
common Matthaeo-Lukan
Gospel
Markan and the non-Markan. Only existence of Mark makes it possible to tell what is its
two
parts, the
76
The Oldest
II.
Markan and what and read
is
Q
Yet take
non-Markan.
from Mark, and the
apart
it
by
itself,
observant
least
scholar must be struck by the difference of character, style,
language, and point of view. Further,
one took Luke's Gospel by
if
itself,
and pro-
ceeded according to some definite peculiarity, such
as,
for
example, the name of the Holy City, starting from the principle that
passages
the
in
which the Hebrew form
Jerusalem was used were founded on a different original
Source from those parts
in
which the Greek form Hiero-
solyma was used, how misleading and absurd would be the results of such an hypothesis "critical" (or
rather
!
So
the Acts, the old
in
that the
uncritical) idea
use of the
names Paul and Saul indicated two different Sources has probably been abandoned by even the most unenlightened and unprogressive of
modem
scholars.
It
has long been
proved conclusively that Luke had a definite purpose distinguishing
names Paul and
the
sometimes the one, sometimes the historical
own in and he in
So, also, he had
effect.
distinguishing the
Saul,
in
and employed
other, for the
sake of
a clear purpose of his
names Jerusalem and Hierosolyma,
actually alters Mark's
order to carry out his
own
Hierosolyma
into Jerusalem,
peculiar purpose (see above,
p.5iff.).
The easily
futility
shown,
of various other if
only pausing for a
similar
were worth while
it
criteria
;
but
we
might be pass on,
moment to ask whether in the analysis much has not been made of the
of the Pentateuch too distinction
between the two names of God, Elohim and
Jehovah or Yahwe.
Even admitting
different older Sources
Pentateuch,
is
it
lie
(as
we do
fully) that
behind the extant form of the
not possible that there
may be some
:
Written Gospel purpose guiding the choice of the in his use of the two
names?
jj compiler or author
final
always bear
I
in
mind the
warning words which Robertson Smith often emphaticallyused
in conversation, that, while the diverse
Sources of the
Pentateuch could on the whole and in the rough be distinguished,
it
must always be
utterly impossible to attain
certainty about the precise points
the existing text
(a
and
lines
of cleavage
by some scholars, who since his death claim to speak and to present his views on current questions to the
A
in
warning which has been wholly forgotten for
him
public).
general outline of this pre-Lukan and pre-Matthaean
Common
Source, then, can be recovered from the agreement
of the non-Markan parts of course, there remain
Luke and Matthew
mined before we can regard the fragments as a
but,
;
two important questions to be
of
deter-
resultant group of literary
and trustworthy representative of that
full
old book.
In the
did
first place,
of the lost
Common
Luke and Matthew take the whole
Source and incorporate
Were
it
?
Luke
Matthew alone extracted, and
alone or
therefore
we have only one
authority
probable,^
and even practically
certain, that there
deal which only one of
Luke
treats
the
by
for
which
seems to us
It
?
them incorporated
was a good
in his
Gospel
book with great freedom, and puts
different parts of his Gospel scraps of
places side
in their re-
there not parts of that book which
spective Gospels
it
side as continuous exposition.
Such freedom
seems quite irreconcilable with the idea that they agreed utilising the entire book.
(which
we
This part of the
Common
believe to have been considerable)
part hopelessly lost to us. '
The Author
We may
in
which Matthew
is
in
Source
for the
most
conjecture that certain
holds the same opinion.
The Oldest
II.
78
paragraphs or sentences of Matthew alone or of Luke alone
were taken from the
ments from language or brought
in to
Source
lost
style or
;
and
in
such cases argu-
thought might be
fairly
But such conjectures
support the conjecture.
can never be ranked on the same level as the agreement
Luke
of Matthew and
and they do not apply to any large
;
Yet the attempt ought
continuous part of the book.
made, and
certainly
will
collect those parts of the lost
by one this
is
Evangelist.
to be
be often made, to specify and Sources that were used only
The Author expressly
recognises that
a work which awaits and will reward patient investiga-
tion (pp.
2,
I2l).
Further, are there not passages in which the Source coin-
cided in subject with Mark, and the latter seemed to
and Matthew to be preferable
— not necessarily as divergent, Was
but as more complete or better expressed? case
—as
it
would be
if
Luke
the Author's restoration of
even approximately complete
—that
or hardly ever, covered a part of the
the
it
Q
were
the lost Source never,
same ground
as
Mark
.?
There seems an overwhelming probability that two such books must have agreed oftener than appears restoration.
It is clear
that they covered the
as regards the relations of Jesus with
restricts
the Author's
same ground
John the Baptist and
as regards the Temptation, but covered
ways.
in
it
in
very different
In the case of the Temptation, for example,
himself to a brief sentence
Matthew here
neglect
Mark and
had happened that the
lost
;
follow Q.
Common
Mark
and both Luke and
Now
suppose
it
Source had been pre-
we were attempting
served, but that
Mark had
to restore
Gospel from the agreement of Luke and
his
Matthew, some
critics
perished and
would
certainl
had never heard of the Temptation.
maintainy that Mark
As
it
is,
we can
see
Written Gospel that there
79
no inconsistency or disagreement on
is
between Mark and
Q
this point
more detailed and Were there not many cases in which the sharp
complete.
;
but the latter
far
is
and clear narrative of Mark was preferred by the two Synoptics to a brief allusion in the
Common
lost
This seems to us inevitably to have been the case these parts of Q, which were distinctly inferior to historical
import and weight, are
The consequence
now
hopelessly
later
Source?
and
;
Mark
all
in
lost.
of this loss has been that
Q
has the
appearance of being almost wholly confined to Sayings and
This appearance we must consider to
Speeches of Jesus.
be untrue to the real character of the original
that
lost Source.
even from the agreement of Luke and Matthew
It is clear
Q was
not quite free from narrative
:
the parts relating
to John the Baptist and the Temptation and the Centurion
of
Capernaum contain some
the Author's Q,
18,
3,
22,
narrative 29,
30,
;
54,
several sections in
and
others,
must
obviously have been accompanied by some narrative, howIn
ever brief.
many
others
it is
inconceivable that a
hand authority (as the Author considers the writer of
first-
Q
to
have been) could .have sent down to posterity, or published for his contemporaries, such
a disjointed and disconnected
which can be got from the agreement of
scrap as that
Matthew and Luke.
We must, therefore, conclude that there was more narrative in the lost original
that sections
i, 2,
document than appears now 13,
truer conception of sections.
It
its
character than most
was not a mere
narrative, noted in the sayings
Q, and
of the other
collection of sayings, but a
down by a person whose
and the teaching of
*The
in
14^ of the Author's restoration give a
Jesus,
interest lay
mainly
and who made the
Baptist, the Temptation, the Centurion.
8o
The Oldest
11.
This person wrote,
narrative subsidiary to the speeches.
not with the purpose of composing a biography, but from
and the teaching of a remarkable what He said, and employing narrative mainly in order to make the recorded words more significant In the account of the Temptation and more instructive.
interest in the character
personality, recording
it is
evident that the circumstances and the situation must be
make
described in order to
the words intelligible to the
reader.
These conclusions, driven by the
facts,
to
perhaps modify
views, though they
impression
general
The
Source.
hold
is
which we seem to be involuntarily
are quite consistent with the Author's in
some degree the
which he gives of the
opinion which on the whole he
that this Source
lost is
Common
disposed to
was the work of the Apostle Matthew,
being the collection of Logia which Matthew (as Papias says)
The Author
composed.
fully
concedes that Papias under-
stood this collection of Logia to be simply the First Gospel 172)
(p.
;
but he tends
to
the view that
Papias
in
this
matter misunderstood his authority, that Matthew merely
gathered together a collection of sayings, and that both Luke
and the writer of the First Gospel made use of the
collec-
tion.
The
question here
rises,
how do
stand related to the original Source fairly,
the two extant Gospels
and which of them reproduces
The Author shows portions
and
Do
? it
they represent
most accurately
it
?
Markan Luke sometimes gave
repeatedly, both as regards the
as regards Q, that while
more emphatic expression to the ideas of his Sources, he did not add anything of consequence to them on his own authority.
In fact, as has been previously pointed out,^ the ^
See above, pp. 47,
4, 32.
Written Gospel Author's results from his detailed
8i
examination of Luke,
sentence by sentence and paragraph by paragraph, stand in
the most
marked contrast with
upon Luke's character as a
his general reflections
In both the Author's
historian.
volumes Luke bears the detailed
even better than
test
Matthew; the Author declares that while Matthew on the whole preserves the actual words of the Sources
more
exactly than Luke, he in certain rare cases adds something
own
of his
he finds no case where Luke expression betraying the spirit and any the Source the later time when he was composing his Gospel.
adds to ideas of
to them, whereas
But while the Author's detailed strongly
condemns
and untrustworthiness as a
As
to
date
the
when
test gives this result,
he
Luke's incapacity, inaccuracy
in general
historian. this
collection
of Sayings was
gathered together, the Author expresses a definite opinion.
He considers that the book of Sayings and Speeches was composed before the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70, and before the Gospel
Otherwise
of Mark.
he leaves
the question of date an open one, except that he will not
allow
it
to be
much
earlier
than Mark.
the fact that the Gospel of
Mark
is
This he infers from
wholly independent of
and unconnected with the collection of Sayings he argues that if this collection had been long in circulation before ;
Mark
wrote,
not have
it
known
would it
be impossible that
and used
it
(p.
172).
But, while the Author rightly perceives
Source
is
older than
Mark,
that
this
his train of reasoning
inconclusive and unconvincing.
Mark desired book. Now, if we
Mark should
It involves
make
lost
seems
one big assump-
work supersede
tion, viz.^ that
to
that older
follow the authority of Papias
that
Mark wrote
the
"
his
Gospel according to Peter," there
—
82
II.
seems not the
The Oldest
slightest reason to think that
to supersede the older
narrative, or
he would desire
intermingle with
to
account given by another (whether
Peter's narrative the
Matthew or any one else), or that he would feel himself bound to introduce speeches and sayings from another Source into the narrative as he gathered it from Peter. It is
perfectly natural
and probable that he may have known
the old book of " Sayings and Speeches," and yet composed
a narrative according to Peter, wishing not to supersede but older work.
to complete the
maintain that
That
Sayings.
we
Still
Mark was acquainted lies
in the
region
are not eager to
with the collection of of possibilities, not of
scientific investigation.
At
this point
we meet one
of the Author's prepossessions,
which we cannot sympathise with. of a Gospel
He
the principle that
viz.,
holds that the type
its
central topic
and
guiding motive must be the death and resurrection of the
Lord
—was
fixed
by Mark
of a catechetical apologetic caelo
;
"
"
being required by the needs 174).
(p.
We
must
differ lo^o
from this assumption and from the vast consequences
that follow from
The type of
it.
the facts, and not
the Gospel was fixed by
by the accident of Mark's composing a
This type dominated the whole
Gospel.
and
situation,
guided the thought and word of the Apostles from the
moment when from the
first
itself
facts,
i.e.,
In this type of the Gospel, as
Pentecost.
quickly formed Christ was
they began to understand the
it
out of the actual events, the death of
the essential and
critical
factor
;
and on
this
That was the case with the speeches of Peter and of Stephen at the very beginning
factor the
— and,
as
whole narrative
we take
it,
truth thereafter, except
turns.
with every exposition of Christian
when from time
to time a
"new
Written Gospel theology
"
and lingered
arose
away, often finding
its
for
83
a short time, only to pass
grave in the mind in which
it
origi-
nated.
But the Author, on the contrary, tion that
Mark
picture of the
is
by his assump-
obliged,
fixed the type of the Gospel, to hold that the
first
Church, as given in the Acts,
unhistorical,
is
and that the speeches of Peter and Stephen are merely the free compositions of
they ought to have
Luke, expressing his own ideas of what
in his latest
same
So he
an incipient Paulinism,
said,
consistency bound to maintain,
is
in
and so he does maintain, even
expression in Lukas der Artzt}
he
principle,
holds
(p.
171)
Paulinism, exerted a strong influence
of Mark's Gospel.
And, on the that the same cause, in moulding the form
In a word, this view practically implies that
Paul originated the recognised type of Gospel, that prePauline Christianity was of an essentially different character,
and that
in that earliest period
ism,
any
i.e.^
stress laid
Saviour's death, impossibility.
here involved
;
so-called
germs of Paulin-
must be regarded as an anachronism and an
The
nature and origin of Paul's teaching
and
1
To me
the Author.
any
on the efficacy and power of the
find it
is
myself absolutely at variance with
appears that the
mined the type of the Gospel, imposed
it
facts,
which deter-
on the minds of the
Apostles, generally, and that Luke's report of those early
speeches
is
historical
and trustworthy
sceptical as to the possibility that
;
and
I
am
utterly
Mark, or any other man,
could have fixed immutably and permanently (as the Author maintains,
But, utterly
it
p.
174) the type of
will
all
be objected, here
different
subsequent Gospels. in
Q
is
a Gospel which
is
from the established type, which never
mentions the death of Christ or bases the efficacy of Christ's ^He
often tacitly assumes' it.
See above,
p. 22.
— 84
11.
teaching on His death
on the ground of
The Oldest
—a Gospel which the Author, mainly be
this character, holds to
than
earlier
Mark's Gospel, but not very much earlier. This is an important argument, which needs and reward Is
careful consideration.
involves two points,
the Author maintains, the
true that, as
it
It
will (i)
Common
lost
Source took no notice of the death of Christ ? (2) If that was the case, when was that Common Source written ? It
is,
of course, correct procedure on the Author's part
to restrict the scope of
Q
in the first instance to the parts
which can be restored with approximate certainty from the agreement of Matthew and Luke, and to set aside rigorously
all
that
does not rest on
this
assured basis
though even thus there are some places where, as he says, it
is
But
impossible entirely to avoid conjectural work.
in deducing from this restoration the character of the lost
remember
Source, one must
that this restored
Q
is
incom-
and one must draw no inferences of a purely negative character, i.e., one must never infer that there was in the lost plete,
Source no mention of any particular event or group of events merely on the negative evidence that
in the restored
To
mention occurs of the event or group of events. such an inference
it is
necessary to show that
Q
is
Q
no
justify
positively
inconsistent with the supposition that the event or group of
events was
known
to the writer of the lost Source.
Accordingly, to find that there the agreement of
is
in
Q
(as
determined by
Matthew and Luke) no mention of
Christ's
death, does not afford sufficient proof that His death was
not mentioned
in
the lost
Common
Source.
It
would, as far
as this reason goes, be quite possible that this Source (which
on the narrative side is scanty and confessedly poorer than Mark) was in the conclusion so distinctly inferior to Mark
Written Gospel that the latter (combined to
85
some extent with other Sources)
was preferred by both Matthew and Luke even be possible to speculate whether used by one of the two alone
But there teaching of
is
Q
in
some
and
;
it
might
Source was not
this
parts.
stronger ground for the Author's view is
:
the
inconsistent with the idea that the writer
of the lost Source regarded the death of Jesus as the funda-
mental fact
One
the Gospel.
in
the impression
acquires
throughout that Jesus was to him the great Teacher, not that
He
was the Redeemer by His death
him the Son of God, the King who of Heaven.
God
In
ditions of entering
it,
its
nature, with the con-
were emphatically stated
who had
the right of birth,
were to be rejected, and the Gentiles from to find a
God
home
with
Abraham and
(sections 42, 13, 30);
world,
it
Kingdom Kingdom of
reveals the
the Teaching of Jesus, the
stood out prominently, and
the Kingdom,
Jesus was to
:
the sons of
:
i.e.,
the Jews,
the world were
all
Kingdom
Isaac in the
was not a Kingdom of
it
was a process of development and growth
of
this
in
the
mind of the individual (section 40) hence, to speak against Holy Spirit (which works this process in the mind of man) is the fatal and unpardonable sin (section 34(5, 29) in this it is already implied, as is said in Luke xvii. 21, that "the Kingdom of God is within you". The way of salva:
the.
:
tion,
i.e.,
the
apart from, it is
Kingdom
common
of God, does not
life,
but
the spirit in which that
in
the ordinary
life
is
lived)
has the opportunity of being justified by the (section 15, 12),
The
lie
revelation
by the
outside
life
of
of,
man
or
{i.e.,
and every man
;
spirit
Son
is
of
wisdom
the only and
way by which man can attain to the knowledge of God (section 25); this way of salvation is a difficult path
necessary
with a single narrow entrance (section 41);
it
was unknown
86
many
to
The Oldest
II.
now shown
prophets, though
who
publicly to those
saw and heard Him (section 26) it is hidden from the wise and the educated, but revealed to infants (section 25); the ;
Kingdom
true teachers for
God
of
come near
has
and Apostles go
many workers
in this
those cities whither the
(section 22, 16)
;
there
need
is
harvesting of the world (section
In this Teaching there
1
8).
the Gospel of Christ,
lies implicit
but the foundation on which alone (according to the universal Christian
Gospel from Peter and Stephen onwards) the
Kingdom
Heaven can be
is
no
of
built up,
allusion to the death of Christ,
driving force and the power. factor
The
is
wanting, for there
which gives the needed
and determining
central
which makes the Christian religion
the want of
it
was not
by the writer.
felt
is
wanting, and
Jesus meant to
from what He is in all New Testament outside of Q. When could such Teaching as this
him something markedly
different
the Gospels and in the whole
The
question then
be written down written
down
in a
is,
book ?
The Author
replies that
it
was
shortly before Mark's Gospel, but after Peter
and Stephen and Paul had been preaching the Gospel of the death of Christ,
not then been fixed
The type by Mark
of the Christian Gospel had ;
and, in the Author's view,
apparently, the Gospel might be anything that
pleased until after
Mark had shown what
that the other
a Gospel ought to be,
all
by Mark,
He apparently
believes
Twelve Apostles preached anything they
found good in the
way
of teaching from the beginning
Mark's publication
meaning and power of in
writer
which no writer could do anything except follow the
type as fixed once for
till
any
;
down
no one perceived what was the Christ's death until Mark's Gospel,
accordance with apologetic needs, fixed the type.
The Author's theory mistakes
literature
for
life,
and
;;
Written Gospel
87
regards the chance of Mark's publication as
He
the course of subsequent Christianity.
we
(as
Mark was only an
hold) that
determining
ignores the facts
accidental agent,
who
wrote what the development of Christian teaching forced
him
to write
of inner
life
that
;
it
was not apologetic needs, but the
and growth, which gave form
force
to the Gospel
and that the Gospel existed before Mark and independent
He
of Mark.
even thinks that Mark,
would have given a different character It is
if
he had known Q,
to his
own
Gospel.
impossible that any of the disciples could about thirty
years after the Crucifixion picture Jesus simply as the great living Teacher, or could set forth the
way
being through the true knowledge which the
Son
and yet never
of God,
in
is
of salvation as
revealed only
by
any way allude to His
death as being an essential factor in the process of salvation.
The
disciples
His
immediately after the Crucifixion
had never rightly understood the teaching of Jesus
that they in
realised
because they had missed that cardinal fact of Here we have an account which sets before us
lifetime,
His death.
Jesus as the Saviour without alluding to the cardinal
The
writer
know
did not
changed the minds of have been
silent
The Author
about
that
Had
all.
light
he known
it,
he could not
it.
lends plausibility to his view by denying
credibility to those parts of the
throw
fact.
which so radically
fact,
on the
feelings
all
Gospels and the Acts which
and thoughts of the
disciples
during the period between the Resurrection and the writing of Mark's Gospel. history
was quite
In his view the course of early Christian different
from what
it
is
described to us
a false Pauline-Markan colour has been painted over
and the
disciples
until Paul
it all,
understood everything quite differently
through Mark taught them otherwise.
The Oldest
II.
This
the only
is
way
to give a reasonable character to the
Only those who
Author's dating of Q,
so far can accept his view. incredible that the
Markan
But
it
are prepared to go
seems inconsistent and
period of Christ's
life
and the post-
period should have been pictured to us in such
form as
a fairly trustworthy
Author
the
the intervening thirty or forty years
This
sented.
is
while
allows,
so totally misrepre-
is
not a reasonable or natural view
;
and no
made to put it on a reasonable basis. The assumption is made that the first half of the second book of attempt
is
Luke's history
is
and unsupported
utterly untrustworthy historical sketch is
Here and everyw^here
tion.
tament we see the
evil
in the
;
and an unattested
founded on the assumpstudy of the
New
Tes-
consequences of depreciating the
trustworthiness of Luke.
One other explanation can be suggested which would make the Author's date for
Q
conceivable
writer of the lost Source in the
the
mind and
first
;
and that
part of his
belief of the disciples as they
is
that the
work described
were while Christ
was still living, and then in the last part described the change that was produced in them after the death of Christ had reBut such an artificial explanavealed to them the real truth. tion cannot for a
moment be entertained.
not even think
worthy of notice, but
insists
it
on the simplicity of the
The Author does
tacitly rejects
lost Source.
it
and
This explanation
is
utterly inconsistent with the possibilities of the situation.
It
supposes a straining after dramatic effect which cannot be
reconciled either with the character of early Christianity or
with the habits and established canons of ancient literature.
We is
conclude, then, that the date assigned
by the Author
own views. between Mark and
impossible in itself and inconsistent with his
The
lost
Source cannot be placed either
Written Gospel Luke, or a
when
than the time to
cost,
before Mark.
little
It
89
cannot be placed later
the disciples began, at the
Pente-
first
understand the true nature of the Gospel, and
Peter began to declare
publicly, establishing
it
it
on the firm
foundation of the sacrifice of Christ's death.
A
date between the death of Christ and the
cost
is
and
equally impossible;
suggested by any one.
who would
down
sit
not
is
In that period of
likely
gloom and
compose a Gospel
to
Pente-
first
even to be despair,
in the tone of
Q? There of
is
only one possibility.
Luke and Matthew
The
lost
Common
Source
which, as the Author says,
(to
Luke
attached even higher value than he did to Mark) was written while Christ was
which one of His teaching during
disciples
His
living.
still
It
gives us the view
Him and His and may be regarded as
entertained of
lifetime,
authoritative for the view of the disciples generally.
extremely early date was what gave the high value that
Luke, and yet it
it
had
justified
and modified
it
in
lost
the estimation of
This
Source the
Matthew and
the freedom with which they handled
by addition and explanation
the
(for
Author's comparison of the passages as they appear in
Luke and Matthew shows was very freely treated by was a document and
it
that the lost
made on
On
Christ.
perly understood
risen
by even the most John says
from the dead. His
had said
this
unto
hand,
(ii.
it
facts,
by was
eye-witnesses
the other hand,
written before those words and acts
So, for example,
the one
Source
contemporary with the
registered the impression
the words and acts of
On
them).
practically
Common
it
had begun to be pro-
intelligent eye-witnesses.
22) that
disciples
"when He was
remembered that
them," and they then
He
comprehended
90
The Oldest
II.
the reference to His death which at the time they had not
understood.
The same Gospels
tone
observable frequently in the Synoptic
is
in Matthew show unto His
example,
so, for
;
that time began Jesus to
He
must
.
many
suffer
.
.
things
He
Get thee behind Me, Satan unto
Me
:
for
f.
disciples
and be
.
Peter
,
.
From how that "
:
and
killed
began to
.
from Thee, Lord
far
it
But
never be unto Thee.
.
And
the third day be raised up.
rebuke Him, saying, Be
.
21
xvi.
this shall
;
turned and said unto Peter,
thou art a stumbling-block
;
thou mindest not the things of God, but the
things of men."
This
is
found also in Mark
Luke omitted
but
;
the re-
ference to Peter, apparently disliking the harshness of the
language.
Then
Q
pare xvi. 24 with
Q
as restored
section 46,
Luke
ix.
things which
44
f.
He
latter :
"
25 with
Q
section
belongs to Q.
While
did,
He
delivered
up
;
for
the
and
it
should not perceive this saying."
and Matthew
it
all
the
Let these
Son of Man
shall
be
But they understood
into the hands of men.
this saying,
about
were marvelling at
all
said unto His disciples,
words sink into your ears
32,
:
xvi.
24, 25, are
fact, xvi.
and Matthew, the
not
and
almost a repetition of x. 38, but the former belongs to the Markan portion of Luke In
57.^ 39,
Matthew a passage by the Author com-
there immediately follows in
strongly reminiscent of
was concealed from them, that they :
and they were afraid
This also
xvii. 23,
is
common
to
to ask
Mark
Him
ix. 31,
but the latter gives only the words
of Jesus, without remarking on the ignorance of the disciples. ^
33-
Q
46
is
Matthew
x. 38,
Luke
xiv. 27
;
Q
57
is
Matthew
x. 39,
Luke icm.
Written Gospel
Luke
ix.
91
54-56 mentions the rebuke to James and John
on the way towards Jerusalem for their suggestion, which
was so incongruous with the This
Lukan
is
Luke
xviii.
spirit
of Christ and the occasion.
only.
31-34:
"He
took unto
Him
the twelve and
we go up to Jerusalem, and all the written by the prophets shall be accomSon of Man, For He shall be delivered
said unto them, Behold
things
that are
plished unto the
up
.
.
and the
.
day
third
He
shall rise again.
understood none of these things
;
and
And
they
saying was hid
this
from them, and they perceived not the things that were
Matthew xx. 17-19 and Mark x. 32-34 mention coming facts to the twelve disciples^
said."
that Jesus revealed the
but do not remark on their failure to understand.
The
Author,
if
we do not misunderstand him,
view of these and similar passages
different
them apparently
:
takes
a
he regards
as being of distinctly later origin, barely
of apostolic period, but rather representing the reflections
and moralising of a
later
simpler ideas entertained time, before
and
the
later
generation with regard
by ruder minds
views about the
an earlier
death of Christ
meaning had established themselves
its
in
to the
:
see especially
below, pp. 240-2.
We
would not affirm that the writers of the canonical
Gospels never added such reflections attitude
of mind seems
to
;
but that tone and
us to have originated
in
the
period immediately following the Crucifixion, and to be the inevitable realisation
accompaniment or expression of the gradual by the disciples of their new knowledge that the
death of Christ was a necessary and fundamental part of
His Gospel.
In our view, the utmost that can be
buted to any of the evangelists
is
that he gave
attri-
more sharp
II.
92
The Oldest
and emphatic form to those
reflections
we cannot
;
allow
that he created them.
There seems no other supposition but everything in
it
becomes
stood forth
Jesus
even to the most
The way
clear.
this
view
become known
as yet
and devoted of His
faithful
way
ledge was what Jesus revealed,
I
didst
and
know-
:
the knowledge of
vis.,
this
God
knowledge.
Lord of heaven and hide these things from the wise and
thank Thee,
Thou
understanding,
O
followers.
wisdom
of right
But Jesus alone could impart
said, "
earth, that
view
According to
He had
alone
of salvation was the
the Father.
As He
this
His lifetime as the great Teacher,
in
way
because in that
On
the character of Q.
satisfactorily explain
which would
this
didst
Father,
them unto babes.
reveal
All things have been delivered unto
Me
of
My
Father
;
.
.
.
and
no one knoweth the Father save the Son and he to whomSon willeth to reveal Him." Such is the original
soever the
form (Q), which the Author Matthew xi. 25-27 and Luke omitted part of the
last
specifies x.
21-22.
as
lying
He
behind
regards the
sentence as an interpolation (see
especially pp. 204-6).
The two in
sentences which immediately follow this passage
Matthew
xi.
28-30 are regarded by the Author as prob-
ably truly words of Jesus, taken, however, not from rather from
wrongly familiar
Q
but
Source and placed
some other trustworthy by Matthew. The passage
in this situation
and frequently quoted one
:
"
Come
unto Me,
is
all
the
ye
I will give you rest upon you and learn of Me for I am meek and lowly in heart and ye shall find rest unto your souls. For My yoke is easy, and My burden is light." The Author
that labour and are heavily laden, and
Take
My yoke
;
;
sees and explains admirably the close relationship of thought
Written Gospel
93
The knowledge
and meaning between these two passages. of
God
in the
one case
in the other case
is
is
the intellectual aspect of that which
called in
moral aspect the yoke or
its
purden of duty; and Jesus describes Himself
as at once the
/conveyer of the instruction and the imposer of the yoke,
"take
My yoke upon
an enforcement
you and
learn of
in the imperative
Me
mood
This
".
is
merely
of the truth stated
Thus the whole passage
as a fact in the preceding verses.
runs continuously in perfect sequence.
But the
Luke of any
failure in
Matthew
parallel to
xi.
28-30 constitutes an argument so serious as to convince the
Author that Luke did not lost
Common
Source, for
find those last three verses in the it is
not easy to understand
he should have omitted an expression which
is
with the tone and
It
of his Gospel.
spirit
how
so harmonious is,
of course,
always an uncertain argument to found any inference on
some saying or event was omitted by Luke out number from which he had to select he certainly
the fact that
of the vast
omitted
:
much
that
we
should have been glad to have.
selection was necessary, and no two persons
exactly the same
way
:
one
will
will select in
mourn the omission of
something which the other suffered to be crowded there
is
But
out.
Yet
probably no other case where a deliberate omission
by Luke seems
so strange as this
;
and hence many
will
Matthew took these three verses Source placed them here on account some other and from agree with the Author that
of their intrinsic suitability.
We cannot,
however, agree with him when he seeks to
strengthen this argument by the consideration verses
the
common
to
Luke and Matthew
indicative, while
an invitation
in
that
the
are a statement in
the addition peculiar to
the imperative, and that there
Matthew is
is-
too much.
The Oldest
II-
94
change between the situation ing
is
in the
two
This reason-
parts.
founded on the assumption, which the Author makes
throughout, that what
early in the Gospels
is
simpler and more single in tone than what
was a complex
necessarily
is
Jesu
is later.
and His Teaching had many
character,
and we ought to find traces of
complexity
this
Him.
But
sides
in the
this is a
point
earliest
faithful presentation of
which
too important for us to enter upon at present.
is
present
would only point out the
I
is
The
to
from
first part, xi.
the statement that right knowledge i
of the Divine nature can be acquired direct revelation
by man only through
The second
Jesus.
part invites
man
to Jesus and acquire this knowledge, declares His
come
man
readiness to reveal the knowledge, mentions that
coming must co-operate by Jesus,"
At
really close philosophic
connection of the two parts in Matthew,
25-27 (Luke X. 21-22),
very
"
in
taking on him the yoke of
In the two parts of easy. embryo the whole philosophy
and adds that the yoke
Matthew's saying we have
in
is
of history and the history of religious development as Paul
understood
it.^
The Author rightly finds a corroboration of that Matthew xi. 28-30 is truly a word of Jesus thians X.
of Christ,
I
I
We should
:
"
I
who
entreat you in
his opinion in 2 Corin-
by the meekness and gentleness
your presence
am
lowly
among you "?
also be disposed to think that the expressions
used in Acts xv. lo-ii, 28, rose to the mind of Peter and the Apostles from recollection of the Saying contained in this ^Cities of St. Paul, pp. 10-15.
"In the writer's Cities 0/ St. Paul, together with Ephesians fitpavs
and
iv.
raTreiv6s, or wpavrris
i,
and
2,
p.
38
f., it is
argued from
and Colossians
rairfiyocppocrvvr)),
iii.
12
that Paul
this passage,
(juxtaposition of
knew
this
(whether from the Collection of Sayings or from oral information).
Saying
Written Gospel passage of Matthew.^
Why
said, "
95
Peter in his speech to the Council
tempt ye God that ye should put a yoke upon
the neck of the disciples, which neither
we nor
our fathers
But we believe that we should be saved the Lord Jesus in like manner as they." grace of the through were able to bear ?
And
the Decree of the Council ordained, "
...
to lay
it seemed good upon you no greater burden than these necessary Here the yoke and burden of the Jewish Law is
things".
contrasted with the saving grace of Jesus
;
and the Author
points out that the yoke and burden which
passage of O just quoted
That the Author
is
is
Luke
xi. 46),
which
bind heavy burdens
.
.
The heavy burden was the
Law
;
xxiii.
part of
is
meant
becomes evident where
right
combined with Matthew
is
is
.
in the
that which the Pharisees imposed.^
Q
4 (identical
this
passage
in force
with
section 33, " the Pharisees
and lay them on men's shoulders ".
the teaching of the Pharisees and of
but the Teaching of Jesus imposed a light burden
and an easy yoke.
But
it is
hardly necessary to go searching with the Author
for
arguments and external proofs that the words of Matthew
xi.
28-30 were in
real
The
vented by a later fancy. of
all
among
by
truth spoken
Jesus,
and not
in-
practically universal consent
subsequent thought has recognised those verses as the most characteristic, the most exquisite, and the
most perfectly adapted to the needs of mankind, that have been preserved to us
in
No
the Gospels.
proof can be so
strong as that consent, Securus mdicat orbis terrarum.
There
was no second Christ to speak those words. 1
Whether from
their
own
recollection of the
words which they had heard
or from their knowledge of the book of the Sayings, or from both. ^
The Author does not mention
this
analogy
;
and on
his
date and spurious character of the Decree, he would explain ferent
way.
view of the it
late
in a very dif-
g6
II.
Nor need we
restrict their intention
They
Author seems to do. than he allows
TAe Oldest
—as
every sorrow that
so narrowly as the
are far wider in
application
wide as the burden of every
men know
;
and
trial
but they certainly include,
as he says, the contrast between the burden of Pharisaic law
and the freedom of controversy between
Christ's teaching
Paul and
;
they anticipate the
the Judaising party
they lead up to the Epistle to the Galatians. a difference
in
temper and
spirit
is
there
and
;
And what between
the
Saying of Jesus and the Epistle of Paul, great as the latter
is
the difference between the Divine and
all
:
the
human. It is clearly
apparent that Luke treated the text of
considerable freedom, and that the agreement of
and Luke
is
in
many places confined
Q with
Matthew
to small sayings, which
might possibly have come to them from independent sources. In this respect there
agreement
(of
is
a decided contrast with the triple
Matthew and Luke with Mark), where the
likeness generally extends over considerable passages,
some-
times over long continuous stretches of narrative.
This
difference has led
any
some
scholars
real single written authority
to
^
doubt the existence of
Q behind
this
double agree-
ment (of Matthew and Luke, independent of Mark). They would rather incline either to a verdict of " Not Proven," or to a definite opinion that the double
agreement
rests
on
strong general likeness in a widespread oral tradition or in several different documents.
The
Author's answer to this
striking passages in the
a .singularly lofty 1
Notably
Gospel.
my
friend,
spirit
is
given in one of the most
whole work, a passage conceived
in
of sympathetic insight and of the
Rev. Willoughby
C
Allen, in his edition of the first
— Written Gospel highest kind of " Higher Criticism," on it
there are passages which
The
"
Q
proof that
ancient source
is
is
97 p.
162
fif.
do not convince me)
essentially a
Common
was an ancient written
presents to us so remarkable,
We
Throughout ledged "
The
in
every attempt
Source
specified forthwith; first
made
why Luke
reason
Common
book
place, a
O
of inestimable value.
is
subsequent time the value has been acknow-
all
in the foreground."
The old
Source, because
sum up His
to
personality.
portrait of Jesus as given in the sayings of
mained
its
see that
individual and unique a con-
This conception
ception of Jesus.
in
homogeneous and an
ultimately based upon the nature of
description of the personality of our Lord."i there
(though
:
writer's interest
in
is
Q
has re-
^
treats with greater
Two
complex.
freedom that can
causes
and there probably are more. which the narrative was
be
In the
slight
and the
was directed almost entirely to recording
the sayings and teaching of his hero could not be adapted to a narrative
form without some freedom.
the teaching of Christ the
beyond
all
same
Secondly, in
subjects and topics were,
doubt, insisted on repeatedly.
John gives in which are
different situations a fuller discussion of topics
mentioned
briefly
ject
in the
Synoptic Gospels.
which would require and reward
The
full
This
is
a sub-
treatment.
individualised conception of the Saviour's personality,
which the Author rightly emphasises so strongly, proves also that
is
it
impossible to regard
Q or
the original
Common
Source as a practical catechetic manual, drawn up about a.d. 60-70 ^
for the use of teachers
The
translation
exemplify
words to
its
suit
is
and pupils
Mr. Wilkinson's, which
excellence, partly to avoid
my
point.
7
any
I
in
the Christian doc-
purposely adopt, partly to
risk of
colouring the Author's
98
II.
trine
—which
is
the view taken
can we expect to
by esteemed
friends, especi-
In such a manual or handbook
by Dr. Sanday.
ally
The Oldest
human
find a
being, portrayed
in
markedly
original traits, so unlike the conception that
current in
all
other early Christian documents
pilation of a catechetical
assumed without period
that
it
at
was
The com-
?
any period must not be
definite proof that the character of that
clearly
is
Author
manual
how such
marked
Now
the compilation.
in
the
rightly emphasises repeatedly as characteristic of
has no Christological-apologetic
interest, that
it
Q
was
not compiled in the interest of Christological apologetics, and that
it
follows
no apologetic-Christological
In
aims.^
the
assumed period, A.D. 60-70, when Christianity was a missionary religion, already for a long time subject to attack and
by defensive statements and teaching, such a is wholly out of place and inconceivable.
supported
document
We
have
as this in
it
the contemporary notes of a person in im-
mediate personal contact with Jesus, fascinated by His personality as a living
man and
as a great
Teacher and Prophet,
not thinking of His death and of what was to ensue thereon.
When we Jesus,
desire to realise the character of the living
we must go
vain to seek for In conclusion,
which
will
to
Him it is
contemporary record.
in the
grave of a catechetical manual.
perhaps right to
many minds
weigh with
refer to
assign for the composition of the lost
of
Luke and Matthew,
commit
or the words of the Saviour
at a later date, after at least the
been written, and when the 1
Common
Source
a widespread assumption that
It is
the earliest Christians did not life
an argument
against the date which
we
of the
man
would be
It
to writing
and that
;
was only
Epistles of Paul had
first
disciples
any record it
had ceased
See pp. 163 and 167.
to expect
Written Gospel
Coming of the Lord and
the immediate
99 the end of the world,
that they began to think of composing accounts of the events
and teaching
in
which
their faith originated.
If
you ask
for
reasons to support this assumption, there are none that seem to have even the slightest value.
a pure prepossession,
It is
which has lasted from the time when everybody believed that the art of writing was a late invention
that the custom of
;
writing spread gradually and slowly, and was in ancient times (as in mediaeval) rare
and unusual
;
and that the composition
of every document ought always to be assigned on principle to the latest possible date.
This
is
a prejudice which has
been decisively disproved by recent discovery. writing
is
very
The knowledge
old.
The
art of
of writing was far more
generally diffused in the east Mediterranean lands in ancient
times than
sumption
is
it
was
in mediaeval
Europe
that every important event
and the strong pre-
;
in
the early Imperial
period was described in informal or even formal documents, often
by
several persons, at the time that
Protestantism
first
it
occurred.
supplied the driving force to popularise
among the mass of the people in modern and from the Protestant countries the custom spread
reading and writing times,
but
;
still
it is
only in a few countries that the familiar use
of writing in everyday
life is
so widely diffused as
it
was
in
the most civilised regions of the Mediterranean world about
the time of Christ. those
who
no record
The whole burden
of proof
lies
with
maintain that the earliest Christians committed to writing, for that view
with the facts and
is
quite out of
tone of society in
that
harmony
period
and
region.^ '
The reasons
for this
opinion are stated more fully in the
first
chapter of
the Letters to the Seven Churches, though even there they are merely given in outline.
lOO
The Oldest
II.
There
one word which the Author sometimes uses
is
way which does Wherever
occurs
it
me— the
not convince it
is
"
in
a
legend
".
a sign of the same old evil which
has long been blocking progress
—the
hard, unsympathetic,
contemptuous attitude
unresponsive and
self-satisfied,
word
cases where the East perplexes the West, where the
century eludes the comprehension of the nineteenth.
such cases the nineteenth century
way
of thought,
in first
In
all
refuge
its
from the duty of learning to understand what lay outside of
and beyond
it
what
its
narrow view, was to condemn as
The word
-ould not understand.
it
"
"
legend
legend
The
used in an unintelligent and irrational way.
"
was
"
typical
nineteenth century scholar did not begin by properly conceiving
what
the nature of " legend
is
certain fixed standard of instinctive
legend
The honest and
".
He
started with a
and unreasoning
not comprehend,
whatever he could "
".
scientific
dislike:
he condemned
method
in
as
such cases
would have been to say simply, " this I do not understand " it would have been human and pardonable to add, "since I
;
do not understand it, I am suspicious of it ". That the four Gospels, of which even the earliest is long posterior to the events free
it
records and was not written by an eye-witness, are
from "legend"
I
personally do not maintain; but that
much which has been
legend
called
is
of an altogether
different character and has nothing about
to
"
feel
firmly convinced.
" in
the Gospels by
much diminished
in recent
to be desired that those
connection
legend in
is.
a Gospel
years
who
should begin
Even admitting is
of the nature
That the domain ascribed modern scholars has been
1
legend
of legend,
it
is
patent to
all.
It is
much
use the term "legend" in this
by understanding that
not trustworthy,
clearly
what
some statement or narrative it
does not follow that this
loi
Writte7i Gospel
statement
is
legend
:
it
may have
originated in
some other
The Author is not free even now from this loose ". and unscientific way of labelling what he dislikes as " legend
way.
Bu:
this
article.
topic
is
too
big to
discuss
at
the
end of an
III.
ASIA MINOR:
THE COUNTRY AND
ITS RELIGION.
III.
ASIA MINOR: THE COUNTRY RELIGION.
AND
ITS
If geography be regarded as the study of the influence which the physical features and situation of a country exert on the
people
who
live in
it,
then
in
no country can geography be
studied better than in Asia Minor.
The
the country are strongly marked
situation
unique; turies,
its
its
is
peculiar
and
history can be observed over a long series of cen-
and amid
marked
;
physical features of
its infinite
unity, with
variety there
certain
is
always a strongly of evolution,
principles
clear
standing in obvious relation to the geographical surroundings. In the
first place,
the Anatolian peninsula stretches like a
bridge between Asia and Europe.
Owing to the
great barrier
of the Caspian, the Caucasus and the Black Sea, tions between Asia side,
all
migra-
and Europe must either keep the northern
through Siberia and Russia, or the southern, along the
Anatolian road.
A few of the invasions of Europe by Asiatic
peoples have taken the northern path
;
but, generally, west-
ward moving migration and invasion have followed the southern road through Anatolia, and all westward movement of
civilisation
same
Of
which did not
travel
on shipboard took the
path.
the
many
invasions in which
Europe has
retaliated
and
sent her armies eastward over Asia, only one of any import-
ance has passed north of the Caspian, and that
movement now going
on,
whereby Russia (I05)
is
is
the great
throwing her
Asia Minor.
io6
III.
armies, her railways
and her peoples over Asia to the shores of
Otherwise,
the Pacific.
in so far as they did not
all
movements eastward from Europe the movements of armies,
go by sea
—
of pilgrims and Crusaders, of state messengers, of merchants
and trade
—have followed the
lines that lead
eastwards over
Anatolia. In the second place, Anatolia
The in
is
a bridge with lofty parapets.
roads traverse the high, hollow, central plateau, closed
by loftier mountain ridges which separate that open plateau
from the sea.
The
parapet on the south
is
the vast ridge of
Taurus, stretching back from the western sea into the main central
mass of the great Asiatic continent, only
at a
^q'w^
by armies, or by the rivers that drain the plateau and flow south in deep chasms I do not mean that cut through the heart of the mountains. points traversable
by migrations
or
Men
Taurus was ever absolutely untraversable.
any mountains, and there are ridges Taurus. But (except for hardy and
far
more
can traverse
resolute travellers)
practically impassable in unfavourable weather,
the months
when
it is
at all times elaborate
made
liable to
be covered with snow
body of men,
for
^ ;
and
Taurus
not a single narrow ridge, but a broad, lofty and
broken plateau, and the passes that traverse long.
it is
and during
preparation and provision must
for the crossing of a
more miles
than
difficult
Thus
in practice the
it
be is
much
are seventy or
roadways were few,
and migrations were confined to known lines. The mountains which form the parapet on the north, though not so strikingly continuous, and history called ^
Of the
by one
single
at
no period
in
name, are really almost as serious
feeling of the ancients that not merely the mountain-passes, but the
roads across the open plateau, were closed to travellers during the long winter, examples are quoted in Pauline and other Studies, p. 385 f. See Plate VII., P- 139-
PLATE
The Pass
leading to Dorylaion (from the
PLATE
To face
p. io6.
I.
The
Central Trade Route
:
window
of a Railway Carriage)
IL
Sources of the Maeander.
]:
JC LIBRARY
DJN VCJi.DA-nONfe
,
The Country and a barrier confining
the tides
Religion
its
of
movement
107
to the
main
Anatolian east and west roadway.
You
enter the roadway at one or other of a few points,
where alone entrance
is
easy,
and you are driven
on, east-
wards or westwards, according to the temporary direction of If you come from the west, you enter with Godfrey the tide.
and the Crusaders
at Dorylaion, or with
Until a few years ago
at Celaenae.^
on horseback or on Plate
I.
foot
;
illustrates the
Alexander the Great
you entered the bridge
now you enter way from the
in
a railway carriage.
coast to Dorylaion,
the great military road of the Byzantine Empire.
chosen
is
where
The
between two walls of rock, which leave room only little
spot
road passes through a narrow gorge
this
for the
Black-Water (Kara-Su), a tributary of the Sangarius.
The road has been in great part cut The view is taken from a window
or tunnelled in the rock.
of the
German railway
train passing through the gorge.
Plate II. shows a scene on the other chief line of approach to the Plateau, the great Central
Trade Route, which
led
up the Maeander and the Lycus, past the salt lake Anava This view, with its (or Sanaos) and Apameia-Celaenae. open quiet scenery and gently sloping with Plate
I.,
hills,
when compared
shows well the contrast between the easy
character of the one great approach which nature has to the Plateau
and
the difficulties
that
encumber
all
made other
approaches.
The
scene
in all its '
is
the single head-source of the Maeander river
Apamean
Dorylaion, the
lines to
Angora and
branches, Marsyas, Maeander, Obrimas
modern Eski-Sheher, junction of the German railway to Konia (ultimately to Syria, Mecca and Bagdad).
and Roman Apameia, present terminus of the Ottoit was one of the most important points on the great Eastern Trade Route in Hellenistic and Roman times. Celasnas, the Seleucid
man Railway from Smyrna
:
io8
Asia Minor:
III.
and Therma. reached
The
It lies
on the
Celaenae
it,
high valley of Aurokra above
in the
The Ottoman
east.
but will soon do
railway has not yet
so.
fountain gushes out from the rocks on the east side
of the valley of Aurokra, and runs
down a mile
the west side of the plain, where
its
marshy lake against the from Celaenae, hills
hills
The water
or
two
to
waters collect in a
that divide the
Aurokra valley
of the lake runs off under the
through two holes (which can be clearly seen when the proper direction by any one standing on
light falls in the
the hills above),
a
hills at
much
and emerges on the other side of the lower level in the fountains of the four
which
streams of Celaenae,
combine
to
form
the river
Maeander.^
The
head-source, in
Aurokrene or Aulokrene in
was
called the fountain
latter
name, which seemed
Plate II., ;
and the
Greek to give the meaning Flute-Fountain, affected the
form of the legends, which connected themselves with magnificent spring.^
a spot more sacred
threw aside her
Hardly even
in folk-lore
flute,
and
in
Greece
religion.
and Marsyas picked
itself is
this
there
Here Athena it
Here
up.
and on one of the was hung up to be flayed. below Lityerses was slain by the sickles of the
Marsyas contended with Apollo
in music,
plane-trees beside the spring he
In the plain
The physical features of the plain are so striking we need not wonder to find so many legends attached The myth implies as its scene a place where there it.
reapers.
that to
'There
is
a
fifth
some miles The whole series of
stream, Orgas, which rises
Celaenae in a different range of hills.
south-west of fountains
names is described in Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, chap. xi. ^The naxntfontes Rocreni occurs in Livy, xxxviii., and marks the robber-raid of the Consul Manlius from Pisidia to Galatia,
has been lost
in this
form.
The
line
initial
and
of the
vowel
k .t
Vj
j;,
s
,'1
«^ kr
'
4
^o ts
The Country and abounded the kind of
reeds,
from which the
was made.
flute
Religion
its
The
western
On
and simplest Aurokra is in great
earliest
lake of
part a reedy marsh, though the water
lies
same
this
road, the white
way through
They
deep against the
hills.
cliffs
of Hierapolis (shown
in the Frontispiece) strike the traveller's
of his
109
eye
for
many
miles
the Mseander and the Lycus valleys.
are almost literally petrified water, being the white
deposit which the water of the hot springs has
tumbles down over the steep In the photograph
Lycus.
cliffs is
it
left as it
to the level plain of the
quite
impossible to dis-
tinguish the flowing water from the petrified incrustation.
The form and
colour are so exactly the
eye,
traveller's
if
he stands a
little
same
that even the
back from the
falls,
is
deceived.
After reaching the Plateau by one of the few entrances, you move on eastwards, and pass off the bridge by one or other of a few well-marked exita^
you follow the same
inevitable paths
If ;
you come from nothing
differs
A.sia,
except
the direction of your motion and the tides or the motives that impel you.
Thus the
history of Anatolia has been one of startling
vicissitudes, of constant variety, of rapid in
government,
in the trend of
unity amid the variety
lain in
;
it
;
and yet the
so easy to comprehend that
it
may
The development has always
has rarely been complicated by side influences
series of views
CilicJan
development
in population,
the action and collision of forces moving eastwards or
westwards ^A
is
be called unmistakable.
fairly
changes
Gates
is
on the
principal exit towards the East through the
given in Pauline and other Studies, Plates V.-XXXI.
also Cities of St. Paul, Plates III.-V.
See
I
lo
Asia Minor.
III.
coming
in
from the sea on the north or on the south the series of
phases
between Europe and Asia.
The
been simply
Greeks gather to a siege of Troy
Memluks storm
by Greek
or
fire
;
at
has
it
conflict
At one time
the
another the Arabs or
the walls of Tarsus, defended
by Crusaders' axes and
small fraction of the
^
central point of that never-
ending battle varies from age to age. the Egyptian
;
immemorial
in the
lances, or
Armenian kingdom of
Cilicia
by
who
that
could
be induced to forget their mutual quarrels about points of ritual
and unite to save
their
slaughterers from the East
;
own
families
against
the
Arabs are being
at another the
beaten back repeatedly from the ramparts of Constantinople, or the
Turks are pouring
your eyes back over the
in
As you
through a breach.
past,
cast
you see Croesus crossing the
Halys to destroy a great kingdom, or you watch the younger Cyrus the Persian leading
10,000 Greeks from Sardis to
Mesopotamia, to show them how easily a vast Persian army
might be scattered by a few trained and disciplined troops.
You may
see,
on
New
Year's
Day
in A.D.
1
148, Louis VII.
with his French Crusaders, fording hand-in-hand the unfordable Maeander, and scattering before their
first
charge the
Turkish army drawn up on the further bank to prevent their
army of mail-clad European and Byzantine, jammed against their bag-
crossing;^ or warriors,
gage train
Manuel with
in that
his splendid
open pass west of Pisidian Antioch, and
slaughtered at will by the Turks charging ^
The
down from
influence of the old Ionian colony of Sinope (cp. Strab, p. 540)
probably also of the old Ionian colony of Tarsus (cp. Cities of St. Paul,
may
.
p.
113
and ft'.)
be quoted as to some degree exceptions.
'•'This brilliant feat
of arms
is
wrongly attributed by Gibbon to Conrad,
German Emperor, who also took part in the second scene, see Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, vol. i., p. 162. the
the
crusade.
On
the
1
The Country and
Religion
its
1 1
higher ground on the north. i
If you want to see what happened when an army abandoned the few recognised paths, cast your eyes on the soldiers of the First Crusade, wandering
and perishing amid the mountains of Anti-Taurus, or Frederick Barbarossa's
Taurus, fed
German Crusaders struggling over the central by an Armenian prince in his stronghold among
the mountains, and Barbarossa himself disappearing under
the waters of the Calycadnus so suddenly that his people
could not believe he was dead, and long imagined that he
was only waiting the proper moment
German home. battle of East
To
principle fully
crisis,
may
may
and Western.
be recognised
Often, where two
contend for the succession to a throne or a
tent,
one
be recognised as champion of the East, and the other,
as his opponent,
are not always well
West
the support of the
attracts
probably that was the general rule
we
In every age, in every
the opposing forces
as respectively Eastern rivals
in his
would be to write the
history of the Anatolian peninsula.
war, in
reappear
and West.
illustrate this
every
to
All are but small skirmishes in the great
in
;
and
such contests, though
enough informed of the
facts.
But
Minor which
the writer's Historical Geography of Asia
^
has had the honour of being published by the Royal Geographical Society, illustrates on page after page the infinitely varied forms in which the principle has
history (though, from
its
extreme
worked
brevity,
it
itself
out in
gives only the
dry bones of history, into which the reader must breathe life
for
himself)
permitted to say,
;
and we pass from in passing, that
of twelve years since that
it.
I
may
only be
the experience and study
book was written have amply
^Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern
Roman
Provinces, p. 235
ff.
112
Asia Minor.
III.
confirmed the general scheme of topographical history contained in details
it,
and also furnished both many corroborations of
the application
in
me
which have given
many
of the general rules and
improvements or corrections
other details.
in
I
do not know
personally greater pleasure
;
it
is
pleasant to find that one's instinct or reasoning has been right,
but
it
is
almost more pleasant to find that a mistake
has been put right and a stumbling-block
The
of investigation reveals a
;
but the correction opens a door, and often
new chapter
come from call pupils
the political or historical geography
in
Moreover,
of the country.
in
cleared away.
corroboration gives one confidence to go on in the path
investigators
of
my
my company
One
in
I
might almost venture to
own, because they made their or with
peculiar pleasure to learn
has helped
most of the corrections have
whom
some
my
advice
;
and
it
is
first
essays
always a
from men whose early steps one
small degree to direct.
of the omissions in that book was that the importance
of the mountain barriers on the north and south was not sufficiently
worked
out,
passed unobserved.
and thus several chapters of history
To this subject my studies have
recently
been directed, and they have been illuminated by explorations which, after a long interval of ten years, I was enabled to
resume by a concurrence of favourable circumstances. point in this wide subject may detain us for a few
One
moments.
The
great mountain wall of Taurus, on the southern side-
of the plateau, has always been the most effectual boundaryline in the
Anatolian peninsula
;
and
this in spite of the fact
that the plateau has rarely been the seat of a capital, but
has generally been subject to one of the great empires of the East or the West.
Many
causes of course contributed to
.I;K
pi] 3 Lie LIBRARY I ^
A^TOR, .
LENOX
Cr-IfDATIONS
The Country and
Religion
its
give Taurus this importance as a dividing-line
;
113
we
but
here
simply assume the fact without analysing the contributory causes.^
The
ancient records often express the bounds of nations
or of spheres of influence
the Taurus".
Even
west.
one
Taurus by the pass of the and
as the
feels
that,
Cilician Gates
one has passed a
Cilicia,
surrounded by a more Oriental
is
beyond
when the whole of Anatolia Smyrna and the railway-lines is in a
Oriental,
distinctly
south and east into tion
" within " or "
at the present day,
outside the walls of
sense
by the phrases
Taurus was the dividing-line between east and
Romans
long arranged
of Asia Minor.
In
it
it, is
you detect
crossing
after
and descending demarca-
line of spirit.
Cilicia,
more a part of Syria than once the impression of
at
you hear yourself addressed no was practically universal as a title longer as Tchelebi, which
the Arab and the Ansarieh
;
of respect before you crossed Taurus
you Hawaja, as
:
the people
That
Syria or Egypt.
in
now
style
single detail
is
significant of the changed atmosphere that rules beyond the
Taurus. In
my
Historical Geography the contrast between the
yEgean coastlands and
the rest of the great peninsula
described, the former being, as of the light and the variety
Greek lands; the
rest,
1
its
For example, one
My
full
including the whole plateau, being,
and
in spirit, part of Asia,
immobility, monotony and subdued tone.
may mention
plateau north of Taurus
lands of Cilicia.
were, a part of Greece,
and the joyous brightness of the
alike in geographical character
impressive in
it
is
(with
friend Mr.
its
the difference of climate between the
long hard winter) and the hot coast-
Hogarth emphasised this very rightly in the was read. Taurus was a boundary,
discussion which ensued after the paper
not simply because that
combined
it
to give
was Taurus, but because of it
importance.
all
the
many
physical facts
(See p. 139 and Plate VII.)
^
!
114
As^^ Minor:
I^^-
But one
feels inclined to
draw a
further distinction,
and to
describe the west coast as Greek, the plateau within Taurus as the Debatable Land,
and the country beyond Taurus as
Yet the moment that one has uttered
Eastern and Asiatic.
the words one feels that they are inaccurate.
More than any
other city, Tarsus impresses one as the meeting-place of East
And
and West.
of Cilicia and
in
in history
what variety
is
there in the lot
the kind of division which Taurus
marks
In the long wars between the Byzantine (or rather the
Roman) Empire and the Saracens, Taurus with Anti-Taurus Romans from the Arabs for centuries, Tarsus on
divided the
the south-west and frontier fortresses
Melitene on the north-east being the
on the Arab
tempted to advance
The Arabs
side.
their frontier
twice at-
from Tarsus over Taurus
Tyana but both the Caliphs Harun-al-Rashid and Al-Mamun, each of whom built a mosque and stationed and
to hold
a garrison
;
in
Tyana, found
it
necessary to draw back to
Tarsus before two years had elapsed.
For a longer period the Arabs held vance from Melitene
;
Caesareia, in their ad-
but that also they failed to hold per-
They could never establish themselves beyond They crossed that mountain barrier in their annual Taurus. they captured almost raids, often in two raids per annum manently.
;
every city
in
the whole land
;
they thrice besieged Constanti-
nople; and yet through three long centuries of such
war
they never held a foot of land beyond Taurus outside the
range of their weapons at the moment.
They conquered
and they passed, and the people of the land recovered from every blow with marvellous rapidity. is
In
all
history there
probably no other proof so striking of the elasticity and
recuperative
power that belongs
to the well-knit society of
an organised people, welded together by a long-established
5
The Country and system of reasoned law and by a
Religion
its
common
society
was too compact
battles
and a hundred defeats had no
The
Arabs
for the
1
Roman
religion.
conquer
to
1
—a hundred on
serious effect
it.
lower civilisation of a loosely knit Oriental despotism
could
make no permanent
impression on
the fabric
that
Roman, organising genius had created. But,
if
the
Roman
social fabric survived the sufferings of
those terrible centuries,
when Arab was
every year, the suffering tion
raids were to be dreaded
terrible.
The Roman
had weakened the stamina of the
continuance of peace had
made
civilisa-
and a long
nation,
the general population feeble,
unwarlike, perfectly content to be defended by a professional
army, which had become almost a
When
caste.
people has lost the fighting strength, which must resort
be
its
a civilised the last
in
defence against the attack of barbarism,
it is
A large population of traders and artisans,
always in danger.
clergy and schoolmasters, and other peaceful persons, was
powerless before a small force of hardy barbarians, accustomed to
of
weapons from life
raiders could
trained soldiers
professional
to defend the line
;
Arab
the
Cilicia.
part to traverse,
city
Taurus.
army might have found it an easier task of Mount Taurus and keep the Moham-
medan wolves from
points
the
but they could hold nothing per-
line of
Roman
sheepfold,
of the Cilician Gates had been the only Taurus from
Hence
easily avoid the slower regular armies of
manently beyond the
The
war as the one business
religion.
go where they pleased, ravage almost any
they chose, and
Roman
infancy, regarding
and the chief duty of
is
That
pass,
force.
the great pass
of crossing
an easy road for the most
also a very easy
by even a small
if
way
one to defend
at
In Byzantine time
many it
was
strongly garrisoned, and a line of beacons flashed the news
ii6
III.
Asia Minor:
to Constantinople as soon as the
Arabs were moving against
But the long-continued peace and prosperity of the Roman Empire had opened other roads. Taurus had never been
it.
an absolutely impassable barrier, and under the Roman peace many cities had grown and prospered in its highest grounds,
where now no dwelling is known except a few black tents Those cities, rich and prosperous, of nomads in the summer.
had improved the roads, and made it easy for the ing armies of the Arabs to cross the mountains.
light raid-
more barbarous Turk achieved what the more polished and fiery Arabs had failed to do, the If,
at a later time, the
Turkish triumph exemplified the only way in which, apart from practical extermination, barbarism can conquer a civi-
and organised society, viz., by breaking up the fabric and constitution of society and reducing it once more to an lised
aggregation of disconnected atoms.
The Turkish conquest
was not achieved through pitched battles and victories it was gained by the nomad tribes which spread over the land, destroyed the bonds of communication which held society ;
together, and reduced the country from the settled to the
nomadic
stage.
The Turkish conquest meant
the nomadisa-
tion of the country.
But the number of questions which open on every side when one begins to discuss that great subject of the degeneration from
Roman
Asiatic
Turkey
mediate
topic,
division
between
is
organisation to the nomadic stage
endless
viz..,
;
and we must return
in
to our im-
the effect of the Taurus range as a
races,
as
a defence of a settled people
against invasion, and as a limiting wall
to determine the lines
of migration or of ecclesiastical organisation. If
Taurus divided Arab and Roman,
Christian, in
Mohammedan and
the time of the Saracen wars (641-965),
it
was.
PLATE
The Rock and
V.
Castle of Sivri-Hissar.
PLATE VL
C.?*^'?/
vV ">?«**
'^S''-"'-' To face
p.
n6.
Roman
Milestone on the Syrian Route.
bee
p. 13S.
!
PIJ3UC LiBr.ARY A3TOR,
LENOX
TILD1:n EC'Ji.'DATIONS
The Country and
Religion
its
117
Mohammedan
again the boundary between Christian and
in
the early Turkish period for about four centuries beginning
The Turks came
from 107 1 A.D.
in
from Central Asia over
Armenia, and held the central Anatolian plateau before they gained possession of Cilicia
;
for centuries
they captured Con-
stantinople and advanced to Belgrad before they captured
Christian powers
Tarsus.
and Armenian princes
Christian
kingdom of
tribes,
plains,
for
but there was no such barrier on the Syrian
;
and the Memluk sultans of Egypt destroyed
side,^
men
Latin Crusaders
with one another
Taurus saved the land by the sea from
possession of Cilicia.
Turkish armies
—
— Byzantines,
quarrelled
Cilicia.
Here again
the
nomad Turk-
the
gradually spreading across Taurus and over the
were the true conquerors, sapping and destroying the
links that held together society in the country.
Thus the
effect
of the Taurus as a division between nations,
march of armies,
as well as in directing and limiting the
might
in itself furnish a great subject.
Only
in
one case
is
there a district of
the Anatolian peninsula which tion
lies
is
in
outside of our classifica-
into central plateau, mountain-rim
There
any importance and coast
valleys.
one secondary valley on the north, where there
intervenes between the
plateau-rim and the sea a second
Between these two
mountain-ridge.
parallel ridges
there
stretches east and west a valley of considerable importance,
forming the most Paphlagonia.
fertile part
That
of the ancient country of
valley has
a history
which
stands
entirely apart from the history of either the plateau on the
one hand or of the sea-coast
might 1
The
sail
cities
and explore along the
ridge of
Amanus, which bounds
by passes about 2,000
ft.
high or
less.
on the
coast, Cilicia
other.
and
Just as you
travel extensively
on the
east, is easily crossed
ii8
III.
Asia Minor:
in the northern parts of the plateau itself, yet never enter
the great Paphlagonian valley, so you might write a minute
study of the history of the coast and of the plateau, and
hardly ever have occasion to mention the
And
valley.
tained
some powerful
cities.
dynasty of kings against the West, for the most that valley.
intermediate
yet the valley had a great history.
part,
Some
con-
It
The wars of the Mithridatic Romans and the states of the
were fought or manoeuvred along
of the most obscure campaigns in the
long wars between the kings of the
Romans and
invaders seem to have taken place
the Saracen
the valley, and those
in
campaigns are so obscure because the ordinary data interpreting the evidence
the coast
fail
rest of the country,
period,
by the conditions of the plateau or
us for the intermediate Paphlagonian valley.
became even more important,
Its cities
for
in
comparison to the
during the earlier stages of the Turkish
and are often mentioned.
But that long history of the Paphlagonian valley has never been written.^
Its
many
ancient towns are for the
most part unknown even by name.
Perhaps the task can-
not be achieved, because recorded history has kept to the leading paths, and neglected the secondaiy roads task
is
to
it
Once you have reached the plateau it is, as make a road almost anywhere. Yet even
certain gates towards
which
many
through which they must pass.
whose 1
but
demands a special historian, who explore and study it by itself and for itself.
attempted
pared to
;
old
names
are
if
is
the
pre-
a rule, possible there there are
roads must converge, and
Two
zones of mountains,
unknown, and which are almost name-
M. Theodore Reinach has done
all
that
is
possible without long and
methodical exploration to illuminate the bearing of this valley on the Mithridatic history
;
but want of personal knowledge of the localities makes the
geographical side of his excellent study necessarily madequate.
9
The Co2cntry and modern
less in
its
Religion
1
1
run north and south across central
times,
Phrygia, and roads must keep either to the north or the
south of them.
All travellers from Ephesus to the East
by the southern end of those mountains; but from Smyrna and northern Lydia generally went
passed
travellers
by the northern end. The routes may be distinguished as the " Central Trade Route " and the " Royal Road "} The two modern railways from Smyrna follow the ancient lines.
The
lofty
ridge which
comes up from the west from
Trojan Ida, called Temnos and Dindymos course,
in parts of its
approaches very close to those central Phrygian
mountains
and a narrow
;
glen,
down which
flows a tributary
of the Maeander, divides them.
That glen forms a
down which roads and
going
or
directions
must necessarily
travellers pass.
in
funnel,
up
very diverse
For about' ten or twelve
miles persons going from south to north travel side by side
with others
who
are going from east to west.
Their roads
converge to one end of the glen, and diverge again
all
at the
other.
Until that glen was noted on the map, and
observed, the march of the
its
importance
Ten Thousand, which Xenophon
has described, was an insoluble
riddle.
In
my
earlier years
of exploration, having only the vague, featureless and inaccurate old maps,
found the glen a sore
I
trial
Filled with the desire to be constantly traversing
and to avoid ing
In
repetition,
new
routes
found myself in the most annoy-
way doing the treadmill up and down the steep ascent. one year, when thoroughly on my guard against it and
resolved to avoid
But On
it,
I
this repetition
portance. ^
I
and puzzle.
Then
it
traversed
it
three times.
only gave proper emphasis to
its
im-
became obvious that the Ten Thousand,
the two routes see " Roads and Travel " (Hastings' Diet. Bib.,
v., 390).
I20
Asia Minor:
III.
who had marched from
Sardis towards the southern end of
the central Phrygian mountains, as route,
to follow the southern
if
and had turned backwards towards the north-west,
must have traversed the glen and gone round the northern end of the mountains. No other way was possible, and when this observation
of the
was
applied,
Ten Thousand
all
it
was easy to follow the march
over Phrygia, and to say at any
point that Xenophon's foot must have
trod within a
few
hundred yards of where we stood.
At the south-western Keramon Agora, the Market of
entrance to the glen stands Tiles,
that " peopled
city "
eastern exit, the eastward
;
and
leaving
after
north-
its
bound army soon found
itself in
the broad plain of Kaystros.
Communication on the
by as
ship, it
and
outside our present subject, except
lies
affected or
was
affected
mountains touched the sea road was tedious and
mostly
coasts, of course, took place
by land
difficult,
Since the
conditions.
at various points,
in so far
and the coast
communication was thrown
more and more completely on to shipboard, and was
there-
Hence
fore for centuries entirely in the hands of the Greeks.
the coast towns, as far east as Tarsus and Trapezus, were strongly affected
by Greek
formed into
of the Greek type, with free institutions and
cities
constitutional
influence,
and often even
trans-
government by elected magistrates according
to published law.
Moreover, the sea was dangerous and north
coast,
treacherous
the Black Sea was the
known
to the
Greeks
could the weather be counted on
weather a tempest might occur. of Greek history,
we can dimly
;
:
at
the
no period of the year
in the
most
Far back, trace the
exerted on the Greek mind by the
On
difficult.
most uncertain and
first
settled
in the
summer
beginning
immense
influence
experience of that
'^'-
'iW^
".
LENOX
-C'JX-'DaTIONS
The Country and sea with say,
its
dangers and
its
wonders.
its
Religion
121
not too
It is
much
to
though here we can only make the strong statement and
pass on, that the discovery of the Black Sea played as im-
portant a part in forming and training the Greek mind, in
determining
its
bent, in moulding
its
literary expression, as
the discovery of America has played in the
But the
life
in its religion sarily
of a country
;
and the
is
modern world.
always mirrored and idealised
must neces-
religion of the coast cities
have been moulded a great deal by
dependence
their
sea.
This we can observe well on the north coast.
The Ruler
of the Sea, Achilles Pontarches, was the great
on the
deity of the north coast allied in his worship,
same name chosen
home
cities
an
an association of
and the high
as the god, the in
;
priest
was
by the
called
The god had
Pontarch.
island, opposite the
was
cities
his
mouths of the Danube,
where he dwelt with Helena, the island which occasionally appeared before the storm-tossed
But he was reverenced also depended on to
his favour,
him before they
turn.
He
sailed
sailor as a
and whose
sailors
and paid them
was worshipped
in all
the
haven of
quiet.
whose prosperity
in the cities
made
their
vows
after their safe re-
cities in
South Russia
and the Crimea, as well as on the Asia Minor coasts
;
but
probably his chief seat was in Sinope, that great harbour of the early time, on the promontory that juts out far into the sea.
And when
a
new form
pression of the old religious stituted for the
of religion required a
fact,
a Christian saint
pagan Pontarch Achilles
Sinope became the
sailors'
;
and
St.
new ex-
was subPhocas of
god, or at least their patron and
protector.
The severance of the
north coast from the plateau
as strongly marked in religion as
in history.
however, be true to say that the severance
It
in
is
thus
would not,
religion
was
;
122
III.
The mountain-ridges which
absolute. in
Asia Minor:
hemmed
barred and
ordinary communication offered no insuperable barrier to
The
the spread of religion.
strange fervid cults of the plateau
proved as impressive on the coastlands as they did
European lands to which they spread
Any
in
wave
in the
wave.
after
divergence in the religion of the coast from that of the
plateau took the form of additions Achilles Pontarches
On
—
— such
common
to a
the south coast less
is
as
the cult of
religious stock.
known
of maritime religious
The existing records show little except gods common Anatolian type. Yet there must have been others. Especially at Myra in Lycia we may look for some sailors' cult. Myra was the harbour for the direct special foundations. of the
over-sea communication with Syria and with Egypt.^
communication was not old to desert the coast
as early as the
Myra
and
first
— the early ships
This
never ventured
But
strike boldly out to sea.
at least
century of our era vessels sailed from
straight across to the Syrian
and Egyptian coasts
and the large ships which carried the Egyptian corn to the
Roman
granaries habitually tried to run straight across from
Westerly winds blow with wonderful
Alexandria to Myra.
uniformity in the Levant, and those ships could
good run due north
trust to a
to the
Lycian
the west wind blew too strong, the ship would
leeway, and find
Cyprus
;
and then
itself it
commonly
coast.
make
was obliged
to run to the Syrian coast
circumstances the blessing of the god of ;
In such
Myra would be sought
and, though this cult
is
not proven
pagan form, which as we have seen was only of quite
its '
St.
Paul
if
much
unable to clear the western end of
and keep round the east and the north of Cyprus. with special devotion
But
too
the Traveller, p. 298
Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible,
f.
;
in
late
" Roads and Travel in N.T. Times " in
v., p.
381.
The Country and origin, the Christian cult St.
which took
Myra played
Nicholas of
the
Religion
its
its
place
is
well known.
same part among the sailors
of the Levant as St. Phocas of Sinope did
among
those of
the Black Sea.
Phocas was a martyr of the reign of Trajan.
Nicholas was
Bishop of Myra more than three centuries
later.
The
Christian form evidently established itself earlier on the north coast than on the south,
and
this is in strict
accord with other
evidence, which shows that the
new religion had taken deep root in the northern coastlands by the time of Trajan, whereas on the south it was very much later in attaining such strength.
But
it
is
not merely armies, or migrations of peoples,
which have swept eastwards or westwards across Anatolia. Art and knowledge, new thoughts and new religions have trod the
same path
in
either
direction
;
they, too,
move
westwards or eastwards across the bridge, rarely northwards
Such movements, though
or southwards.
less
imposing
and romantic than the march of armies and the combat of heroes,
may
justifiably detain our attention longer, precisely
because they
are
less
and
striking
more
easily
escape
notice.
There are some apparent exceptions, which, however, vanish under more careful scrutiny, and therefore only help to
One example may
emphasise the general principle.
here be given.
The
present writer
is
responsible for the
theory (published in 1882) that the Greek alphabet, after travelling
by ship with the Ionian merchants
to Sinope,
penetrated thence southwards across the mountains into the central plateau,
where we
about the seventh century
find B.C.
it
in use east of the
But
Halys
after further study
retracted this theory, and argued that the
he
Greek alphabet
124
Asia Minor.
I^I-
was carried up eastwards from the west coast, in the ordinary and dated that course of trade and political relations ;
communication by the recorded to a daughter of
was married
Cyme, about 700 dynastic fact
—a
B.C.^
nation us
;
/Eolic
remembered
example of the way
that
which a
in
and represents the history of
its
and the union of the two royal families stands to
for the
cities
Historic tradition
striking
royal family embodies
Phrygia
fact that a king of
Agamemnon, King of
Greek
intercommunication between the active
of the west coast and the peoples of the plateau, in
and many other ideas
the course of which the alphabet
That second theory may
passed eastwards or westwards.
now be regarded as the scholars who accept no
Even those English
accepted view.
historical theory, unless
printed
it is
in
German, may accept
it
has been rediscovered independently by a learned and
able
young German
Anatolia about
five
view with easy minds, because
this
professor,
A. Koerte, who, travelling
in
years after the second view had been
published and republished in \hQ Journal of Hellenic Studies,
soon found out and
made known
the error of the English scholar
the truth, gently rebuking
who had advanced
the
first
theory.
Such movements of thought and
by another
religion are complicated
Those move-
factor, the influence of the land.
ments did not merely sweep across the country from one side or the other
;
like
armies
sometimes they originated
in
the country; sometimes they were modified, profoundly or slightly, as
may march
the case might be, in their passage.
but merely losing part of its
force,
An army
no material strength,
across the country, gaining
and exercising no influence
on the population except to impoverish ^yournal of Hell. Stud., 1889,
it
— although
p. 180
f.
some-
PLATE
The Tomb
VIII.
of Midas the King: a Phrygian
PLATE
Holy Place.
See
p. 139.
XVIII.
^'Amr
m
n
Part of a Monastery above Bin-Bir-Kilisse, showing short zones of brick used as ornament in a stone building. See p. 161. To face p. 124.
The Country and times even an army
may
Religion
its
learn something in
125 long travels,
its
and those who return to
their own land may, like the remnant come back wiser and better able to understand the world than when they started. On the other hand, an idea moves over the land by passing from mind to mind
of the Crusaders,
;
it is
sensitive
and
living as
it
moves.
This geographical influence, the power of the country on the minds of men, place,
it
may
may
take one of two forms.
In the
and meeting-place between Eastern and Western
When
the thoughts and knowledge of
matter to be placed side by side or they die
The
unvarying.
commonly is, more ally, it is
is
not to be
Ideas are not like dead
they unite and are pro-
:
but they cannot remain inert and
;
result like
ideas.
two diverse peoples
meet, either in alliance or in hostility, the result represented as a simple addition.
ductive,
first
arise out of the situation of Anatolia as a bridge
of their
meeting
may
a process of multiplication
a process of division or destruction.
;
be,
and
occasion-
For example,
is attributed to Asia Minor by Herodotus; and modern opinion agrees unanimously with him.^ In the great highway of commerce and inter-
the invention of the art of coinage
course
it
was natural that
value, guaranteed
this idea of
by a trustworthy
a
common measure of
authority, should be struck
Along with this invention we may refer to the speculain one of the most brilliant pages of his tion of M. Radet ^ that the organisation of trade and striking work on Lydia caravans and bazaars, the typical Oriental method of comout.
—
merce, belongs to the ^
It is
same country.
generally attributed to Lydia
maintained that >*
—
Criticised
it
;
Professor P. Gardner has recently
should be attributed to the Ionian Greek
and accepted with some modification
Bishoprics of Phrygia, vol.
ii.,
p. 416.
cities.
in the writer's Citiei
and
126
Asia Minor:
III.
development knd improvement
Similarly, the
in practical
working of many ideas springs from the intercourse and
many men and many minds along the great The simplification of chronological reckoning by
of
jostling
bridge.
the use of a definite era, so that a date can be expressed by
may
a single number,
belong to Asia Minor
common, and probably
it
originated, in
Greek ideas to a wider sphere of practical after
;
it
became
the adapting of
life,
which occurred
Greece went forth under Alexander the Great to con-
down under his successors to problem of how to rule the conquered
quer the East, when the great practical
it
settled
The cumbrous method of dating by the annual magiswhich commended itself to the patriotism
world.
trates of the city,
and pride of the Greek unworkable
citizen in Greece,
became too obviously
wider sphere of the Hellenised East.
in the
no part of the ancient world by counting from a
common everyday
is
In
the custom of expressing dates
fixed era
more
firmly established in
use than in one district of Asia Minor,
embracing the eastern part of Lydia and the western half of Phrygia. But, in the second place, there
the most recent investigators
the present writer
—that
is
—an
a gi'owing opinion
among
opinion strongly held
by
Anatolia was not merely an inter-
mediary, developing foreign ideas in a practical way, but also played a not
unimportant part as an originator.
We
are inevitably forced back to a time when Anatolia was not
merely a bridge between opposite lands and great peoples, but was fluence
itself
the centre of a great empire exerting an in-
on the outer world.
The empire
is
closely connected
with the most fascinating and the most obscure historical
problems which are at the present time under discussion.
Every step that
is
being
made in
the rediscovery of the early
The Country and
its
Religion
127
Greek world, and the history of early intercourse indirectly
an advance
in the history
world, even though the discoverer light
which he
is
the
in
Eastern Mediterranean lands, constitutes at the same
tinnie
of the ancient Anatolian
is
not conscious of the side
throwing on that subject.
Twenty
years
ago that Anatolian Empire was not even dreamed about by any one even yet it is almost an unknown quantity, which ;
is
to be estimated from
evidence about
its
effects
slowly being discovered
organised effort being
— very
made
experiments by occasional
more than from
But the
actual nature.
its
slowly, because there
to discover
it,
direct
direct evidence is
is
no
but mere sporadic
travellers, generally inexperienced,
who, as soon as they acquire experience and become skilled
and interested
the investigation, are drafted off to other
in
life. But still discovery, though slow, does proand what ten years ago was reckoned by many only a dream, is now admittedly a real factor in history, which
spheres of
gress
;
has an acknowledged place
in
every modern discussion of the
early Mediterranean world, and which, after ten or twenty years, will
An
occupy
far greater
space than
it
does now.^
ancient system of writing in hieroglyphics, different
from any other known system of expressing thought by visible
and permanent symbols,
is
known
through a long process of development, and able 1
as
an influence on other countries.^
Five years after the forecast in the text was printed,
in
Asia Minor
is
dimly
trace-
Characteristic it
was
justified
by
Dr. Winckler's excavations at Boghaz-Keui, which within a few weeks after their inception
The
demonstrated the existence of
excavations were
made
this ancient
Anatolian Empire.
which already in 1882 the writer described in the following terms: "There can be no doubt that this was the capital, or at least one of the strongest cities, of a genuinely oriental power which ruled over a wide country " {journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1882, p. 4).
^See below,
p. 159.
in the city
128
Asia Minor.
III.
Anatolian
artistic
forms have been studied and specified
though
several investigators,
as the
unknown
factor
by-
they are chiefly traceable
still
needed to explain the development of
the East Mediterranean world.
Most
certain
and most typical of Anatolia
one form nised
in
world
is
the
which Anatolian influence has been long recog-
by modern
This they could hardly
scholars.
seeing that the ancients themselves acknowledge it,
religion,
is its
Roman
the influence of which on the Greek and
and inveigh against
continued that influence
most acute and
able
to do,
describe
but still it was left to comparashow how far-reaching and longwas and among those scholars the
it
tively recent scholars to
fail
it,
;
;
has probably been Mr.
P.
formerly Director of the French School of Athens,^
Foucart,
who writes
of Anatolian religion entirely from the Greek point of view as being an outrage on the Greek
spirit,
saved from being
abominable only by becoming sometimes ridiculous But
fervour.
at least
he established the fact that
in its
this influence
spread in wave after wave of a sort of religious revivalism over the classical world, mostly but
among the uneducated classes,
often affecting the population so profoundly as to
still
receive State recognition or require State regulation coercion.
For good or
for evil,
was
it
at least
and even
enormously
powerful.
In
all
these departments, writing,
less others
might be added), there
art, religion
perceptible a connection
is
with the geographical character of the country. I
(and doubt-
Elsewhere
have argued ^ that the hieroglyphics must have been origin-
ated on the great central plains
;
and
I
believe that an impor-
tant part in the domestication of certain animals ^
Foucart, Les Associations Religieuses chez
^Cities
and Bishoprics of Phrygia,
vol.
i.,
les
must be as-
Grecs, 1873.
p. xv.
PLATE
To face p.
li
The Grave
IX.
of a Phrygian Chief.
See p. 139.
ii~-OP. LENOX :ILd£-N rC'Ji:0.vT!ONS
The Country and signed to the plains
is
same
water and
skill
is
The
localities.
generally highly
Religion
its
soil
129
of those
now
needed to
;
the ruins of large and rich cities are found where
country
absolutely barren, and where
is
for a few families to support
water.
desert
Only the application of make them very fruitful and
fertile.
it is
now
the
barely possible
owing to the scarcity of
life
In the most arid parts of the plateau one observes
the remains of great engineering works designed to store water.
On
the edge of the mountains, where the torrents at
the present day carry
down
a great mass of water during
and are dry again an hour
rain
after the rain has ceased, the
beds were formerly blocked by a
series of
of which held up a body of water and the the water
but
;
all
are
now broken and
some them now always dry and numberless
small,
cisterns,
a very large
artificial
Taurus and carrying
useless.
some very
have traced
I
;
embankments each borne down by
soil
I
have seen
large,
most of
for part of its
course
stream winding round the edges of the its
water to form a marsh
many
miles,
away from its source, because no one now cultivates the land. I made a cutting across the top of a large broad embankment,, high
fully fifty feet
in the
middle, and about a quarter of
a mile in length, which crosses a depression in the plain
near
Khadyn-Khan
it is
:
evidently a
dam
intended to store
up water but, though it is still as perfect apparently as ever, it holds up none, because the means of conducting the water ;
to
it
me
from the
hills
are ruined.
Villagers have brought to
lengths of large terra-cotta channels, which they dug
on the side of a gentle elevation
many look
works
miles will
away from any
find
like these
in the centre of the
source.
One who
is
on the out-
everywhere numberless examples of ;
and
I
up
Axylon,
skilful
have been told by engineers of far more
wonderful feats of engineering which
9
I
hesitate to describe
130
Asia Minor:
III.
terms of
in the
my informants,
until
I
can vouch for them by
personal examination. All such works have a religious side, because they were not carried out throu;^h the initiative of the ignorant peasantry.
The
were needed to make those wide plains pro-
arts that
ductive and useful to
man were all embodied and taught in The domesticated animals were
the religion of the country. sacred,
all
and the treatment of them was prescribed as part
of religious
ritual.^
As might be
expected, therefore,
it is
in religion that
direct influence of geographical features
Ancient religion was
nations.
ties of religion
his
life,
than
is
the case with
made and ordered
individual was bound in the
from his cradle to
Every
his grave.
act of
good or bad, joyous or mournful, moral (to our con-
ceptions) or immoral,
and, as
life
Religion had
The
social relationships.
all
most obvious.
is
more intimately and universally
far
associated with social and family
modern European
the
it
was equally presided over by a
religion of Anatolia
divinity,
The
were, done under the divine sanction.
early
was therefore the outcome of the whole
circumstances and environment that acted on the people.
One
feature in the Anatolian religion rises before us pro-
minent and impressive at the
and familiar idea and
all
life.
is
Such
that is
Semitic conception.
God
first is
glance.
The ordinary
the Father of
all
mankind
the almost universal European and
But
it
was the motherhood of the
divine nature that was the great feature in the Anatolian worship.^ '
The male element
in the divine nature
was recog-
The Religion of Greece and Asia Minor, y>. 114 f., in Hastings' Dtcitowar^ q^
the Bible, vol. v.
''The religion
;
same idea
is
widely spread, and found in
but on this subject
it is
many
primitive forms of
not v/ithin the scope of this paper to enter.
The Country and
its
Religion
131
nised only as an occasional and subsidiary actor in the
of nature and of
Mother and
;
The
life.
life
of
man came
drama
from the Great
the heroes of the land were the sons of the goddess,
at death they returned to the
mother who bore them.
In the social customs of Anatolia, even after
spread by Greek manners and Greek ideas,
main of that primitive
idea.
through the mother;
found even
in the
was over-
it
many
traces re-
Descent was sometimes reckoned
women
Hellenised
magistrates
cities
are
frequently
And
of the land.
in its
same impression remains it is everywhere the most pathetic of histories. Not vigour and initiative, but
history the
:
receptivity and impressibility,
marked
them
surrounded
swayed the
spirit
of the people,
and breathed through the atmosphere that
their fate,
—a
continuous,
barely
perceptible force
new people, and subtly influencing every new came into the land. For exam[)le, the earliest of the veneration of the Virgin Mary in the
acting on every religion, that
known
trace
in a
Phrygian inscription of the second
earliest
example of a holy place consecrated
Christian religion
century to the is
and the
;
is
Mother of God
On
an almost divine personality
the great level plains of the central plateau the spirit of
man seems
separated from the world by the mountains, and
thrown back on
its
own
idea of confinement
where the be
as already
at F^phesus early in the fifth century.^
its
is
nature
but
;
absolutely alien to that wide expanse,
sole limit to the range of the
own weakness
not confined, for the
it is
human eye seems
to
of vision, where a remote mountain-peak
only emphasises the sense of vastness because standard by which to estimate distance.
The
it
furnishes a
great eye of
heaven, unwearying, unpitying, inexorable, watches you from its rising
over the level horizon
'This subject
is
treated
more
fully in
till
it
sinks below the
Pauline and other Studies,
p.
same
125-159.
132
Asia Minor:
III.
There
level again.
is
a sense of
rest,
of inevitable acquies-
compelling Power
cence in the Infinite, all-pervasive and
which surrounds you.
The
sense of individuality and per-
power grows weak and shrinks away, not daring to show
sonal
itself in
human
the
co-operate in this
effect,
The phases
of the year
with a long severe winter and a shorter
Where water pours
but hot summer.
many
consciousness.
forth in
one of the
great springs which give birth to strong-flowing rivers,
the country
is
a garden
;
but otherwise the
fertile soil is
pendent entirely on the chances of an uncertain
de-
The
rainfall.
north wind tempers the heat, and the harvester trusts to entirely to
winnow
his grain
on the threshing-floor.
Every-
man The
thing impresses on the mind the utter insignificance of
and
his absolute
dependence on the Divine power.
peasant of the present day
still
—as
doubtless his remote
ancestors did 2,000 years before Christ great life-giving spring Huda-verdi, "
it
—
calls
almost every
God hath
given
".
But the Divine power that was so evident was not the stern, inexorable
power of the hard desert
the nature of the land, rich and
who
full
The people saw
of good things to those
accepted the divinely revealed method, and cared for
the holy
soil
and the sacred animals, as the goddess,
mother and patron, required.
their
St. Paul, with his usual un-
erring insight into the character of his audience, spoke to the
rude Lycaonian peasants about the
gave rain from heaven, and with food and gladness
God
"
who
did good, and
fruitful seasons, filling the
heart
".
For the student of that country and history, it is always and everywhere necessary to go back to that religion, to recognise it as the originator of all national life and of all social forms, and as a continuous force acting throughout the later
development of the country.
"?r
i-UBRARY .^-T-or;
LENOX
;
The Country and
Religion
its
133
may
In the exploration of the city of Ephesus an example
be found of the use that might be
Wood
made
of this principle.
spent six years searching for the
of Artemis, and at last he found be, beside the
little hill
it
site
Mr.
of the Temple
exactly where
it
on the top of which was
ought to built the
great church of St. John Theologos, and on the lowest slope
of which
is
mosque of Isa Bey. The church was by the Emperor Justinian,^ that greatest of
the splendid
the largest built
Emperor Hadrian. Wood's disreligion when it became
builders with the single exception of the
The
historical process
covery disclosed
dominant had ancient
obvious, since Mr.
Christian
to claim for itself the sanctity attaching to the
did so by building that great church overlook-
It
site.
The
it.
is
But Christianity
ing the temple.
Mohammedanism, and again
this
in its turn
new
gave place to
religion
made
itself
and holiness of the locality by constructing between the two older religious sites one of
heir to the religious associations
the largest and most splendid mosques in the whole country.
The
of Ephesus
history
vicissitudes, but
The Greek it
aimed
city
at
the
was
is
religious
an extraordinary centre
at a distance
is
series
of
always the same.
from the religious centre
commercial or military advantages, and
its site
was changed more than once as the sea-coast receded.
The
holy place was the governing centre of the plain before the
Greeks came
;
its priests
change and decay.
watched the Greek
The outward form
altered, but the old belief
cities
grow and
of the religion was
was not extirpated, and
it
took new
root in the heart of the conquering religion, so that in the fifth
century we find the legend of the Virgin Mother of
firmly established 1
St.
Sophia
Justinian.
in
among
God
the Christians of Ephesus, though
Constantinople was larger
;
but
it
was not founded by
III-
134 it
Asia Minor.
was not strong enough to
the
Holy Theologian had But the
city.
obliterate the historical fact that
many
lived
years and died in the
belief in the old holy place
attracting the population thither,
was a
force always
and growing stronger as the
standard of education in the Eastern Church degenerated,
and
at last proving irresistible.
tion
was moved back
Thus the
centre of popula-
to the old centre of religion.
paganism had proved too strong alike
The
old
for the
Greek
trade and education and for the Christian teaching.
The
Asiatic
Greek
spirit
and died ever.
plain
had come, and
lived for twelve
hundred years,
of weakness, but the old beliefs continued as strong as
The old goddess had not merely her home in the open among the haunts of men she was the goddess of wild ;
nature and nursing mother of all wild animals, and she had her
home among the mountains on the south of the plain. so among the Christians the home of the Virgin Mother of God was discovered and made a centre of worship
other
And
and pilgrimage near the old mountain house of the GoddessMother.
An
apparent exception to the principle that the great
movements of
history
and thought must either keep to the
coast-lines or to the central bridge,
ment on the the southern carried
the
coast, first
Pamphylian coast
is
presented
will
from the northern or
by the
enterprise
from
which
Perga on
Christian
mission
to Pisidian
Antioch and the neighbouring
towns on the central bridge.
and
and that no great move-
central plateau ever springs
The
the
theologians have disputed,
doubtless dispute to the end of time, about that
sudden transition
;
but the geographer and the historian
who
study facts instead of starting from theories can never hesitate
The first mission movement began to way westward along the sea-route by Cyprus and the
as to this great fact.
work
its
The Country and Pamphylian coast; but route and transferred
its
at this point
it
important land-route over the central bridge.
fruitful
route, for the coast-route affords only
opportunities along
new
to
Rome
impression and land-route
left
new
:
way they
On
no seed.
was easy
for the pioneers
sea from the Syrian shore to
but by the
;
land-
narrow and limited
as a rule
made no
the other hand, along the
movements worked their way by and the peoples through which they
religious
conquering the passed
It
them by
ideas to carry
Athens or
course.
its
and
The impor-
movements of thought had almost always taken the
tant
of
135
deserted the coast-
the far more
to
itself
Religion
cities
they planted themselves firmly at each stage, and
each step was the preparation and the basis for a further step.
Of
the
many movements
of thought that have occurred
along the great bridge, the only one which can be traced
any
detail
is
that
by which Christianity was
country and into Europe
;
example of the
which have
principles
study the geographical
But
and
would be an
lines of that
would need a separate
it
it
been
north-west,
north,
movement
down
do so even
in the
movement by a
from Syria across Asia Minor
and west,
is
to
here that the current
conception, which indicates the spread of that series of lines radiating
instructive
laid
important movement.
article to
One may only say
briefest outline.
just
in
diffused over the
entirely
incorrect.
of thought was along the great bridge,
to the
The
by the
road on the southern side of the plateau, direct west from Syria to Ephesus, and then back again in return waves along the north coast
plateau
whose the
by
by
land.
diffusion
sea,
and along the northern roads over the
And
probably the older movements, about
we have no
same geographical
laws.
information, exemplified equally
136
Asia Minor:
III.
In conclusion, two noteworthy features of the old religion
may
be noticed and
In the
first
illustrated.
place, the
brooded over, or
sat
Divine power that resided
in state
upon
^
in,
or
prominent peaks and
mountains was everywhere an object of popular vener-
lofty
Elsewhere the writer has repeatedly alluded to
ation.
this
subject,^
and described how certain striking peaks, which
seem
dominate the landscape, and to watch over and
to
guide and measure the traveller's course, became objects of
worship
— partly
in the
higher view as abodes or seats of
the Divine might (which was distinct from the mountain, a formless guiding power, present anywhere and everywhere to
its
worshippers), partly in the lower view as themselves
The two
Divine things, Gods to be worshipped.
views were
both potentially present in the primitive conception, which
had not yet been
fully
thought out
;
and the future was to
determine whether the early conception should be developed to the higher stage or degraded to the lower.
Besides the evident value of peaks to the traveller's and the trader's eye, there are
many
must have given importance
other considerations which
to them.
Some
trace practically in the Byzantine time,
and can apply with In the rude war-
suitable modifications to the earliest ages. fare of the
no
Byzantine period
it
we can
of these
must be observed that
it
was
longer possible or safe to trust to the kind of military
strength that depended on
artificial fortifications,
on well-
trained officers, on a disciplined and obedient soldiery, and
on constant watchfulness and forethought ranks of the service.
and was not kept ^
2
The Byzantine
in a state of
service
in the
highest
had degenerated,
preparedness and good discip-
See below, p. 160, and Plate XV. See especially the Cities of St. Paul,
p.
389, and Plates
XL, XV.
PLATE
Rock-tomb
Tofacep.136.
in
Phrygia
:
Roman
XI.
period Christian Arcosolia of later period in the rock beneath. See p. 139:
THE
r .liiix^
—
,
xi
•-
^ J
1
-
-
.
The Cozmtry and The
line.
its
Religion
137
Oriental invaders were always ill-organised, and
mainly on sudden, unexpected attacks on a peaceful
relied
In those circumstances
country.
old Hellenistic and
Roman
was inevitable that the
it
style of fortified cities, close to
the roads and convenient for trade and administration, should give place to fortresses perched high on peaks as nearly in-
These were
accessible as possible.
safe refuges against sud-
den attack, and the population could retreat to them when beacons on peaks beside the Eastern roads gave warning
army was
that a raiding
crossing the Taurus.
They could
not have been defended against a long regular siege owing to deficiency in the water-supply, but a regular siege
was
not to be feared from the raiders of the East,
Thus the circumstances of the great war against Sassanian and Arab power tended inevitably to make the minds of the Anatolian population dwell upon the importance and the saving power of lofty peaks while their religion prompted them ;
to plant
churches and
them, and led them
monasteries as well as castles on
first
to wish, thereafter to believe, that
who championed and marshalled the local defence permanently on these high hills, The same applies
the saints
dwelt in
^
some degree
to the earliest times.
As examples
of those lofty, fortified rocks, which are so
Asia Minor, take Plates IV. and V.
numerous
in
former
shown the rock of Kara-Hissar, the Black For-
tress,^ first
is
the ancient Akro^nos, where was
great victory in
Byzantine Empire ^On
a pitched
in the task
battle
in A,D,
that
739 the
cheered the
of repelling the Arab con-
this subject see the following paper,
Byzantine Empire
won
In the
"The Orthodox Church
in the
".
^Kara here means "black" rather strong, than as the colour.
in the
moral sense of
terrible, grim,
III.
querors.i
It
Asia Minor:
seems to have been known afterwards as
became a bishopric
Nikopolis, the City of Victory, and
eighth century. Plateau, and
is
same name by
It
is
now one
in
the
of the chief cities of the
many
distinguished from
other towns of the
opium which
the epithet Afion, from the
is
extensively cultivated in the plain adjoining.
Here
is
the meeting (not allowed at present to be prac-
tically utilised as
a junction) between the
German Railway
from the Bosphorus to Konia, and perhaps ultimately to
Bagdad, and the P'rench Railway from Smyrna delphia, Ushak and Kara-Hissar. Plate V. shows the city
now
to Phila-
called Sivri-Hissar, Pointed
Fortress, one of the centres of the angora-wool trade, the
ancient Justinianopolis, one of the great fortresses on the
Byzantine Military Road by which Justinian tried to protect the land of Anatolia,
Its
double peak
noteworthy points for surveyors
:
I
is
one of the most
have taken readings to it
from very distant points in the Phrygian mountains (one being the highest point of the Midas-city). In
the second
carries veneration it
is
place.
book.
place,
almost every seat of ancient
and often
religious
awe with
it
:
life
frequently
regarded as the seat of Divine power, and a sacred
To It
illustrate this in detail
is
the
work of a
has been referred to briefly in a paper on
manence of Religious Awe in Asia Minor".annexed Plates may serve to illustrate it. Plate VI. shows a
Roman
west of the important (afterwards ^
Some
milestone standing in
ginal position on the great Central
Roman
large
the "
Per-
of the
its ori-
Trade Route, about a mile
station of Psebila or Pegella
renamed Verinopolis from the Empress Verina
studies in the History of the Eastern Provinces, p. 288.
"^Pauline
and other Studies,
p.
163
ff.
The Country and in the
end of the
great roads,
Amorion,
fifth
century),
its
Religion
i39>
where was a knot of
five
the road from Constantinople, Dorylaion and
(i)
(2) the
Trade Route from the West,
(3) the
road
connecting the two great Galatian provincial centres Ancyra
and Iconium,
the Trade Route from Csesarea and the
(4)
East, (5) the Syrian road through the Cilician Gates.
Plates VII. -XI.
show a few of the most noteworthy monu-
ments of Phrygia.
In VII. an archaic sheep, once used as
a sepulchral monument,
seen
is
:
a pair of hunters on horse-
back are sculptured on the side of the unformed mass, and
on the other side three ibexes of a species Anatolia.
The custom
still
common
in
of representing animals on the sides
common in the early The human figure who early November as for the Arctic regions,
of the statues of other animals was
Anatolian or "Hittite" period. stands by, dressed in
affords a practical proof of the severity of the climate
on
the Plateau.i
The Tomb
of Midas the King appears in Plate VIII., the
type and best example of a large class of Phrygian sepulchral
monuments (which were
at the
same time
shrines of the
The quaint delicate work and the romantic make this one of the most beautiful monuments
deified dead).
surroundings
known passes size
to its
modern times beauty.
;
and
The two
its historical
interest even sur-
inscriptions, in letters of gigantic
and archaic Greek form, make the nature of the monu-
ment
certain
;
though some scholars dispute
it.
grave-monument of an ancient without inscription and probably older than
Plate IX. gives another
Phrygian
chief,
the introduction
of
Greek
writing
into
Phrygia.
The
analogy to the famous Lion-Gate at Mycenae lends special interest to this great 1
See above,
p. 106,
tomb.
Over the
little
and Pauline and other Studies,
door leading p.
385
f.
140
Asia Minor: The Country and its Religion
III.
and small grave-chamber, where the dead was on a low couch of rock, stands a column sup-
into the plain
simply
laid
Two
porting a very heavy architrave at the top of the rock.
lionesses with a cub beneath each rest their forepaws on the
top of the door.
monu-
In Plate X. the broken remains of an even greater
The head
ment, close to the last, are seen. the
left
measures seven feet and a half across.
ecuted in singularly plete
life-like
monument, with three great heads of
monument Leontoskephalai. Kara - Hissar and
exe-
It is
five
lions like this,
The town
must have been wonderfully effective. it was in the fifth century and
-
It is
vigorous style, and the com-
later called
beside
Afion
of the lion on
or village
from
this
about six hours north of
hours south of the Midas
Tomb. Plate
XL
shows a sepulchral monument of the
period, in quite
Greek
style.
The
Before the doors
by two Doric columns,
tomb is here conwho lay in chambers
family
ceived as the temple of the deified dead, cut in the rock.
Roman
is
the portico, supported
closely imitating the front of a
Greek
temple. Plate
XII. shows the
site
of the
ancient
Antioch of
Pisidia, the southern capital of the Province Galatia, with
the
snowy Sultan Dagh
The
behind.
site lies in the
middle
on the left-hand side of a break in the ridge of front Through that break the river Anthios flows in a deep
distance, hills.
narrow gorge, close under the the Antiochian side.
The
The ridge conmuch higher than on
city walls.
tinues to the right of the gorge, rising faint,
hardly distinguishable
re-
mains contrast with the numerous buildings of Deghile (Plate XIII.).
»
-)
—
"^
LET .TIONS'
IV.
THE ORTHODOX CHURCH
IN
THE
BYZANTINE EMPIRE. ADDRESS ON BEHALF OF SECTION VI. (CHURCH HISTORY) DELIVERED TO THE FINAL GENERAL MEETING OF THE CONGRESS OF HISTORICAL SCIENCES, BERLIN,
igoS.
IV.
THE ORTHODOX CHURCH
THE
IN
BYZANTINE EMPIRE.^ I
WILL
not
minute
up the
fill
last
minutes of the Congress with
which
details of the subject about
Rather,
I
shall
attempt to
show
amid
it
have to speak.
I
surroundings as
its
one aspect of the immemorial struggle between the East and the West. In the electric contact between Asia and
Europe has been
generated
throughout history
the
the impulse
;
motive power
greatest
constantly varying in
is
character from age to age, yet the principle
is
fundamentally
the same. In the lands of the fact of history
it
rules
Levant world
it
its
in
is
dominant.
way
inland.
As
Roman
now
the struggle of
On
the
and
;
coasts
it is
and
constantly
a motive force in the
gained strength and
into the
Empire was
itself
almost by right of nature
striving to force
moulded
the Levant the cardinal
has always been and
Hellenism to make islands
Aegean and
organisation
direction ;
by being
and the
Roman
the East the Hellenic Empire, an invigorated
Hellenism, which lost the charm, the delicacy, the purity
and the aloofness of the unalloyed Greek practical
spirit,
but gained
and penetrating power.
In one of his most remarkable papers, written in later 1
Address on behalf of Section
VL
(Church History) delivered to the
life,
final
general meeting of the Congress of Historical Sciences, Berlin, 12th August, 1908.
It
was shortened
in
delivery by the
or clauses.
(H3)
omission of
many
sentences
^^^ Orthodox Church
I^-
144
when
his genius
and
historic insight
were brightest and most
piercing, because they were guided by longer experience and
by a width kind,
the
of knowledge almost
Mommsen
has described
moment when
itself,
it
beyond the
how
the
right of
Roman
man-
Empire, at
seemed no longer capable of maintaining
was restored to vigour by the incorporation of a new its constitution, and became the Christian Empire.
idea into
This was only one out of article
Mommsen
either
many
cases in
which by a single
permanently changed thought
re-
new made it impossible for any scholar ever much of what used to be repeated parrot-like
garding an old branch of study or created an entirely
He
one.
has
again to say
by generation
after generation of writers
of the Church to the
Roman
State,^
about the relation
and he has made
urgently necessary that the history of the
should be rewritten from a
new
it
Roman Empire
point of view.
Empire lasted as a power patent to the eyes of all the world for more than eleven hundred years. What was the idea, what the new factor in organisation that recreated and rejuvenated the dying Roman Empire ?
The new
Christian
was the Church, the Church as an organised unity, the Church as a belief, and the Church as a body of ritual. It
In this connection
we
are struck with a certain difference
The Latin
between the Latin Church and the Greek,
Church has often been able to maintain
its
hold on discor-
many peoples have remained faithful to the and the authority of the Roman Church, while preserving their independence, their separation, and their
dant nations
:
belief
1
Der Religionsfrevel nach rom. Recht.
The
legal aspect
is
restated in his
Strafrecht from a different point of view, and in some details perhaps more conectly; but the older paper takes a far wider outlook and a more illuminative
view than the legal book, which, though published later, stands nearer it is narrower in its range of interest.
the ordinary point of survey, because
tn the Byzantine E7nph'e
mutual
But the Latin Church
hostility.
gether the Western Empire. the Empire.
It
145
cxDuld
not hold to-
never identified
itself
Empire: so
far as
level as the
Empire,
it
it
lowered
was a
with
Roman
represented a higher unity than the
It
stand on the same
itself to
and an enemy rather than
rival
an ally of the Empire.
But the Orthodox Church the
Roman Empire;
in the
East cast in
was conterminous
it
permanently wider than the Empire.
tempt to stand on a higher people.
It
it
with
and never
did not long at-
than the State and the
level
It
has been content, on the whole, in spite
some notable and honourable
world as
its lot
has not been an educating and elevating and
purifying power.
of
It
with,
was
;
and
it
exceptions, to accept the
has been too easily satisfied with
mere allegiance and apparent loyalty to the State among all its adherents. It was the faithful ally of the emperors. In the controversies of the
century
fifth
it
elected to side with
the uneducated masses against the higher thought
;
and
in
an CEcumenical Council, at which the law of the whole Christian world should be determined,
tions a bishop
not
know
who could not
letters.
But on
the mass of the people.
the
common
than a
average
loftier religion
Orthodox Church was
it
this
name
lower level
It lived
man
admitted to
sign his
with
among
stood closer to
them.
It
moved
more penetrating power
could have done. fitted to
it
delibera-
its
because he did
Accordingly the
be the soul and
life
of the
Empire, to maintain the Imperial unity, to give form and direction to every manifestation of national vigour. Practically the ecclesiastical,
whole of Byzantine
art that has lived
is
being concerned with the building and the
adornment of churches, and of the residences of officials in Church and State. The subjects of its painting became 10
The Orthodox Church
IV.
146
more and more exclusively sacred. Art itself was frowned upon and the controversy between Iconodouloi and Icono;
clastai
was
to a certain extent a contest as to
literature,
if
you take away what
is
whether Art
Of Byzantine
should not be expelled even from churches.
directly or indirectly
concerned with or originating out of the Church,
remains
To
!
been very favourable.
how
little
Orthodox Greek Church has never
letters the It
has never played the part in pre-
serving the ancient classical literature that the
Latin Church
has played.
Yet
has always clung to the Hellenic language as
it
tenaciously as
which
to
tical
social
books.
and
life
religious
;
with the Hellenised Empire, but
it
did so rather on poli-
grounds than from literary
Greek was necessarily the language of Hellenic
sympathy. civilisation
itself
had given new
it
and
has allied
it
and order
;
and
it
was the language of the sacred
Accordingly the Church destroyed the native lan-
guages of Asia Minor,^ and imposed the Greek speech on the entire population, though
As
Syria or in Egypt. Tule in the State, so force in society
;
it
but
it
it
could not do this completely in
identified itself with the Imperial
Hellenism as a
identified itself with
its
Hellenism was a degenerate repre-
sentative of the old classical Hellenism, hardened
rowed
in its interests,
resolute to
make
abandon
alive,
the single language, the Hellenic speech,
dominant throughout the Church, yet able to
and nar-
but intense, powerful, strongly
for the
in the last resort,
moment, under the pressure of
necessity,
or of overpowering national feeling, even the Hellenic speech,
and 1
to leave only the cultus
That
Christianity,
and the hierarchy and the
and not the older Greek or Roman
civilisation,
ritual
destroyed
the native languages and imposed Greek on the peoples of Asia Minor, has Professor HoU has published a conoften been mainuined by the writer.
vincing argument to this effect
in
Hermes, 1908,
p.
240
ff.
in the
One
of the
true
Byzantine Empire
Church as the
sole
147
living unity
the
in
Empire.
movement that sought to develop itself within the Empire was consecrated and vitalIn some cases, as ised by the formation of a new Church. in the Armenian schism, or in the severance between the
The
of every national
rise
two great sections of the original Catholic and Imperial Church, viz., the Latin and the Greek, there was some difference of
dogma, of creed, or of
But these
ritual.
differ-
ences were, in the historian's view, not the essential features in the quarrels that
of the Church. insignia
ensued between the opposing sections
Those
differences of creed were only the emblazoned on the standards of forces which were
already arrayed against one another by national and other
deep-lying causes of hostility.
between Slavic and Hellenic
Accordingly
that has often raged between Slav and practically
no
difference of creed or ritual
difference of ecclesiastical organisation. tionality
formed
in
the severance
nationalities, in the bitter hatred
Hellene, there ;
there
The
is
is
only a
separate na-
for itself a separate ecclesiastical
system,
and the two powers, which in truth represented two hostile races and two different systems of civilisation and thought
and
ideals,
regarded one another as rival Churches.
Where
the historian sees Hellenism in conflict with Slavic society,
the combatants hate each other as ecclesiastical foes, orthodox
on the one hand, schismatic on the other. Before our eyes, in this present generation, there has occurred one of these great national and social struggles, a struggle
still
undetermined, between the Bulgarian and the
Hellenic nationality.
was growing
When
the Bulgarian national feeling
sufficiently definite to take separate
to disengage itself from the
form and
vague formless mass of the
The Orthodox Church
IV.
148
Christian subjects of Turkey,
manding and
in the
it
expressed
itself first
by de-
year 1870 attaining separate ecclesiastical
standing as the Church of the Exarchate.
Since that time
the war to determine the bounds between the spheres of
Hellenism and of Bulgarian nationality has been waged
under the form of a struggle between the adherents of the Patriarchate and of the Exarchate. We at a distance hardly comprehend how completely the ecclesiastical question over-
powers
all else in
the popular estimation.
It is
not blood,
not language, that determines the mind of the masses religion
who
is
and the Church.
Mohammedan by religion, sides with who is of the Patriarchate chooses
in ordinary course (if the natural
tendency of history
Hellenes in language also; only in the Exarchate
Bulgarian nationality supreme and lasting. is
The Church
feeling, aspirations
When we
is
many
Church claimed population,
men
:
not
become is
the
Religion and
Minor you
find the
same con-
and patriotism the scattered Hellenes.
cities
in the
and
country thirty years ago,
where the Orthodox
villages
the adherence of considerable bodies of
language was neither
yet where the Greek
spoken nor understood. blood
is
the one bond to hold together in
began to travel
there were
the
the determining principle for the individual.
In the islands and in Asia dition.
;
Hellenism, and
forcibly disturbed) his descendants will ultimately
the Church
bred,
the Turks
Bulgarian
it is
;
The Bulgarian born and
These people had no common
they were Isaurians, or Cappadocians, or Lycaonians,
of Pontus or Bithynia or Phrygia.
people in virtue of their one Church
;
But they were one
they knew themselves
to be Hellenes, because they belonged to the
Hellenes. Hellenes,
Church of the
The memory of their past lived among these as that memory grew stronger it awoke their
and
in the Byzantine
ancient tongue to
life
and now
;
149
their children all
Roman
language of the Eastern
Empire
speak the
Empire, and look forward
to the reawakening of the Christian^ unity as a practical factor in the
Empire
is
development of the country.
not dead, but sleeping.
Hellenism ceases
no longer a
is
We
Aegean
in the
That old Roman die only
It will
lands,
when
and when the Church
among their population. power among men this Orthodox
living force
what a
see, then,
Church has been and
still
is
— not
a lovable power, not a
beneficent power, but stern, unchanging, not exactly hostile
but certainly careless
to,
sufficient
historian
for
itself,
and
of, literature
self-contained
must regard with
and
art
and
civilisation,
interest this marvellous
menon, and he must try to understand
it
The
self-centred.
as
pheno-
appears in the
it
centuries I set
before you a problem and a question.
tempt to answer propose theories
it
It is
and to observe and has fallen to
do not
I
or
my
work
at-
to
but to ask questions, to state problems,
;
register facts, looking at
And
light of these questions. it
my province
not
my
lot to
hieratic architecture
during the
last
them
in the
seven years,
study closely the monuments, the
and the epitaphs which reveal some-
thing of the development of the Orthodox Church in the region of Lycaonia. Christian
have had to copy
I
inscriptions
many hundreds
of
ranging from the gravestone of a
bishop of the third century to an epitaph dated under the Seljuk Turks in the years 1160-1169.
and impossible on ^
It is
this occasion to
It
would be pedantic
attempt even an outline
the only " Christian " Empire to the Hellenes,
Christian unless he
is
a
member
of the Orthodox Church.
between Hellenes and Barbaroi " Christians " or Orthodox
and
is
now
all others.
who
The
call
no man
old distinction
expressed as a classitication into
The Orthodox Church
IV.
150
di the results which follow from the study of these epitaphs,
and of the
"
thousand-and-one churches
"
of the inhabitants found expression.
I
to a few general statements, taking
first
^
which the piety
in
myself
shall restrict
the inscriptions as
beginning earlier than the oldest surviving church-building.
The
upon the tomb-
inscriptions are almost all engraved
stones of the ordinary population of a provincial
Even the bishops who are mentioned must, as a garded as mere village-bishops {j^wpeiricyKO'iroC).
district.
rule,
be
re-
Similarly,
the ecclesiastical buildings belong not to capitals of provinces or to great
cities,
towns, where there was
but to villages and unimportant
little
education but a high standard
Those of which I to-day speak lie in and around the humble and almost unknown town of Barata. of material comfort.
But
in the
society
;
humbleness of
it
The
authorities
courtiers
and
mob and
its
give
fill
class of
who
individuals
up a gap
the information
their
in
about the Christian Empire. attention
emperors and
to
generals, to the capital of the
Empire with
its
splendours, to bishops and church leaders, to
CEcumenical Councils and the
made up
the real value of this
and the middle
State.
epitaphs help to
cannot
lies
commonplace
literary authorities furnish
Those
is
range
sets before us the
composed the Imperial which
its
Itireveals to us the lower
evidence.
But the world
rise of heresies.
The
of ordinary, commonplace men.
exist, unless there is
a people to be led.
leaders
There are
indeed scattered about in the literary authorities certain pieces of evidence about the
more '
in the private
common world
;
and there are
correspondence of writers and great men.
This name (Bin-Bir-Kilisse) is the descriptive appellation given by outmodern village which occupies part of the site of the ancient
siders to the
Barata, but not used by the villagers themselves (who call their
Sheher).
home Madea-
in the Byzantine E?npire
But
this evidence
has never been collected.^
humbler epitaphs that we must look to estimate the influence
mass of the people, and cation and
life
which
It is
for aid in
to the
attempting
which the Church exerted on the
to appreciate the standard of edu-
produced among the general popula-
it
towns and
tion, especially in small
The Lycaonian
151
gravestones
villages.
will
give at least the begin-
ning of the material for answering the questions which are
Though a few of the epitaphs are earlier and a moderate number are later, yet the great mass of them belong
thus raised.
to the fourth
330-450). it
was
in
and
They
fifth
centuries (especially the period
set before us,
A.D.
on the whole, the Church as
Asia Minor from the time of Constantine to that
of Theodosius, the Church of Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of
Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa, and Amphilochius of Iconium
—a great
period in ecclesiastical history.
I
am
convinced
some passages in the literature and many in the letters by the contemporary leaders of the Church will acquire a new and fuller meaning and more living realism through comparison with these memorials of their humble
that
written
followers.
To
take just one example.
When Gregory
of Nyssa
wished about A.D. 380-390 to build a memorial chapel, he wrote to Amphilochius at Iconium begging him to furnish
workmen
capable of executing the work, and he wrote after-
wards a very he hoped to
full
description of the cruciform church which
We
build.
the cruciform was in
memorial churches. 1
is
m
have now abundant evidence that
those regions the accepted type for
We
find in the country subject to the
In a paper printed in Pauline and other Studies, pp. 369-406, a beginning in a small way to exemplify the value of the material for social history
made
the letters oi Basil.
See also Holl, Hnmes, 1908,
p. 240.
IV.
152
The Orthodox Church
metropolitan bishop of Iconium a quite unexpected of churches in almost every form tecture.
And we
known
number
to Byzantine archi-
see in the graves throughout the country
north and north-east from Iconium a marked inferiority
in
the technique of sculptor and architect, and an equally marked superiority throughout the hill-country that
ment as
if
on the gravestones of this latter region
architecture were the
near Iconium
lies
The fashionable type
on the south and south-west.
dominant
of orna-
architectural.
is
art in the district.^
It
was, therefore, natural that the Bishop of Nyssa should have recourse to Iconium for artisans able to build
and
to
adorn
the church which he had in mind.
The
picture of the Lycaonian
Church that we put
gether from these humble memorials
The Church was
favourable one. people.
The
Presbyteros
is
to-
is,
on the whole, a very
still
the educator of the
set before us in simple, striking
terms as the helper of the orphan, the widow, the poor and
We
the stranger."^ State
:
we have
have
little
or no trace of alliance with the
the Church of the people, creator of charit-
able and hospitable institutions, the Church as
mind
We find It
is
it
was
in
the
and the aspirations of Basil. Lycaonia a Christian land
in the fourth century,'
the one province of Asia Minor whose ecclesiastical
organisation can be traced already perfect and complete in
the councils of the fourth century. fore,
must be
Diocletian.
in
This organisation, there-
great part older than the persecution of
From
the writings of Basil of Caesarea
we
learn
that as early as A.D. 370 a city church in Cappadocia
was
^On the Isaurian masons see an important paper by Professor Holl in Hermes, 1908, p. 242, and in this volume XII., No. 10-12. * See below, p. 352. 'The few pagan inscriptions of the period belong, some certainly, some probably, to the engineered anti-Christian movement under Diocletian and Maximin, on which see Pauline and other Studies,
p.
106
ff.
Empire
in the Byzantine
153
already regarded as only one part of a great surrounding
complex of buildings for social
marked
fully
for public utility,
as the focus of city
which formed a centre
The church was already
and public convenience.
life.
This conception of the church building the
of the city
life
much
is
in its relation to
older than Basil's time. It
original idea of the early Christian world,
is
the
when the Universal
Church, in competition with the Emperor and Father of the State, raised
its
claim to be the parent and guide of the
Such a Christian
people.
ecclesiastical establishment took
the place of the ancient Anatolian hieron as the centre of social
and municipal
people governing
life.
itself
The Greek
conception of a free
without priestly interference was
dying out, and thq Asiatic conception of a ing in theocratic fashion the entire life
The
was reviving.
show
bishop
man
it
affected the people before Basil.
mention here only one
who
to 340, a
and conduct of men
early Christian inscriptions of Lycaonia
this old idea as
will
I
religion govern-
inscription, the epitaph of a
administered the see of Laodicea about a.d. 315 soldier, with the Roman triple name, a
Roman
of good family and wealth and position (like so
of those
who played
a prominent part
Christianity in Asia Minor).
^
many
in the history
In his epitaph he tells
of
how he
which evidently had been
rebuilt the church of the city,
The bishop
destroyed during the persecution of Diocletian.
enumerates the whole architectural equipment which he had built,^
and which he evidently considered
a proper ecclesiastical establishment
church from ^
its
foundations and
Studies in the History
all
as indispensable in
—"rebuilding the whole
the equipment around
and Art of the Eastern Provinces,
and other Studies, p. 375. *The inscription is published by the
p.
372
f.
;
it,
Pauline
discoverer, Mr. Calder, Christ Church,
Oxford, in the Expositor, November, 190S.
See below,
p. 339.
The Orthodox Church
IV.
154
and tetrastoa and paintings and screens of woodwork and a water- tank and an entrance gateway, together viz., stoai
with
all
the mason-work, and, in a word, putting everything
While we cannot suppose that the old church,
in place".
which had evidently been destroyed to the ground under
was as magnificent
Diocletian,
one,
we can
from
safely infer
in its
this
equipment as the new
document that the same had been em-
idea of a social as well as a religious centre
bodied
in it originally,
This idea
restored.
tion, as natural
Some
and
is
and that the whole establishment was apparently presumed
years later the
same
idea
was embodied
great foundation at Caesarea of Cappadocia
an almshouse, a place of entertainment those
who were on
the inscrip-
in
self-evident.
a journey and those
—
in Basil's
which included
for strangers,
who required
both
medical
treatment on account of sickness, and so established a means of giving these
men
the
comfort they wanted
means/ of conveyance and escort.^
formed part of
this establishment,
The
— doctors,
which was the indispensable church,
centre for the whole series of constructions.
Even the
Laodicea was intended,
cistern or water-tank at
not as a baptistery for hieratic purposes, but simply to afford a supply of water for public convenience the cisterns at
many
:
this is
proved by
establishments similar in character but
smaller in scale, which
we have found elsewhere
in
Lycaonia.
In that waterless region a permanent water-supply was dispensable for comfort
;
rarely be supplied, a tank or cistern for storage
was used
stead of the fountain, which would have been employed district
where flowing sources were abundant.
Laodicea, under the ^
hills,
in-
and as running water can very
But
the tank held running water.
Pauline and other Studies,
p.
385
;
Basil, Epist. xcvi.
in-
in
a
at
Empire
in the Byzantine
Those who are interested religious
hoods
"
custom
will
not
fail
to
trace
155
the continuity of
to observe that the " Brother-
of the early Turkish time,^ and the Bektash Dervish
establishments (which have lasted fulfil
under Mohammedan
Basil
aimed
forms
down
to the present day),
many of the purposes which And the fountains
at in his great foundation.
in the courtyard of
every mosque and Dervish tekke, though
primarily intended for the religious ablution before prayer, are used for general purposes of public utility.
probably find in them the type of
we could we should
If
trace the character of the ancient Anatolian hiera,
Basil's establishment.
As to the surviving church-buildings, the most important among many remarkable groups is a series which we had the advantage of studying and excavating
Miss Bell
in 1907,
and by ourselves
supplementary work the
Lycaonian
in
in
—about seventy churches
city
of
Barata,
fifty
company with
1908 in some small in
miles
and around
south-east
of
Ikonion, and subject from A.D. 372 onwards to the metropolitan of that city.
These churches form a
definite group,
possessing a certain unity, revealing to us the history of a
small Lycaonian city from the
The memorials scriptions
of city
life
fifth
to the twelfth century.
were no longer recorded
and the other monuments of the old Greek
they stand before us
in the
in incities
:
churches built by the piety or the
sense of public duty of the people, often by the piety of individuals similar to the bishop of Laodicea.
Churches have to be studied by historians as the one form
in
which the public
spirit
The Church was
the focus of
ecclesiastical buildings
mirrored the
tine cities sought expression.
the national
*On p. 96.
life,
and the
and patriotism of the Byzan-
these Brotherhoods see the Citiei and Bishoprics of Phrygia, vol.
i.,
The Orthodox Church
IV.
156
and the
fortunes
Such buildings
sufferings of the people.
were generally constructed as the payment of a vow the inscriptions which
often recorded
name
the
in
of the
opening formula was gradually established,
the
builder
and
;
"through the vow of ... "
To
take one example
to the Byzantine ally to
Asia Minor,
force of the attack
stantly
is
the outstanding fact with regard
:
Empire
as a whole
and with regard especi-
that they were exposed to the
full
which the barbarism of Asia was con-
making on the Roman Empire and the Hellenic The Church of Anatolia, if we rightly estimate
civilisation.^ its
character, could not remain insensible to the great national
and Arab invaders, that dread,
struggle against the Sassanian
Accordingly,
ever-present danger.
we
one of the
find that
churches at Barata was the ntemorion of a citizen in
who
" died
who endured many wounds," and who had led his name is not given, but only his "
the war," another of one
a third was built as the memorial of a general
the Byzantine armies
:
position in the Empire, for he
was doubtless the only native
of this obscure town that ever attained that high rank in
the army, and hence he
The
largest
is
called simply " the
Domestikos ".
and probably the most magnificent church
the town was decorated with paintings executed artists,
who
presbyter and
eponymous tribune
dedicated according to the
When we
vow
;
monk,
fifth
church was
Mammas
the tribune.
and a
of
certain
see that churches form the angle of the fortifica-
tions of the city, that monasteries
that a small church crowns
many
a
make
part of the walls,
little hill
near the line of
the walls as well as every high peak of the farther away, ^
by
are named, under the direction of Indakos,
in
we
realise that
mountains
the Byzantine Church mar-
studies in the History of the Eastern Provinces,
p. 287.
Empire
in the Byzantine
shalled
and inspired the Hellenes of the
157
Empire
later
to
defend Hellenism against barbarism, and that the tribunes
who
built those churches
were
once
at
muni-
ecclesiastical,
cipal and, after a fashion, military officers.
That
this
cannot for a
Church militant was an
effective military leader
moment be
There was a vast
supposed.
differ-
ence between the military orders of European chivalry, the
Templars or the Knights of of the
monks and
But, in the temporary decay
Empire, the Church did undertake the
Eastern
guidance
John, and these
St.
tribunes of places like Barata.
of local
efforts
at defence,
which the Emperors
came to be more and more completely summed up in the Church. And when the Empire revived in the ninth century, it could not recover the hold which it had formerly possessed on the had abandoned
and thus the
;
of the nation
life
The Church had
national loyalty.
entirely supplanted
it
in
the minds of the people. Hitherto
we have been too much disposed to think that, army of the Empire was professional
because the regular
and the caste
soldiers of the later
Roman
and not a truly national army, no power of resistance
and self-defence was developed most exposed to Arab attack. tell
period were almost a
a different
and
tale,
in the districts
that
were
But the churches of Barata
their evidence
is
confirmed at a
by the example of Philadelphia,^ which mainby the energy of its own citizens, unaided and even disowned by the Empire, against the victorious Turks Where the people had the army to depend for a century. on, they trusted to it but where, as in Barata and Philadellater period
tained itself
;
phia,
they were
enemy without '^
left
open to the constant attacks of the
military protection, they trusted
Letters to the Seven Churches, pp. 400, 412.
to
them-
The Orthodox Church
IV.
158
selves
and the
commander
Saints, but chiefly the Saints.
It
was Michael
of the hosts of heaven, and the other Saints on
every prominent point of the city and every peak of the mountain,
who
people of Barata.^
efforts of the
Here, again, to the
life
marshalled and stimulated the defensire
we
see
how
close the Imperial
But
of the people.
a heavy price, and
Church was
much of
Church stood
was bought
this nearness
at
the character of the Orthodox
sacrificed to attain
If
it.
we
take the succession
of the ecclesiastical buildings at Barata, ranging from the to the tenth or the eleventh
fifth
century,
we can
trace in
them, especially through their dedications, the change of feeling:
we
see the degeneration of the Imperial
Church
to
the popular level of thought and religion, the revival of the old
pagan
religion of
Asia Minor, and the resuscitation of
the ancient gods under Christian names.
An
example, the most striking out of many, occurs on the that overhangs Barata on the south.
summit of the mountain Standing on that plain, 7,000 feet
idea,
peak, an island in the Lycaonian
lofty
above sea
level,
nowhere stronger than
one remembers the ancient
in Anatolia, that all lofty
were the chosen home of Divine power, and this
at
is
"
High Place
hand.
Although
was a
"
of the old paganism. in
peaks
feels certain that
The
proof
the change of religion the old
sanctuary has been destroyed, and a monastery, a church and
a memorial chapel (which bears the
name
of Leo) cover
almost the entire summit, and conceal the earlier features of the place, yet the traces of the original "
High Place
"
are
not entirely obliterated.
On among '
the circumstances and needs of local defence which tended to encourage the people this belief in the saving power of high peaks
of their Saints and champions on high
hills,
see above, p. 136.
and the abode
PLATE
XIV.
Church and Memorial Chapel of Leo on the Summit
PLATE
ol the
Kara-Dagh.
XV.
^
0^-—
-•^*
..
•
-v.- «>.
.
Church on the Summit of the Kara-Dagh
To face
p. 158.
-^..--.i-.,.
:
.;
-•vr^ r-^;
i_-.iija„
Apse and South-east Corner.
PljBUC LIBRARY A3TOR, LENOX
TILDE-N fOUiN'D.vrK^
in the Byzantine
Empire
159
In the rocks that support the church on the north side passage, partly natural, partly
artificial,
now
On
narrowed by walls of the Byzantine period. walls of this passage, perhaps formerly hidden
two inscriptions
building, are
is
a
some extent
to
the rock
by Byzantine
in the ancient hieroglyphics,
which are now generally called
Hittite,
but which were pro-
These put the ancient holy beyond all question. We have here
bably Anatolian in origin. character of the locality
the
known example of a Hittite " High Place " not endestroyed and we see that its ancient sanctity was
first
tirely
;
preserved in a Christianised form by the Byzantine Church.
This group of monuments, discovered by Miss Gertrude Bell in
May,
ancient city, principle
1907, after so
is
many
travellers
had
visited this
one of the best known examples of the general
which has often been stated
—that
Anatolia clung permanently to the same
religious
awe
in
There
localities.^
can be no doubt that the church and monastery were placed
The new
here because of the old sacred character.
was obliged to tion,
religion
satisfy the religious instincts of the popula-
which reverenced
this ancient seat
The
of worship.
church and monastery have every appearance of being comparatively early
:
at latest the sixth century
which they should be assigned. architecture with
dome
already fully developed
the date to
is
The Byzantine type
when the church was
built
one would not be able to date the foundation too
The
series
;
hence
early.
of monuments on the highest summit of the
mountain would, even
if
they stood alone, furnish a complete
proof of the very early origin of civilisation at this
But
it
of
standing within a square tower was
was our good fortune
striking confirmation
of the
to find a second almost
Hittite
occupation.
^See especially Pauline and other Studies,
p.
163
ff.
On
site.
more the
i6o
The Orthodox Church
IV.
north-west side an outlying eight miles from the city,
the approach to the central
into a fortress to defend
The
city.
Hittite character of this fortress
Dagh, about
called Kizil
hill,
was made
early Anatolian or
shown by its
is
style,
and by
three hieroglyphic inscriptions, one on a sort of altar at a "
gate in the west wall, and two on a
Holy
Place," a pinnacle
of rock forty feet high, roughly carved into the shape of a seat or throne with high back,
On
fort.
the throne
holding a sceptre
He wears He is the
the
in
below the west wall of the
incised a figure of the god, sitting, left
hand and a cup
in the right.^
magnificent robes and rests his feet on a footstool.
god who presides over and guards the
mountain, with riches,
is
and
bounteous vineyards,
its
its cool,
delightful climate in
its
city of the
fruit trees, its
summer.
The
dis-
covery of this throne would have gladdened the heart of a scholar,
who
died too
young
(the late Dr. Reichel),
who wrote
from very slender materials a most suggestive paper on the importance of the throne his
in early
Anatolian
Since
religion.
death his views have been confirmed by the discovery of
several
monuments which prove
important part Anatolia.
This
that a throne played a very
equipment of the primitive cultus
in the
in
"High Place" remains unharmed by any
destroying hand, except that of time and
weather.
Its
ancient sanctity was forgotten by the Orthodox Church;
and the
features of the locality are
unchanged since
it
was
the place of worship for the garrison of the old fortress.
The name the
of the same priest-king, Tarkuattes, appears in
inscriptions
on both these Hittite
Sayce informs me. ^
I
Professor Sayce
took for a cup
;
tells
but this
sites,
as
Professor
This priest-king must have been the me is
that he interprets differently the symbol which
immaterial for our present purpose.
the seated figure as that of the priest-king
;
but
in that case,
He
regards
according to the
usual practice, the priest wears the dress and plays the part of the god.
:
PLATE
XVI.
3t^:# ==:^^' The Throne
of the Anatolian
God: with Two Hieroglyphic
Inscriptions and a Relief.
PLATE XVIL
Church No. 29
To face
p. 160.
Double-arched West Doorway seen irom the Wall of the South Chamber of Narthex.
at Bin-Bir-Kilisse
on the
left is
the
:
inside
"^^
J
':• :
L'^
IB^ARY
x-i^ --
Empire
in the Byzantine
i6i
dynast either of Barata or of some remoter city to whicli Barata was subject, and the former seems far the more probable supposition.
We
observe three periods in the development of the
churches of Barata and the vicinity.
we have churches
seventh century,
group of monasteries high on the A.D. 700-850
we
fifth
the lower
city,
in
hills
above the
by
Between 850 and 1070 the Arabs were Z'A the danger which had driven the people of
monasteries into a
town.
fortified
Barata into
ii^e
city, as
safe obscurity of the
Then
and came to an end.
mountains diminished
the people began to rebuild in
the lower ground the ancient city, which
town of the period 850-1070. which had
in
and a
From
city.
trace the destruction of the lower city
occurred the revival of the lower
and
to the
and the formation of the principal group of
the Arabs,
repelled
During the
fallen into ruins
it is still
now
lies
a ruined
Several of the largest churches
were then restored and remodelled
possible to trace the changes which were
;
made
order to repair as quickly as possible the shell of the old
buildings.
Some
of the smaller churches perhaps remained
standing, having survived the
destruction wrought
Arabs and perhaps by earthquakes.
by the
But the majority of the
churches which the traveller surveys were probably built
from the foundations
in the ninth or tenth century.
was now of smaller extent, and
city
seems to have been
left
The
at least one church
unrepaired on the western side of
the town.
A
deterioration in the builder's art
is
churches were built on good old plans carried out rudely is
and probably
now ;
manifest.
but the
in great haste
;
work was
yet the haste
rather that of carelessness than of urgent need.
are
no signs of loving desire
to II
make
the
work
The
as
There
good and
i62
The Orthodox Church
IV.
We cannot, indeed,
rich as possible.
say
have been employed to supplement the
work
The
;
but the style
late
how
indisputably rather
is
far colour
may
strictly architectural
mean
in character.
churches produce the general impression of a de-
generating people, a dying civilisation, an epoch of ignorance,
and an Empire going to Yet, with for the
all
ruin.
their faults, even these late buildings retain
most part a certain dignity and an
The tradition
effective simplicity.
of the old Byzantine architecture was preserved
long as the Imperial government was only when the Empire shrank to
in this sequestered nook, so
maintained
narrower
It
itself.
and Lycaonia was
limits,
left
the dignity of the Imperial Church was of worship
show themselves
plainly
to the Turks, that lost,
and
places
its
to be the meeting-
places of a servile population.
What was good
in
the late architecture was traditional,
surviving from an older time.
contributed
What was bad
in
it
by the age when the work was executed.
was
The
decay of true architectural feeling corresponded to decay
by
Monasteries multiplied
ecclesiastical interests.
the mountain
in
The people were dominated
the civilisation of the period.
all
over
and much of the land must have belonged
;
to these foundations, and so been withdrawn from the service
of the State.
Patriotism could not survive in such an atmo-
no reason
sphere; and there
is
government either
tried or
loyal spirit, for
it
for the national
deserved to rouse a national and
was becoming steadily more
despotic and more
The
to think that the Imperial
rigid.
decay must be
laid
result
was that
art
more
on the Orthodox Church.
nation had been delivered over to
long been supreme and
oriental,
But the major part of the blame
its
its
care.
It
authority unquestioned.
had
The
and learning and education were dead,
in the Byzantine
and the monasteries were alh'ed itself
Empire
i6 o
The Orthodox Church had
left.
with autocracy against the people, and with the
superstitious
mob
against the heretics and the thinkers.
Its
triumph meant the ruin of the nation and the degradation of higher morality and intellect and Christianity and art.
we never found any
In our excavations, never deep,
worth picking up
The
city lived
on
All that
past.
its
The mountains
inherited.
article
off the ground.
of Barata,
was good
now
called
in
it
was
Kara-Dagh,
the Black-Mountain, must have been in ancient time the
summer sanatorium of the Lycaonian plain. Owing to their height the climate is delightful. The .oil is very fertile, and, being volcanic,
is
kinds of
also
plentiful,
trees
fruit
Many
for vines.
Water
were cultivated.
is
not
but there are several springs of remarkably good
The needs
water.
specially suited
of agriculture and viticulture were met
by a wonderfully elaborate system of storing the
rain
and
The mountain had been won man by long labour and by great skill. ^ The
the melted snows of winter. for the use of
inheritance from past civilisation, the traditional agriculture
and industry, was preserved works of former time comfort
still
reigned in the mountain.
could not be ruined. in early time,
The
vines
sides.
The water
was cared
Whatever
else
reaped, and the fruit site
for
The
failed, still
still
good
order.
of the
trodden, the harvests were
is
now
hill-
still
trees.
the most inhospitable
to travellers in the whole of Lycaonia.
On
in soil
the wine-presses, which we
gathered from the
of this ancient city
'
delightful air
supply, bountifully provided
and maintained
grew generously on the volcanic
found in numbers, were
The
just so far as to maintain the
and a high standard of material
;
There
this subject see the following paper.
is
no water
The Orthodox Church
IV.
164
filthy half-poisonous
except
puddles stored in the ancient
and he who drinks runs the
cisterns,
The
risk of death.
vines have almost entirely disappeared, the orchards remain
There
only in a few trees run wild.
The water
tion.
mountain, and
of no benefit to agriculture except in the
is
lowest part of the
The
built.
the
soil,
canic
hardly any cultiva-
is
runs rapidly off the steep slopes of the
little
sheltered valley
where the
city
was
wealth, the abundance of crops, the fertility of
the vines that grew rich on the sides of these vol-
hills,
the water stored up by a series of
dams
every
in
ravine and channel, the drinking water brought to the city
from fountains at a distance
—
all
these were produced
labour of men, guided and ordered
Divine power.
It
by
the
by the wisdom of the
was not through the high education of the
individual that those great results in engineering culture
and
agri-
and the use of the earth generally were gained. guiding power of
was through the Goddess
herself, the
their
The
religioa
Mother Earth, taught her children
she gave them birth and
life
It
;
as
and nourishment, so she showed
them how to use the things that she tendered to the use of man. The religion was agricultural and economic and its rules and practices were the annual' cycle of events in the ;
industrial year.^
In this
way that ancient religion acquired an
extraordinarily
strong hold on the simple minds of a little-educated population.
In their religion lay their sole education
scribed to
them
all
the
;
wisdom and the conduct
needed for a prosperous agricultural
life.
but
it
pre-
that they
The hold which
it
possessed on their minds lasted through the centuries that followed,
when new
dominant
in the land. ^
On
rulers
The
and strange religions became old holy
places,
this see the following paper.
perhaps also
PLATE
XIX.
Church No. 32 at Deghile, looking from S.E. South Extension of Narthex, on the left
PLATE
Church No.
To face
p. 164.
5 at Bin-Bir-Kilisse,
:
:
North Arcades of the Nave Chamber, Monastery Halls behind on left. :
XX.
Apse and South Arcades of the Nave. See pp. 155-161.
m
the Byzantine
the old religious customs to
some
Empire
extent,
on the Christians of the Byzantine time to see
any great or deep
saints
and the Divine
165
imposed themselves ;
and
it
is
not easy
difference between the Byzantine
who surrounded
figures
the principal
deity in the early religion.
Such was the heritage which
fell
to the lot of the Chris-
They were
tian population of Barata.
heirs to a prosperity
gained by industry and knowledge and science. heirs also to a religious belief
deep engrained
They were
in their hearts
whose owed the beginning and the foundations of they owed to it also the conservation of their prosperity their prosperity, for those numerous engineering works had to be kept in good repair, and we must suppose that this duty also was part of the ritual of the early religion. The deity who taught them became an inalienable part of the national mind and temperament and the Christians could through generations, a reverence
for the religion to
teaching they
:
;
not get free from their heritage of belief and reverence,^ nor
would
it
have been right to force them to throw off
inherited
fixed
ideas,
in
their
all
their
nature through countless
generations.
When them
the churches and the epitaphs engraved on
are regarded in chronological order,
it is
many
of
apparent that
they show a reversion to the simplest ancient belief about Just as the ancient grave was a temple, the
the grave. of the dead, in the
who
supreme
is
a god identified
deity,
home
with and partly merged
so in this late
Christian period the
monument. The one great religious duty, alike in this late time and in the oldest period, was to prepare a grave, and the grave was a sanctuary.
church
No
is,
so to say, the sepulchral
trace remained, so far as
we
can observe, of the idea that
'See Pauline and other Studies,
p.
136
ff.
—
:
The Orthodox Church
IV.
i66
the church was a place of instruction in moral duty and re-
thought
ligious
the church was in itself holy, and
;
duty supreme above every other
—so
it
was a
remains show
far as
to build a grave-church.
history of this city thus seems to end where
The
and yet through not dead.
the degradation the
is
began
it
Orthodox Church
;
is
maintains the Hellenic unity.
It still
Imperial Church
The unity
all
and while
lives,
not dead, but only asleep.
Kaiser Barbarossa,
who
from the Hellespont to culty with marvellous
pear from the eyes of
led his Cilicia,
lives the
it
army
Imperial
the old
It is like
German
of the great Crusade
triumphing over every
diffi-
and tenacity of purpose, to disap-
skill
men
in the
waters of the Calycadnos
but the creative imagination of popular belief knew that he is
moment and
not dead, that he waits the
appear among men. power.
It
may
So
revive
:
it
is
the
the signal to re-
with Hellenism as a world-
Church
always
has
reckoned with as a possibility in the future. store as great issues
world
in the future as
And
since
I
and
German
be in
as great surprises for the western
she has often produced in the past.
have mentioned the Kaiser of romance and
the Crusade that he led across Asia Minor, in the last
to
Asia has
I
may
venture,
words addressed to the Historical Congress in the new German Crusade which is
Capital, to recall the
conducting another march across the same land.
It is
no
more an army of mail-clad warriors. It is an army of enand workmen. At Dorylaion, where the first Crusade fought its first great battle, at Ikonion, where Bar-
gineers
barossa gained his greatest victory, you find
workshops and German
hotels.
more slowly than the army of Barbarossa surely.
now
large
German
This new Crusade moves ;
but
it
moves more
It has surmounted difficulties as great as those which
y
Empire
in the Byzantine
Kaiser Friederich met. culties to encounter.
It
has yet other even greater
has to accommodate
It
and give form to
to the people of the land,
167
its
diffi-
organisation
itself as
part of
the national resources.
The
historian
great historical
must regard with the keenest attention
He must
development.
admire the
this fore-
thought and the patient tenacity with which every obstacle
how
provided for and overcome, and he watches with interest the arrangement with the
new Hellenism
of the
will
is
Orthodox Church and the power For myself, as
be concluded.
I
many journeys to trace step by step the vicmarch of the old German Kaiser, and as have with keenest interest and growing admiration watched every stage
have loved on torious
I
from the beginning of to observing
saders will meet
Note.
—
my
I
Roman
look forward
new Cru-
memory
of St. Paul, due to lapse of
book amid the many pressing duties
They
light.
classes,
in
in
the
October, 1907.
monuments
only to the religion of the
refer
Colonia, mentioning the worship of Ares and of the
Emperor.
Fig.
native religion.
inches high
;
5,
p.
216, sets before us one aspect of the
It is
a very small
the surface
had been
well
is
much
preserved,
Photographs of the worn 1907
I
spirit the
the native religion of Lystra the published
throw no
if it
what
Imperial Church.
opening month of University
On
Crusade, so in
take this opportunity of supplying an omis-
Cities
finishing the
new
— as they must inevitably at some time meet
— the force of the old sion in
this
on what terms and
flat
relief,
about eighteen
broken, and the work, even is
of the rudest character.
surface taken in
are too faint for reproduction.
The
us the local god, protector of the flocks, which
been a chief source of the
city's
1901 and
stone sets before
prosperity.
must have
The
river
;
1
68
The Orthodox Church
IV.
valleys beside the city are rich arable land, but
low undulating
territory consists of
There
pasturage.
in his right
ground suited
He
is
marked by the
hand as the god of
purification
lustral
—an im-
portant and constant feature of the Anatolian god. left
for
therefore a sheep beside the platform
is
on which the god stands. branch
hilly
most of the
hand reaches down towards an
His
shape of a
altar in the
table (compare the shape of the Hittite Lycaonian altar, frontispiece to
my
Studies in the History of the Eastern
Provinces); but this part uncertain.
men is
The
so broken that the action
is
own
of the ritual that should be observed on his
described in the Letters
The
to the
inscription states the
casion of the dedication. secrated,"
now
is
nature of the Anatolian god, as revealer to
lost.
"
name
It
[Aur.
?]
Seven Churches,
p.
altar,
64.
of the god and the oc-
began with the word "con-
Neon C ....
onianos, son of
Dionysius, [consecrated] the (statue of) Apollo to the Tribe
Holy Thiasos, a vow". The Thiasos was the company
(called)
and the
fact that
portant.
It
it
of worshippers of the god
was one of the
city Tribes
is
highly im-
was, doubtless, a Tribe large in numbers,
cluding most of the native population.
a Hellenic (perhaps also a
The
in-
dedicator bears
Roman) name, and he
applies a
name to the god. He therefore belonged to the who were a part of the Lystran population (as, e.g.^ The god is here assimilated to Apollo Timothy's father). Hellenic
Hellenes,
as the sheep god, and the identification suitable.
A
purification
;
but
similar conception of the divine nature
plateau of Asia Minor
the milk-god.
god of
the
with Zeus as the supreme god was equally
He
is
is
on the
elsewhere called Zeus Galaktinos,
the Zeus-before-the-city of Lystra.
THE PEASANT GOD: THE CREATION, DESTRUCTION AND RESTORATION OF AGRICULTURE
IN ASIA MINOR.
—
V.
THE PEASANT GOD: The Creation, Destruction and Restoration of Agriculture
in Asia Minor.^
[The following words, published a year after this article appeared in the Contemporary Review, express the central thought of ray article so exactly from a totally different point of view, that I may be permitted to quote them as a motto Thus the men of inspiration of the fourteenth century, the :
Chaucers and the Langlands, saw in the typical agricultural LABOURER THE GREAT MORAL FIGURE OF THEIR WORLD. Rd. Heath in Cotltcmp. Rev., Jan., 1907, p. 84.]
Where
the mountains of Taurus
rise
sharp and high from
the southern edge of the level plains of the great central plateau of Asia Minor, and near the point strictly defined
on that
flat,
—vague and never —where Lycaonia
featureless land
and Cappadocia meet, there
a narrow well-wooded glen
is
which runs up two or three miles southwards into the mountains.
It
ends
in a theatre-shaped hollow, at the
back
of which the rocky sides of Taurus tower almost perpendicularly for
some thousands of
At
feet.
the foot of the
the source of a stream which gushes forth in
many
cliffs is
springs
from the rock with a loud noise that almost drowns the
human
voice.
Strangers find
it
difficult
with one another, and the speaker has the ear of his auditor. Ibriz, '
there to converse
to put his
mouth near
The people of the tiny village of when they come to the
near the head of the glen,
This paper
is
the enlargement of a lecture delivered before the Geographical
Section of the British Association at York, August, 1906.
(170
V.
172
The Peasant God
springs, talk in a high-pitched voice,
the continuous,
A
and out into the
down where
plain,
it
are diverted into hundreds of
This
perched high on a
is
transforms this tract of the
hill
at the western
hill
who
from
art separated
end of a long spur of Taurus, described by an
is
me by
him and the
lady
his
traveller, until in
1891
my
wife and
one evening and passed close under five miles, traverses
last
"
O
by Tyana
Past this great castle
(which, lying off the ordinary road, was never noticed
—at
;
Roman mountains
the Cilician Gates) which interrupts the way,
called Eregli,^
Arab
Byzantine country, as one
of the frontier, and by Hirakla".
on
It
by the twin fords of the Sarus, by the Pass
their steeps,
{i.e.^
water
the "strong Castle of Hirakla," as the Arabs called
of the obstacles that intervene between
and
its
two miles north of the mouth
poet, detained or imprisoned in the
thou
of
irrigation channels.
little
Herakleia of the Greeks, which
it,
rills
and west, watched over by a great ruined
turns north-west
of the glen, a
heard across
the steep glen from the source,
burnt-up plateau into a garden, as
arid, bare,
is
monotonous roar of the tumbUng water.
river flows rapidly
castle
which
I
its
crossed the walls)
by any
hills late
tPie river
flows
the wretched town of mud-hovels
which has replaced the old
city
and bishopric
about 1060-64 glorified into an archbishopric
—of
Kybistra, then turns south of west, and after a few miles
more flows ^
Eregli
is
into the
now
White Lake, Ak-Giol, a considerable
reviving, as
it
is
practically the terminus (for the time) of
Bagdad Railway: the actual rail-head is out in the plain at Bulgurlar, a Turkmen hamlet, five kilometres beyond Eregli, and is likely to remain so for some time [1906: it remains to be seen whether the agreement concluded in 1908 between the Porte and the association of German Banks which is pushing Advance beyond the Bagdad Railway will soon begin to be carried into effect. the
Bulgurlar implies an energetic effort to carry the railway over or through the
Taurus.
Bulgurlar
is
the point where the connection with Tyana, Nigde,
Kaisari and the north-east generally,
is
most convenient.]
Asia Minor
Aorriculture in i)
173
body of water in some seasons, in others dwindling to a large pond bordered by great marshes. The lake at its southwestern end approaches the Taurus mountains, and when the water
high empties
is
through a short channel into
itself
a great circular hole under the rock wall of Taurus, and thus received back
is
mountain from which
into the divine
it
came.
The
shadows
river
forth in its course the
the old Anatolian religion conceived
and to God understood
it it,
in all its various
the
life
The most
is
still
name
"
God
a case in which the
gift
comes,
—the
life
of
God
Asia Minor, by the
Never was
has given," Huda-verdi. of God was
more
clearly declared, or
God
the immediate presence and permanent beneficence of
more
manifest.
The
of the dry land into a done,
is
it is
river
is
fertile
is
called, like others of the
strikingly beneficent springs of
expressive
it
of man.
life
source of this river
God
phenomena expressing
over and over again the one great truth of nature and the
of man, as
life
from
;
Nature, as that religion
returns in the end.
was
it
given to transform this corner
garden, and as soon as
received back into the rich
its
work
bosom of the Great
Mother Earth. It
has never been
my
good fortune
to see the
phenomenon
of the disappearance of the river beneath the mountains at its
end.
when
I
The
lake has been too low on the two occasions
have passed that way.
The main road from
the
west by Iconium to the Cilician Gates and Syria crosses the last part
The
of the river channel by a rickety
wooden
bridge. ^
great hole in the ground at the foot of the mountains
gaped
close beside us.
Tombs
cut in the rock walls attested
the desire of the ancient population to ^The
bridge
may have
been improved since we
lie
in
last
saw
death at this it
in 1891.
V.
174 holy place.
The Peasant God
But the stream was
dry, the graves
and the country here was uninhabited and
On
the rock near the sources of Huda-verdi, on a large
space prepared to receive the most striking
by life,
were empty,
desert.
as
it
the ancient religion expressed
it,^
monument
was shown manifestly
in all
in this
Anatolia the truth of
There on
holy place.
the rock stands the king of the land, as the representative of
He
the whole people.
robes fit
he
;
is
is
dressed in magnificent embroidered
wealthy, great and
tall
(about nine feet in height),
representative of a rich and prosperous population
;
and he
stands with hands raised in front of his face, adoring the present god.
The god
He
large as the king. offers to
is
a gigantic figure, nearly twice as
holds in his hands the gifts which he
At
men, the corn and the grapes.
his feet is
an
implement, which seems to represent a small rude plough.
He
is
dressed in a short tunic, simple and unadorned, girt
with a broad girdle, with bare knees, his feet covered with thick-soled boots
which reach up the leg
far
enough to
The
protect the ankles and the lower part of the calves.
upper part of the boots consists of two
and the fastening
front,
many
is
by a
string
flaps at
which
is
back and
twisted a
good
times round to hold the flaps together and keep the
Everything
boots in place.
is
of the plainest kind.
The
god wears the minimum of clothing, and that of the simplest. The belt is worked in zones of simple line-pattern, chiefly in that country some simple kind of ornamentation zig-zag ;
is
and was almost universally used
bear ornamental 1
A
patterns,
;
even
"
the coarsest sacks
and the very paper
in
which
second monument of the same character and showing the same subject,
in poorer preservation,
was discovered by Mrs. Doughty Wylie in 1906. It is side, and on a shelf of the steep hillside
about 300 feet higher up the mountain close to
it
stands a
Byzantine church, an interesting proof that the pre-
Christianity sanctity lasted through the Christian timts
:
see p. 158.
PLATE
XXI.
The Peasant-God To face
p. 174.
at Ibriz.
.
c-o^ LENOX
Agriculture in Asia Minor wrap
shopkeepers
parcels
their
adorned
often
is
175 with
".1
coloured patterns
The peasant from
the neighbouring village
who conducts
the travellers to the Huda-verdi source wears clothing almost exactly the same in style as the god's, the tunic, the boots
and the
Little has
belt.
changed
toiling,
Your guide proves
here.
He
you the nature of the god.
to
the peasant-god, the
is
simple agriculturist, living by the work of his hands,
and making wealth and prosperity for the country and its The kings have come and gone, kings and great men. nothing remains of them and their work. eternal
You
and unchangeable.
The peasant
feel that there
is
was a large
foundation of truth and wisdom in the religion which so correctly
gauged the
relative
importance of the king and the
peasant, and anticipated Carlyle
philosophy of clothes,
in his
giving the outward distinction of show and dress to the king,
an ephemeral personage, and assigning to the peasant the
gifts
work and of service
mankind and of the which he bestows on the world, the corn and the wine.
real distinction of
One
The
part of the clothing differs.
He
the god.
to
head-dress marks
wears authority on his head, just as
St. Paul,
in his first letter to the Corinthians xi. 10, says that the veil
on her head she
is
in
out the
the authority of the
is
veil
she
is
a thing of nought,
insult with impunity.^
Miss Ramsay
&
knowledge of European customs. they are treated respectfully
very
;
with the veil on
(in
;
one
with-
may
in the sculpture at
Art and History of the Eastern Roman
Stoughton, 1906),
p. 21.
speak of the typical Oriental feeling, where
Turkey)
;
whom any
The god shown
in Studies in the
Provinces (Hodder * I
woman
an Oriental land supreme wherever she goes
it
Where European some
has not been affected by ladies
have been known,
cases with very marked respect in
but the earlier missionaries in Turkey found the situation often
difficult.
The Peasant God
V.
176
two horns projecting
Ibriz has a high pointed tiara with front, the
mystic sense and power of which
interpret in their
But why
is
full
we cannot
import.
the divine power described on the rock beside
Huda-verdi as the toiling peasant, and not as the joyous god, or as the Goddess-Mother of
who from world
her
in its
bosom gives forth The mind of ?
need
would have been
this,
filled
gift to
with the gladness of the loudfertility
and growth and generally
with the thought of the divine Mother, the giver of
things, the ultimate source of all Avhere, her life
life
;
and surely
the god
is
In
a mere accidental and secondary personage.
work of men, symbolised by the waste and unprofitable places.
toiling god,
Not the
is
about the
subduer of the
free gift of the
divine nature, but the labour that must be applied
make
all
here, if any-
bounty and graciousness are conspicuous.
Yet here on the rock the dominant thought
to
the
Greece, at such a spot as
The Anatolian mind was
prosperous husbandry.
her
bounteous
this
river-
the Earth herself,
all life,
laughing water and the promise of
filled
in
novy
by man
that gift profitable, stands graven on that great
monument. the goddess,
The primary personage of the is away in the background, and
divine nature,
the secondary
personage, the god, monopolises the scene.
Now
it is
the law of the world that, while the divine power
gives rain and
fruitful
seasons, there
is
an annual cycle of
work by the hands of man which must be applied to plough, But that work is always understood as to sow and to reap. the ordinary course of life is
;
it is
not a
toil,
but a pleasure
;
it
the mere effort of raising to the lips the food which the
god has bestowed
;
it
constitutes the
permanent enjoyment
of the bounty of God, extending over the year and the whole life.
The man who
regards
the
regular
operations of
Asia Minor
Agric2ilture in
husbandry as to
toil
and
true agriculturist
duties with a heart
permitted him is
to
view
The
not a true agriculturist.
is
he who takes the work of the year as
is
the cycle of a happy
labour
labour, undertaken solely with a
harvest,
the distant
177
do
and does each part of the year's
life,
of gratitude to the
full
this
So
duty.
God who
has
far as this aspect
of
concerned, the rock-sculpture of Ibriz might be
expected to portray the pure bounty of the beneficent god,
who
pours forth the life-giving and wealth-producing water
for the
Ibriz.
A deeper thought lay in the
happiness of man.
of the sculptor
This
is
who
mind
portrayed that scene on the rock at
the religious problem of the sculpture
;
and
the answer to this problem lays open a far deeper view into
the heart of the old Anatolian
than the writer
religion
ever before was able to attain.
The religion
early religion of Anatolia, often called the Phrygian
—a
name which
historically
is
for the
incorrect,
Phrygians were a mere body of intruders from Europe,
adopted the
religion of the land into
which they
who had come
somewhere about a thousand years before Christ, that ancient religion which was supreme in the country in
as strangers
the second and third millenniums origin cannot even be guessed at rules
and ceremonial
B.C., ^
and the date of whose
—embodied
in a series of
practices the past experience
cumulated wisdom of the
and ac-
In regard to agriculture, the
race.
domestication and breeding of animals, the cultivation of valuable trees like the olive and the
vine,
sanitation,
the
rights of society as against the individual, the law of property
and boundaries, the right of in short, the
whole
life
free intercourse
and markets,
of society, the customs which had
been approved as salutary by the collective and growing 1" Religion of Asia
Minor"
in Hastings' Diet. Bib., V., p.
12
no
if.
God
V. The Peasant
178
wisdom of the race, were taught as obligatory rules and enforced by religious authority the offender who trespassed The against any of those rules was chastised by the god. but divine power tenders to the use of man all its gifts work. The knowknowledge and by won by be must they ledge, learned slowly by the experience of generations, was regarded in the religion as revealed by the goddess, the Great Mother of all life, who bore and nourished, warned :
;
and taught, directed and end receives them
all
and
in the
back to her kindly bosom.
Her
chastised, all her people,
body of wise
religion set forth in a
the knowledge which
was needed
Her people had only
to
in
rules
all
ordinary circumstances.
obey and to be
tional circumstances the Great
and precepts
faithful.
In excep-
Mother was ready to give
dreams. She by misfortune, by sickness, and above all by fever, that strange malady which bums up the strength and the life by direct effort of the divine power without any definite or visible affection of special advice through her prophets
punished inexorably
all infractions
and
Such was the penalty
any part of the body.
eveiy individual transgressor of the law guilt,
in
of her law,
;
inflicted
on
and confessions of
with warnings as to the penalties that followed
guilt,
were inscribed on tablets and put up publicly at the temples of the goddess,! where the traveller of the present day
may
read them and publish them to a wider public than was
dreamed of by the
authors.
first
individual punished.
Not merely was the
The community
a whole was
as
punished by the loss of prosperity, of security and
mately of
broken
;
its
and
very existence, to safeguard
it
if
ulti-
the law was persistently
the religious sanction was
strict
and inexorable. 1
Many examples
in Cities
and Bishoprics of Phrygia,
i.,
pp. 134
ff.,
147
ff.
Agriculture in Asia
Now
in the
beginning
it
Minor
179
was the labour of generations of
the working peasants that redeemed the soil from
unproductiveness
is
;
work that had given the
for the
no question
soil
had
to
The
rock-sculpture
bears
agriculture and history.
— probably
ranean soil
vast
soil originally
amount of
and
toil
skill
be applied before the land could begin to be cultivated.
engineering works that
lands
A
valueless.
There
which has sim ply-
The
to be cultivated in order to produce.
was waste and
original
soil to agriculture.
Anatolia of a natural
in
its
and this god on the rock at Ibriz stands
also, if
witness
one of those great
to
away back
lie
at the
beginning of
All over the Eastern Mediterranean
round the Central and Western Mediter-
we had any
from waste to
records
fertility
— the
reclamation of the
was regarded as the work of
a toiling god, bound to service under a stern master or king,
way
who
has in some
him
to a labour in itself ungrateful
under compulsion. that toiling god. its fifty
got a hold over him and can compel
and performed only
commonest name for Hercules drained the marsh of Lerna with Hercules was the
heads of water, and gave to
the valley of Argos.
men
mountains by which the lake imprisoned vale of Stymphalos was enabled to flow soil It
the richest part of
Hercules cut the passage through the
was made available
for the
in the land-locked
away and
the fertile
happy husbandman.
was the forethought and knowledge displayed
in those
great engineering works that seemed to the ancient mind to
The god condescended to work as a toiling peasant and won for the use of men this far-off good, which human skill alone could not have foreseen, and thus he gave to man in free gift the soil out of which should come the corn and
be divine.
the wine.
But to understand
has to look at the country as
all
that
it is
is
implied in
this,
at the present day,
one
when
I
it
God
V. The Peasant
So
has to a large extent gone back to the state of nature and
How
of waste land.
has this come about, and what
is
the
cure?
Elsewhere the present writer has described the character of the
Mohammedan conquest of Asia Minor.^ The Saracens,
a congeries of various Asiatic races, led by the Arabs, at-
tempted
it,
and
During three centuries
failed completely.
of war they never permanently held any land beyond Taurus
except what their armies actually covered.^ first
The Turks,
the Seljuk Turks and afterwards the Osmanli, achieved
what the Saracens could not do
and they succeeded only
;
by breaking up the fabric of the superior society and reducing to disconnected atoms. This was not done consciously or The Turks did not wish to destroy the inintentionally.
it
dustry and wealth of the country tans was to profit
by
its
;
the intention of the Sul-
prosperity.
of the Nomads, who followed
The
ruin
was the work
close after the irruption of the
Turkish armies.
The
distinction
Avshahr,
etc.,
who now
proper,
between those Nomads
call
—
Turkmen, Yuruk, them and the Turks themselves Osmanli, was as evident to
as the traveller
still
—
sees
the Byzantine authorities in the twelfth century as
distinction
and so
it is
to-
But the
real nature of the
and the origin of the various
tribes are obscure,
day, or was fifty years ago.
far as
I
know
uninvestigated.
Those
tribes are de-
scribed under the names of Nomads or Turkmens by
Anna
Comnena, Nicetas of Khonai and Joannes Cinnamus.
They
evidently followed close on the
vasion ^
;
and
first
in-
their relation to the soldiers of those armies
is
See especially a paper on the war of Moslem and Christian for the possesand Art of the Eastern Roman
sion of Asia Minor, in Studies in the History
Provinces, p. 281 -
Turkish armies of
See
flf.
in the present
volume, p. ii5.
;
Agriculture in Asia difficult to
That
determine.
Minor
one of the
is
many
i8i
questions
which await the historian of the Turkish conquest of Asia
Were
those
vaders in A.D.
1070,
Minor.
way
national
of
life
Nomads the offspring of the first inwho maintained in Asia Minor their had led
as they
it
in Central Asia, while
the Turks of the cities were a people mixed of the old population turned
The
Moslem with
part of the invading armies
story of the Seljuk conquest has
still
?
to be written
Gibbon's generalisations are brilliant and unsatisfactory,
for
while Sir H. Howorth's excellent essay
make It is first
just sufficient to
is
us long for a detailed study according to localities.
abundantly clear that, after their
first
inroads and their
great victory at Manzikert, the loose and ill-organised
Turkish armies were not able to meet
even terms a Byzantine army, degree of prudence and
in fair fight
and on
the latter was led with any Yet the Roman civilisation,
if
skill.^
which had resisted three centuries of constant Arab raids
and numerous Arab ciplined Seljuk power. it
died out before the undis-
victories,
was the Nomads who destroyed
It
against the wishes and intentions of the Seljuk govern-
ment, whose enemies they very quickly became.
The Nomads remain now
generally quite apart from the
Osmanli or Turks, though the Osmanli were a mere tribe as late as A.D.
1
300
;
and they continued
independent of the Turkish rule
some of them
century,
my own 1
1
short
till
until late in the nineteenth
the twentieth century.
experience
Nomad
practically
come
in
I
contact with
have
in
several
speak only of the Seljuks, not of the Osmanli or Ottoman Turks, whose were more dangerous than the best forces in Europe; but the
Janissaries Janissaries
were the tax levied
in brain
and muscle on the Christians.
Seljuk victories were gained in the decay of the empire
;
but John
The Comnenus
prepared a revival of Byzantine power, which was wasted by the rash folly of Manuel in the Pisidian rout [Studies in the History of the Eastern Provinces, p. 235).
1
God
V. The Peasant
82
whom
examples of the recent subjugation of tribes a
little
travellers
One case only out of have come under my own notice may be described.
older describe as independent.
several that
In the Ouzoun Yaila, the long high-lying plains between the south-eastern
of
affluents
Halys and the most
the
Tokhmanomad Avshahr were supreme and free until about Then great numbers of Circassian refugees entered
westerly affluents of the Euphrates (especially the Su), the
1866.
Turkey, at the invitation of the Government, fleeing from
homes which had been conquered by Russia. The first in the new drama was that the Turkish officials, charged
their
act
with the duty of settling the immigrants
those wretched
populated land, plundered
stricken refugees of everything that they
them.
The next was
habitants for land
was brought
them
to let
—a
smouldering way ever
in
A
to the borders of
sparsely
and poverty-
had brought with
fight with the former in-
been going on
fight that has since.
this
in
a
body of Circassians the Ouzoun Yaila, and enlarge
A regular war Avshahr were defeated and driven
couraged to take possession of the land.
The
ensued. into the
ill-armed
mountains of the Anti-Taurus
;
and the
plains of the
Ouzoun Yaila are now inhabited by Circassians. Those Nomads, the real conquerors of the land of Anatolia, are still in some respects the most interesting people in the country, last fifteen or
though great
seizing their beasts of burden
present generation, ;
but
have been made
twenty years to force them to
annual migrations.
dividuals
efforts
it
and preventing
settle
their
in the
down by
customary
Much suffering has been caused to the and much injustice has been done to in-
must be allowed that the migrations were
not compatible with order and industry.
been an interesting one to watch.
The
Every year
process has I
notice
new
Minor
AgriczUture in Asia villages,
where formerly were only nomad encampments.
The Peasant-God
is
slowly beginning to work.
command
task, unwillingly undertaken, at the
The
master.
183
life
be exchanged
It is
a hard
of a stern task-
of the nomad, a perpetual holiday, has to
for this toil of reclamation
and
;
will
it
be a
slow and painful process to bring back the land into
its
former state of high cultivation.
These amateur agriculturists
have no agricultural
no store of knowledge and
tradition,
method accumulated through generations and implements and no practice in using them. mainly do the work.
If a
modern
centuries, few
The women
artist arises to
express in
sculpture or painting the history of the re-creation of agriculture,
he
for the toil
expended by mankind
in this transformation.^
no longer the goddess who teaches and gives counsel
It is
and
have to change the sex of the deity who stands
will
practises the household arts,
field labour.
The woman works
no household
arts.
nights in
It
was
and the god who does the
when we spent some
nomad Kurd encampments on
plains, to see the
and there are
in the field,
pathetic,
the central Anatolian
envy and admiration with which the women
looked at and handled the few needles and simple articles for the
household and the
As
nomads do not
the
toilet
which
seclude their
my wife
women,
had with
her.
was a witness
I
of some interesting scenes and phases of feminine nature.
We
were specially struck with what one might almost
the rage of envy with which one
looked on and refused to touch ^
I
speak only of the Turkish and
women
;
never have
Nomad
population.
are not so hard-worked, though Turkish custom
grants.
Among
the Christians the
women
household arts and go out dressed holidays,
and are
free
Albanians so far as
I
from
all
in
is
I
seen such
The
Circassian
affecting the immi-
do the house-work and practise the
their
best clothes on
but the lighter field-labour.
have seen them.
call
handsome young woman
So
Sundays and
also
among
the
God
V. The Peasant
184
rebelb'ousness against the tyranny of fate as glittered in her
She wanted the things
eyes.
for herself: she
Bey
that the son of a Kurdish
would not
No wonder
admire them when they belonged to another.
a village of the Anti-
in
men
Thus
Taurus once said to
us, " all
our
the various races of
Nomads
stand opposed to the settled
Mohammedan
are thieves
".
population of the towns and villages at the
present day.
The
picture
which the Byzantine writers
nomads has been briefly described else" the nomad Turkmens spread over the
the conquest by the
where by the writer face of the land
^
;
;
set before us of
the
population decreased
;
passed out of cultivation
soil
the old Christian
cities
;
the
(which had not
former industries) were isolated from each other
lost their
by a sea of wandering tribes intercourse, and consequently trade and manufactures, were to a great extent destroyed, ;
.
Thus was accomplished the degeneration from barbarian society, a process which
study in
detail,
but which can be
the nomadisation of Asia
which
is
would be
it
.
,
civilised to
instructive to
summed up in one The detailed
Minor."
word,
study
hinted at in the last sentence would be the work of
a lifetime
;
but a sketch of the process, so far as during ten
years of further study
it
has
become
clearer to me,
may
here
be given. It is almost literally the case that the flood of nomadism drowned out the old civilised society and submerged the land. The process was gradual. The cities were first of all isolated
They remained
from one another.
nomadism, they were
still
inhabited
'^Impressions of Turkey, p. 103 (with
of the
Nomads
in the
some
as islands in the sea of
by a manufacturing and verbal changes).
western regions of Asia Minor
Bishoprics of Phrygia,
i.,
pp. 16
£,,
27
fF.,
299
ff.
;
ii.,
is
The progress
described in Cities and
pp. 372
£.,
447, 598, 695.
Agriculture in Asia Minor
185
trading population, which the Seljuk Turks allowed and even
But trade implies communication,
encouraged.
opportunities for exchange.
travel,
Roman Empire no
like that of the cient, all
must
If the circulation
circulate freely
is
The
in
through the whole body.
Across this
Anatolia.
by the
from one another
nomadism.
self-suffi-
life-blood of a
impeded, the body languishes and
That was now the case isolated
had been
city
had depended on one another.
civilised State
facilities for
In a civilised society-
sea,
The
cities
dies.
were
"estranging sea" of
slowly and always exposed to
the attacks of the nomads, especially of course at night,
voyaged caravans, seeking to maintain the necessary tion of the life-blood, the
communication between
circula-
city
and
city.
To make
many
great khans along the principal roads that radiated
from their
these voyages safer the Seljuk Sultans built
capital,
magnificent both
Konia
;
in scale
the most impressive
and those and
in architecture,
features of
many cases rank among
buildings, in
modern
Anatolia,
and
deserve notice, along with the beautiful mosques, colleges {medresse) and tombs, as evidence of the remarkable develop-
ment of architectural
Some
recent
art in the Seljuk period.
German
travellers
khans as a proof of the high Seljuk State stood.
One
level
have described those great
of civilisation on which the
of the latest of
them expresses the
opinion that the Seljuk khans have taken the place of similar large
Roman
plan,
which
is
and Byzantine buildings, and conserve
in their
everywhere practically the same, the accepted
method of those older
hotels
on the Roman roads.
There
is
a large element of truth in part of this opinion, but part needs serious modification.
As
those
same
travellers remark, the
large Seljuk khans resemble fortresses, with their massive walls,
unbroken by any opening except
slits
which are loop-
1
God
V. The Peasant
86
holes rather than windows, If there
entrance.
and
their single, well-protected
were similar buildings along the
Roman
how comes it that not a trace has ever been found of them ? The truth is, that such buildings were not wanted roads,
where
was
travelling
Empire. ings of a
humbler and
tain hotels or inns is
it
was
in the
Roman
of the Empire were buildFortresses
less lasting character.
Private enterprise was sufficient to main-
were not needed.
that
as
fairly safe,
The inns and mansiones
adequate to the needs of
known of them
travellers.
All
suggests that they were of a humble
and vicious,^ and that wealthier them and took their own equipment In a few cases, on the summit of high passes across the mountains, buildings of a more permanent kind were needed, as, e.g.^ at the summit of the great Taurus pass just above character, squalid, dirty
travellers avoided
the Cilician Gates
;
and
is
it
noteworthy that at
this point
was the ancient Panhormos, whose name shows it to have been a large inn. Defensive strength would be of some importance here among the mountains, and a guardhouse and harbour of refuge, Panhormos, was established on the summit,
which was often deeply covered with snow
The of
art,
in winter.
Seljuk khans bear witness to the high development but to a very unsound condition of society and govern-
Such
ment, in the Seljuk State.
Roman
were not needed on the built then.
great, fortress-like buildings
roads and therefore were not
In the Seljuk time they were necessary, be-
cause the caravans, by which alone trade and communication
were kept up between the
cities,
and protection from the nomads. the ocean of
nomadism
;
required shelter at night
The
cities
were
islets in
and the khans were harbours of
refuge at short intervals in the dangerous voyage from city '^Pauline
and other Studies,
p. 385.
Agriculture in Asia Minor to city.
187
Peace began to reign on the roads only when com-
munication ceased, when there were no travellers to rob and
no trade to plunder.
As
for the
built,
I
model on which the khans of the Seljuks were
should, like Dr. Sarre, find
style of building
it
in
but not in hotels of the
;
The model was the old class Tetrapyrgia, whose very name reveals
tine time.
an old Anatolian
Roman
or Byzan-
of buildings called their form.
They
were farmsteadings of quadrilateral shape, having at the four corners, towers,
which were connected by walls and inner
chambers, enclosing an open quadrangle.
They were
so
strong that regular military operations were needed to re-
duce them
^ ;
and, given the shape just described, this implies
a construction like the Seljuk khans, with strong outer walls
The view
and a
single defensible gateway.
Khan ^
near Iconium, given in Plate XV,,
may
of Zazadin serve as a
specimen of these buildings.
fair
In those big fortified homesteads lived the large patriarchal
households of the landholders, representatives of the conquering caste
in
a subjugated land, a class which
is
just
beginning in recent investigation to appear before the view of history.
From
those landed families came some of the
leading figures in early Church history, such as Basil of Caesareia and Gregory of Nyssa. traced
The
Their history
cities
of Turkey, isolated from one another and thus
old manufactures died,
some
As Eumenes had
Eastern Provinces, "^
to
do (Plutarch, Bum. 8
p. 373).
See below, Article XII., No.
17.
itself,
sooner,
middle of the nineteenth century. 1
yet be
more completely.
compelled to be each sufficient for
The
may
It
:
dwindled away.
some
as late as the
my
good fortune
was
Studies in the History of the
;
!
V- The Peasant
i88
we began, my
that
ning of the new. greatest
I
remember
and most splendid
Turkish proverb
was as
and I, to travel just at the end of the saw the end of the old and the begin-
wife
We
•period of decay.
if
said, "
Turkey
city of
See
—of which
the world, but see
all
seemed empty and
rising again to be
solitary, like the
the
Konia "
;
it
street
enchanted
But now Konia
Arabian Nights.
city in the story of the
is
an important, though far from a splendid
the terminus of the Anatolian Railway and beginning
city, as
of the Bagdad Railway. the old walls were
all
Its
claims to magnificence are gone
down about twenty
torn
to thirty years
of the palace only the shapeless core of a tower remains
;
some of the patched retain
we
riding into Konia, once the
one were riding through a city of the dead,
after street
ago
God
mosques are ruinous, some are
beautiful old
in the coarsest
many
way, yet even thus
enough of the past to be charming.
of them
In April, 1904,
noticed unwonted patches of white colour along the road
from the railway station to the Government house, and on inquiry learned that the
German Ambassador had
the city a week before, and the
mud
walls
washed along the road by which he drove
That
is
all
to call
visited
been white-
on the Pasha.
the cheap magnificence of the twentieth century
Asia Minor.
were
had
still
One week
a few traces
left
after the
of
in
gorgeous pageant there
it
Not merely did trade and manufacture die
out.
The
land
passed out of cultivation, except in so far as was necessary to feed a dwindling population.
ground, but
live
on
Nomads do
their flocks,
required to be supported
not cultivate the
and only the
from the
city population
tillage of the
ground.
Thus a land which had been absolutely the richest in the I have seen, especially in world became one of the poorest. Palestine, bare hillsides
where could be traced the old
terraces,
:
Agriculture in Asia Minor
189
had once been cultivated to the very summit; but the terraces were neglected and graduallyshowing that the
hills
broken down, the
soil
was washed
off the hillside,
and there
remained either bare rock or a uniform slope too steep to cultivate,
any
if
stretches of land
There are many
appeared.
cultivator
on the edge of the
which are now
hills
almost covered with stones washed down from above
round the
villages
cultivation exists,
amid the stones from a
struggles up visible
some scanty
under them, but which
is
There are vast plains of splendid
soil
channels in that are neglected. it
soft,
my
it
the villagers.
for
where you could hardly
—
is
Where
the land has
rain runs off as soon as
nothing to detain
The
it.
it
has
irrigation
deep soil efface themselves as soon as they
Yet there
is
abundance of water near
Over parts of such
only needs to be distributed.
rode once,
hardly
is
pure, rich soil but absolutely sterile
become so bare and smooth, the because there
yet
that even thus
fertile
because the water supply has ceased.
fallen,
which
soil
make bread
can grow a wretched crop to
see a stone in an acre
so
;
and corn
wife and
I,
water over two feet deep
for
we
more than an hour, through
in other
:
at hand,
plain
years
I
have ridden
repeatedly over the same road, and found the country hard
and dry as a bone that had I
lain for years in the sun.^
have seen miles and miles
hundreds of miles
growth of wild produced.
—along
olive shrubs,
—and
know
the coast-land
there are
many
covered with a
where now not a single
olive is
All that country was once a great olive garden,
teeming with wealth and population, where now are only a few black goats'-hair tents in the winter, and hardly a living 1
This refers to the road from Konia to Kara-Bunar and the East generally
the precise part Ismil
is
was west of
Ismil.
The most
direct path
passable only in the driest season of the year
keeps well to the north to avoid the inundating waters.
:
from Konia to
the ordinary path
God
V- The Peasant
190
summer.
soul in the heat of
Mohammedan.
population
is
which can
flourish
Even
exist.
The
where the
olive dies out
the
It is
tree of civilisation,
only where order and security of tenure
in a disorderly land
of which
may sow
one
may
cereals
and
with luck be gathered
vegetables, the
fruit
a few months
but the young olive takes fifteen to eighteen
;
any
years to bring in length of time
The
reason
lies,
medanism, but
return,
and an outlook over that
too great for any
is
in
Mohammedan
population.
MohamMohammedan Govern-
not in any inherent necessity of the fact that no
in
Moors
ment, except, perhaps, that of the
in
Spain, has
ever been able to produce the assurance in the minds of its it
that property will be secure for so long that
subjects
would be worth while
One example may be
to
make an
olive plantation.
given of the contrast between the
wealth of the past and the poverty of recent time. I
found a column, eleven
Greek It
writing, in
records a
purposes,
In 1882
covered on one side with
an upland village near Antioch of
Pisidia.
of subscriptions for patriotic and religious
made on some
which was
amount
list
feet high,
occasion about 250 A.D,
The
fighting against Christianity. ^
to several
hundred thousand
denarii.
by a society subscriptions
The
denarius
had considerably depreciated in value at that date since the time when it was worth a franc and the exact point ;
of depreciation which
it
had reached
is
uncertain, but
it
can hardly have been lower than a thousand to the pound sterling in
amount of
certainly considerable. in the
The total sum subscribed was Twenty years ago you could not find
metal.
whole village change
shillings.
That one example
measure of the ^Studies
ill
ratio
for a coin of the value of four
may
be taken as a not unfair
which the wealth of the country
the History of the Eastern Provinces, pp. 321, 372.
in
Agricultu7'e in
Roman
MiiioT'
191
The
times bears to the wealth of the present day.
difference
that between a well-cultivated
is
made
and an
ill-culti-
Four thousand years ago the peasant
vated country. vator
Asia
the one
;
during the
and the fanatic have made the
last
culti-
millennium the soldier
The peasant cultivator,
other.
with peace and security of tenure, must be called in once
more
to repair through 50 or 100 years of patient labour
damage wrought by war and misgovernment. Let me once more guard against a possible misunderstanding of my words. There is a considerable amount of land in the
Asia Minor which has never passed out of cultivation, and
where the kept
alive.
agricultural tradition
A
and experience have been
population of a good
many
millions
fed out of the produce of the country; and, is less
now, there
is
more exported than
if
the centres of population.
never ceased and
is still
The best
formerly.
and most favoured land has remained under especially near
had to be
the population
cultivation,
and
Irrigation
has
practised in certain districts, so that
the essential principles of water-engineering have never been
wholly forgotten.
markably
The wheat
fine quality,
and
dependent authorities that
I
of the
it is
region
not inferior to the
In 1906, for example,
the world.
Ushak
is
of re-
have been told by several
I
in-
finest in
travelled for an hour on
the Anatolian Railway with a Belgian gentleman of long
experience in the countr>^ and he mentioned that the Ushak grain
commanded
a higher price for certain purposes than
even the best Canadian wheat. taken as a
fair
The
figs
figs,
because
The Ushak
district
may
be
specimen of the land of the upper plateau.
of the Maeander valley (commonly
Smyrna
is
known
as
Smyrna
the harbour of exportation) have
Many other examples may be expected from the
always been prized in commerce.
might be quoted to prove what
V. The Peasant
192
God where
restoration of agriculture over the vast areas
it
has
almost entirely ceased.
But the
almost dead land has begun.
revivification of this
The cities are becoming busier. The nomad, even, is being changed a process that
The
will
Industries are reviving. into the
reason for the revivification of the country
beginning of good government,
was
for
is
not the as bad
government always lags behind the people,
it
and
forced onward or dragged onward
;
is
the government
as ever is
husbandman by
be long and painful.
by the growing
demands of the nation. The reason the coming of the railways. Communicalies in one phrase the life-blood tion is now becoming possible and fairly safe flow in the new veins the body beginning to that was is education and
insistent
—
;
;
dead has begun to
Roads
live again.
are improved
—though
the traveller fresh from Europe would be puzzled to detect
where the improvement lay
—and these help to feed the
rail-
ways and restore circulation. With communication comes trade and the revival of old industries or the introduction of new ones. There has been an immense increase in the production of Turkey carpets, as
them
it
has become possible to send
to the coast at remunerative rates.
a single carpet-loom
Towns where
existed fifteen years
hundreds of people engaged
in the
manufacture.
twenty years ago a friend who was engaged trade, going
extended to
Less than
in the carpet
up the Ottoman Railway as soon as it was the Lycus valley, was struck by the ornamental
possibilities of large,
of Bulladann.
He
years later he sent also sending
not
ago have now
them
cheap kerchiefs made at the small town
home a home 70,000 sent
to
few specimens in
;
about three
one year, and others were
London and New York.
The
gather-
ing and export of liquorice root, begun about sixty years
PLATE
XXIII.
Zazadin Khan near Konia.
PLATE XXIV.
The Gale To face
p.
192.
of the Virgin-Goddess
:
looking over the Limnai.
See pp. 185-7.
11
.
--OR LENOX
ILD^'
;;
Agriculture in Asia Minor ago, rapidly
became the
it
tobacco
thus the Tobacco Trust
it
;
used
For a
Turkey.
largest trade in
has been sent exclusively to America to sweeten
long time
and
193
its
became the
sole purchaser
position to seize the entire trade a few years
ago.
In the revivification of Asia Minor the land has to be
brought back into a state irrigation,
fit
by
for cultivation
by planting and growing of
clearance,
by
That means
trees.
an expenditure of uncounted millions and a long lapse of time before any return Commercially,
money
in
it is
for that vast
an impossibility.
expenditure can begin.
No
one would
risk his
schemes which can at the best only begin to pay
when population has multihome market for produce and the cost tremendous that the money could not be raised.
his children or his grandchildren
plied
and there
would be so
is
a
;
This work cannot be done by money. It can only be done by the labour of generations of men working and improving their own land for the benefit of their own families. Here again I must guard against misconstruction. I do not
make
so foolish a statement as that capital cannot be
judiciously used to supplement, direct and facilitate the re-
of agriculture, or that capital
storation
cannot be
remuneratively in the districts most favoured
where irrigation can be restored most
easily.
by
used
nature,
In 1891
I
saw
a great irrigation channel on the outer sides of Taurus not very
far
from Ibriz as the crow
water flows; and difficulty
owing
we
to
its
crossed
it
flies,
but very far distant as
on horseback, not without
depth, at a point
high on the
underneath the "strong castle of Hirakla".
hill
This channel
was constructed, as I believe, several thousand years ago and it carried an immense supply of water many miles to be dissipated at last in uncultivated lands. 13
In 1902
I
saw the
^^^ Peasant God
^-
194
same channel utilised in the middle of its course, but farther away from its source than the point under Hirakla where we saw and crossed it in 1891, by the Circassian people of a new village. The villagers had simply broken down the channel and turned the whole of the water (far too great a supply) at
random over the
waggons to
travel
crossed it
The waste
making
country,
on the road
at the point
it
difficult for
where the water
some
of abundant water supply at
points and the dearth generally constitute the problem which
But the elements of a solution are
has to be solved.
most part present that
is
who
only one element
:
There
security of property.
labours
shall
is is
on
known,
for
and
no guarantee that he
Without palace influence and
profit.
palace favour no one can gather the It is
for the
entirely wanting,
fruits
of his
example, that a good deal
is
toil.
being done
the soil of Mesopotamia, which has in great part passed
into the possession of the Sultan himself in quite
recent
times (as have enormous estates throughout the Turkish Empire).
Here there
is
security of property.
Here the
rapacity of the tax-gatherer does not step in to seize the fruits all
of labour, for no taxes are paid on Imperial property
the profit belongs to the private revenue of the Sultan,
and the State grows poorer as estate
added
and have sometimes found Europe.
The
their
Mesopotamia are current,
way into
which
is
unknown
This process of peasant-cultivation carried out
on a small
scale in the
where European influence
is
been
high-class journals
can be learned only by patient
real facts
travel in that country,
after estate has
But many exaggerated and
to his vast possessions.
inaccurate reports about the facts in
in
:
to
me.
has recently been
neighbourhood of Smyrna,
strong,
and where the enlightened
administration of Kiamil Pasha has been effective.
Plots of
Agriculture in Asia Minor
195
waste land on the hillsides have been given to peasants on condition that good cultivation result has
is
applied to them, and the
been a great enlargement of the area of productive
This improvement has taken place
land.
in spite
of the
notorious insecurity of the country, due to the increase of
The
brigandage caused by the war in Arabia. that is
war are drawn mainly from Anatolia.
soldiers for
Arabian service
regarded as equivalent to a sentence of death
scripts desert in
numbers, and
to the mountains,
where there therefore they
is
i.e.,
all
the con-
;
deserters, as outlaws, take
A
become brigands.
brigand must go
the opportunity of earning a livelihood
abound near Smyrna, where there
is
and money, while the poverty-stricken inner country
is fairly
_
safe.
Among
the creators of those vineyards on the hillsides
Smyrna
near
there existed a knowledge of
tradition of viticulture.
The
skill
method and a
gained through the ex-
perience of generations was put into the
The
;
industry
work of reclamation.
peasant cultivators in this case were merely the repre-
sentatives for the
moment
of the eternal peasant, the em-
bodiment of slowly acquired knowledge. power, which
is
The superhuman
above and independent of the ephemeral
mortal workman, must be brought to bear on the
The
old artist at Ibriz
tells
us so in his sculpture.
peasant-god, the divine nature, that soil for
the use of mankind.
It is
is
land.
The
what reclaims the
a work of the race, not
of the individual.
To knowledge must be added labour, the toil of generaMoney is here of no avail. This work is antecedent money the foundations have to be made on which to civilised life, with intercommunication, trade, and money as the common measure of value and the instrument of exchange. tions.
:
V.
196
may be built on a desert
That on
In the savage state, or to the civilised
up.
island,
needed before truth
The Peasant God
money
is
valueless,
man
and much building
is
can acquire value.
it
is
sometimes not appreciated Recently
this subject.
I
in discussions
chanced to read an
a popular magazine^ on the crofters
in the
article in
Highlands of
Scotland, in which the writer proved that the crofter system
was more expensive than the landlord system. Draining the croft would cost ^150, building a house £100. The crofter
would have to pay the bank
money
:
the landlord could borrow
increased annual
burden was
it
fatal
per cent, for this
five
at four per cent.
The
to the crofter-system.
The draining and irrigation of the land money it cost the work of generations :
of Anatolia cost no
:
it
was paid by the
The restoration made and paid for only in the old way. Unless the crofter can make personal work serve instead of money, he and his system are certainly doomed. The
lives of
men, and not by coin of the realm.
of agriculture can be
peasant-god had no bank from which to borrow at
five
per
cent.
Thus we have briefly described how the country of Asia Minor was made by long hard labour suitable for agriculture, and how the agriculture was destroyed and the land allowed
The
in great part to relapse into its primitive state.
restora-
tion of the Anatolian land to agriculture can take place only in
the
same way
achieved,
by
as the creation of agriculture
slow patient labour
directed
The
through a succession of generations. facilitated
by
utilising the other
:
may be of the
an increasing popu-
need a larger supply of food. ^
process
natural products
country, especially the mineral wealth lation will
was originally by intelligence
But to the writer
Blackwood's Magazine, August, 1906.
Agriculture in Asia Minor the special interest of this investigation Religion led the
with religion.
the creation of agriculture
;
and
the connection
lies in
way and
197
fixed the rules for
has degenerated along
it
The
with the agriculture and civilisation of the land. connection
because
in
is
apt to escape notice
among modern
scholars,
European countries a widening gulf separates
religion from practical
life,
and there has thus been induced
a habit of thinking that the history of religion proceeds apart from and unconnected with the development or de-
But
terioration of civilisation.
development of a nation's of
life is
this
is
in the
The
a grave error.
long run the history
its religion.
Note.
— As
bearing on the permanent sanctity attached to
certain sites in Asia
Minor through
external form of religion,
I
all
my
description of the sacred place on the
St.
Paul,
made
This place,
p. 293).
mutations of the
use this opportunity of correcting
still
Limnai
{Ciiies
of
regarded as holy and
the scene of an annual panegyris in September in
honour of the Virgin Mother of God, was, beyond
all
question, once a sanctuary of the Virgin Artemis of the
There
Limnai. in the
near
is
at this spot both a small cave high
rock (which here drops steeply
down
up
to the lake), and
on the shore a very curious great arch of rock,
it
apparently natural, through which one looks out over the
At
lake.
the panegyris
mass
is
celebrated
which has a rude niche like a roughly West, not East the natural
;
this
in
the cave,
hewn apse
to the
apse has been partly destroyed.
phenomenon of the arch probably
But
originated the
sanctity of the spot. I
and
am for
The
indebted to Miss Gertiude Bell for the description the photograph of the archway, Plate question arises, whether this natural
XXIX. doorway
is
the
The Peasant God
V.
198
Dipylon, which on one theory was the sacred place of Great Artemis, the goddess of the Limnai.
In the Tekmoreian
inscriptions the sacred ceremony, according to the restoration
my paper on the subject,^ took Now Dipylon strictly implies two
of an inscription printed in place in the Dipylon.
doors
;
but
might indicate a temple
it
gateway with
its
two
faces (as stated in Studies in the History
of the Eastern Provinces,
On
like that of Janus, a
p.
349).
^Studies in the History of the Eastern Provinces, p. 319: iv t]^ Snrv]\ci). p. 349, I mentioned another restoration t]^ 5tir(5[p(^ without eV (which
occurred to
me
too late to be discussed on p. 319).
This restoration
is
ad-
Reinach (who does not observe that I suggested it) with weighty but not quite convincing arguments. Perhaps the photograph here given may turn the scale in favour of the old reading though after thinking vocated by Mr. A.
J.
:
of
Sttrvpcf I
long preferred
it.
VI.
THE RELIGION OF THE HITTITE SCULPTURES AT BOGHAZ-KEUL
VI.
THE RELIGION OF THE HITTITE SCULPTURES AT BOGHAZ-KEUI. [Note.
—The
following paper
the year
written in
The
changes.
practically as
is left
it
was
with only some slight verbal
1881,
had not the opportunity of correcting
writer
the proofs before the paper was published in the Journal of the
Royal Asiatic
The view which
1882.
Society^
is
here
taken of the religion of Asia Minor has not been universally accepted
;
and several scholars would
reject the idea that so
important a part in the cultus belonged to the feminine ele-
ment.
On
who
the other hand, those
have developed short paper.
it
But
in
much
maintain this view
greater detail than appears in this
seems better to reproduce the original
it
statement of the writer's views, partly because sentences and
paragraphs from this inaccessible paper have been quoted in several works, partly because of a recent discovery in Ephesus,
Mr. Cecil Smith, in publishing the remarkable ivory statuettes
found by Mr. Hogarth
in the foundations of the ancient
of Ephesian Artemis, expresses the opinion represents the
Eunuch
who
with the priest
;
he compares
it
and he supports by new arguments the
interpretation of that figure
which
The support accorded by ^
goddess
priest of the
temple
that one of them
so frequently appears in the rock-sculp-
tures of Boghaz-Keui,
article.
^
is
stated in the present
so judicious
Archaic Artemisia of Ephesus,
(201)
p. 173.
and so com-
The Religion of
VI.
202
petent an authority
a sufficient justification for reprinting^
is
a paper written twenty-seven years ago.
many
This paper contains the germ of
of the writer's
subsequent speculations about early Anatolian religion.
It
has been developed, improved, carried out in more detail
in
those later speculations
;
but
needs no change,
it
for
simply
it
expresses the facts as they forced themselves once and for
ever on the writer's mind.
maintain
doubt
in
if I
I
do not mean that
I
would now
every detail the opinions here expressed should
now have courage
the general theory which
is
;
and
I
to state so positively
But at
here formulated.
least
make me withdraw from the then took up. The paper made
nothing has been discovered to rather bold position which
I
no attempt to explain the sculptures as a whole. Probably, if it had done so, one would not have been able to reprint it. But, as that old article was written under the first inspiration of a visit to the site, and described what I thought I saw in certain parts of those wonderful sculptures,
it
may
be worth
while to place before the reader the record of the impression
produced by them.
The range that time
of illustration
small, because the writer at
is
had seen hardly any of the Hittite
had had very
The
rock-sculpture.
occurred on the
first
to
visit
made
I
months
With twenty-eight
years' experience
owe
to
Charles Wilson for having invited
me
gratitude the debt which
But
I
in the interior
after first landing in
now be much better able to profit by monuments than I was then. I may
this journey.
and
Boghaz-Keui and Euyuk
journey which
of the country, about thirteen
Asia Minor.
sculptures,
little practice in estimating the character of
I
should
studying the rockrecall
with deepest
the late General Sir to
accompany him on permit him to
his official duties did not
Boghaz-Keui
the Hittite Sculptures at
203
remain at any place except modern centres of population
and government, hence we had only a hurried view of the great city and the rock-sanctuary.]
M.
Perrot has rightly argued that the wonderful rock-
sculptures near
Boghaz-Keui are a
presentations.i
But, while his account
and sympathetic,
I
interpretation of their
on his part
tion
male seemed to
Keui
M.
that
is
in general accurate
further
progress in
the
meaning is hindered by one misconcep-
many
of the figures which he considers
undoubtedly female,
I
came
to
Boghaz-
from the perusal at Ancyra of the only copy of
fresh
Voyage Archeologique that exists
Perrot's
but,
:
me
believe
series of religious re-
in
Asia Minor;
two hours' examination. Sir C. Wilson and
after
I
both came independently to the same conclusion, that the
We
majority of the figures were female.^ able to remain a second day, and
examining every figure sex
is
quite uncertain
in this regard. ;
were fortunately
spent about
I
In
five
many
hours
cases the
but only a few are certainly male,
and a large number are certainly female.
On
the whole,
to the conclusion that the sculptures were the
I
monu-
came ment of a religion in which the female sex played a much more important part than the male, and that in various cases where the sex was doubtful, the probability lay on the female These notes are printed solely from the wish to call attention to a remarkwhich have as yet been almost completely neglected. In our hurried visit, 1881, there wais no opportunity of examining them 1
able series of sculptures,
sufficiently.
Now
casts to the
Berlin
sculptures will
Herr Hermann has been charged with the duty of bringing Museum, and there is every reason to hope that the soon be accessible to study. [This hope was only partly
realised.]
'[I
may add
that the impression
was produced on both of us,
quite inde-
pendently and unexpectedly, of something characteristically feminine in the face this impression is not conveyed by the photographs, where shadows ;
and angle of view exercise too strong influence this article.]
;
see also concluding note to
The Religion of
VI.
!04
Bachofen {das Mutterrechi)^ amid
side.
influence belonged to the
influence
sanction
women
in
Asia Minor, and this
of course creative of or dependent on religious
is
and Gelzer has proved that the Lydian
:
5
The
6).
1
religion
importance to the female (Rhein. Mus.,
attached special XXXV., p.
many untenable how great an
hypotheses, has shown
opinions and crude
character of the sculptures at Pteria
is
therefore in accordance with the analogy of Asia Minor.
Two
suggest a false idea as to the sex of the figures.
facts
In the
place, the great
first
mass of the
figures fall into
long lines directed towards a central point.
on the
figures
by a goddess
;
left is
The
two
series of
headed by three gods, that on the right
almost
all
female, several of those
the figures on the right are clearly
on the
left
are equally clearly male.
Hence the
idea arose that the figures of the right are female,
of the
male.
left
But
this idea
cannot be carried out com-
The goddess who leads the procession on the right followed immediately by a youthful god standing on a
pletely. is
leopard
;
and in the
series to the left there are several
female
figures.
In the second place, the wearing of the short tunic has been
more than half the Closer examination makes this doubtful.
generally regarded as proving that are male.
of the figures are armed, and
going to
fight
it is
obvious that
they cannot wear long
if
figures
Most
women
are
sweeping robes.
Female warriors were one of the most distinctive characteristics of the religion of Asia Minor and particularly of Cappadocia
;
and
I
twelve armed figures
should ^
in the
not hesitate to consider the
narrow passage opposite the
most mysterious and perhaps the most sacred whole
to be
Amazons. ^
Perrot,
Voyage Archeologique,
pi. 52.
figures of the
Boghaz-Keui
the Hittite Sculptures at
All that occurs
on earth must have
origin in similar divine
women
of
phenomena.
and
as fighting
manifestations of divinity
it is
warlike, finds
as
;
and the masculine
bosom, are quite
dress, the flatness of the
of which
prototype and
distinction of sex.
Its
essence
life
of nature, that
^
lies in
and yet the same.
power of
self-reproduction,
of a
above the
the adoration under
life
subject apparently
new
forms,
This perpetual self-identity
this annihilation of
death through the
was the object of the
worship of Asia Minor with
the short
air,
in the spirit
to death, yet never dying, but reproducing itself in
under varying forms,
religious
its
characteristic to raise itself
various forms of the
different
its
Accordingly, the idea
goddess who was one of the chief
justification in the warlike
religion,
its
205
all
its
enthusiastic
self-abandonment,
its
periods of complete immersion in the divine nature and of superiority to
all
moral distinctions and
human
ties, its
mixture of obscene symbolism and the most sublime
The mystery diversity, is
that
cluster
of self-reproduction,
the key to explain
round
all
amid
the repulsive legends
worship, and
that
truths.
of self-identity
all
the
manifold
embodiments of the divine life that are carved on the rocks of Boghaz-Keui [and Frahtin, and the representations or
palace walls of Euyuk].
the daughter,
is
different
;
the
The
parent
father the
is
the child, the mother
son; they seem to
religion teaches that they are the same, that
men death
and birth are only two aspects of one idea, and that the birth
is
only the completion of the incomplete apparent
death.
'
I
must here assume unproved that theory of the character of Anatolian which seems required by the facts of its history. [It is stated more in the article of" The Religion of Greece and Asia Minor " in Hastings'
religion fully
Dictionary of the Bible,
v., p.
no
ff.]
;
The Religion of
VI.
2o6
One
of the central ideas in the religion
tinction of sex
is
not a real element of the divine life is
comes
its
god
in with the idea of sex, of
The goddess
ness, of diversity.
essence that
is
;
the
incomplete-
the earth, the Mother
the Heaven, the Father; the ultimate divinity
is
comprehends both heaven and
Hence
In
life.
self-complete, self-sufficient, continually existent
idea of death
the
that the dis-
is
not ultimate, but only an appearance, and
arises the
gynous god
earth,
both god and goddess.
widespread Anatolian idea of the andro-
— an idea which appears Greek art as the — merely a rude symbolical expression of the in
Hermaphrodite
unreality of sexual distinction.
Hence
also arises the ten-
dency to confuse or to obliterate the distinction of sex gods, to represent
the goddess with
in the
the character of the
man, the god as womanly and effeminate
while the priest
;
of the religion must be neither male nor female.
The wearing culiar to
by men.
of bracelets and earrings
women, but has been
is
of course not pe-
practised in
many
countries
In the rock-sculpture at Ibriz in southern Cap-
padocia^ both the husbandman-god and the bearded king
wear earrings so also did Lydian men.^ But in the sculptures of Boghaz-Keui and Euyuk I could not find them on any ;
figure certainly
male with one exception, and
furnishes a presumption
this exception
that they were in northern Cap-
padocia a feminine ornament.
This
is
a figure that occurs
three times at Boghaz-Keui, and twice at Euyuk, ^ and
Perrot rightly comes to the conclusion that sent the high priest '
See above,
M.
must repre-
and we can easily recognise
in
it
the
p. 174.
''Xenophon, Anabasis^ ^
;
it
iii.,
i,
31.
Perrot, pi. 42, 47, 50, 51, 56.
out of the side of one of the large
Euyuk
is five
artificial
hours north of Pteria.
Here,
"mounds of Semiramis," appear
the doorway and front, covered with sculptures, of some great palace or temple.
,
Boghaz-Keui
the Hittite Sculptures at
effeminate character, the
long sweeping
soft outh'nes, the
and the ornaments of the eunuch high
dress,
known
gallos, so well
priest,
made
is
Archi
This view
in the cultus of Cybele.^
to which M. Perrot inclines,
207
quite certain
by
Euyuk, which was not
subject of the following slab at
th.
set.,
by him Sir C. Wilson got the villagers to turn over a block and disclosed one of the most interesting scenes of the whokr :
series.
The accompanying plan of the Euyuk shows the position of this
entrance to the palace aslab,
which
lettered
is
2
on the right hand as one enters the great doorway,
It is
guarded by the two Sphinxes, 9 and 10. The two sculpturea blocks on the left side of the entrance, 7 and 8, are each
6
6 inches long
feet
way
of the entrance
Now Z
;
so that the length
exactly 13
is
7 feet % inches long,
is
adjoining block,
1 1, is
5 feet
so that these two exactly
fill
side of block
is
1 1
;
on the reliefs
other
;
is
left
8
right
7
I
I
'
'
|
|
Z
n
remarkFig.
I.
no sculpture on the long while on
slab of the series on
deity (Perrot,
up the It is
•'
able that there
and the
9 inches long,
side of the entrance way.
10
9
feet.
66)
pi.
its
short end, which forms the
is
Both the blocks 7 and 8
carved.
of the entrance
side
way
one of those on the right side left plain.
I
first
the right hand front wall, a seated
are is
adorned with
carved, and the
know no explanation of
the apparent
anomaly.
At
the right hand of the scene on slab
Z
a deity
figure ^
On
is
much worn, but
in all that
remains
it is
Roman
Provinces, pp. 246
f.,
343.
;
the
exactly the
the Archigallos in Phrygian religion see Studies in the History
of the Eastern
with
sits
the feet resting on a footstool, one in front of the other
and Art
;
208
The Religion of
VI,
same as the seated goddess on drawing
it
is
and in the accompanying
^6,
pi.
Towards
accordingly.
restored
this
deity a
procession of four figures advances, headed by the priest.
His dress
the same as in
is
engraved him
:
the scenes where Perrot has
all
hand
in his right
he, as usual, holds the long
curved staff {lituus\ while with the
oinochoe a libation, which seated deity.
Behind him
is
left
he pours from an
on the front foot of the
falls
the priestess, with her hands in
the position that seems to be characteristic of art of
The
Cappadocia.
left
Fig.
She
is
in the
hand holds out some round
right
object in front of her face, the
to her mouth.
women
hand
carries
some object
2.
dressed
in
the same long sweeping
dress which she wears in other scenes on these
monuments,
now impossible to tell whether she wore earrings. Behind her come two other figures, which are much worn
but
it
is
they were dressed
in short tunics
so as to cover one leg
and cloaks which hang
and leave the advanced
figures at the extremities of this slab
the small stones on which
two
in the
it
has fallen
leg bare.
;
but fortunately the
middle have not suffered so much.
position of these
two
figures
it
is
The
have been injured by
From
the
not open to doubt that
they are the chief priest and priestess of the
cultus.
Boghaz-Keui
the Hittite Sculptures at
The same view (Perrot), in
which
is
by the scene on
suggested
seems
also the subject
pi.
56
be a procession
to
An altar of peculiar
approaching the divine presence. is
209
shape
placed in front of a small figure of a bull, evidently a
religious symbol, standing
two
The same
pedestal.^
wearing the same
priestly figures,
altar
on a high
dress,
approach the
the priest carries in his right hand the lituus, and the
:
[Three
priestess wears earrings.
altars of this peculiar
mush-
room form have been discovered
at
miles east of Iconium), which
probably the Kases or Kasis
is
Emir-Ghazi (seventy-five
of Byzantine writers, the Khasbia of Ptolemy
two of them are much mutilated.
ately
form appears twice the circular basis
An
;
but unfortun-
altar of similar
in the rock -sculptures at Frahtin
is
;
but here
not plain (as at Euyuk), nor surrounded
with zones of hieroglyphics (as at Emir-Ghazi), but ribbed obliquely, like
downwards
two annexed
At Boghaz-Keui the 50, 51, Perrot).'^
a
figure,
tall
is
male
priest
;
priest
is
In Fig. 3 he
whose arm
Perrot would fain
neck.
but
is
figures.]
seen three times
is
affectionately twined round his
make
this pair a
obliged to acknowledge that the
man and woman,
little
figure
is
clearly
and he suggests that they represent the king and the grouped as a pair. To our eyes the tall figure is as is
male.
It is
in
high
and the face stands out from the rock with an ex-
— bold, determined, and
yet femi-
far the finest of all the series,
and looks
quisitely delicate contour
nine.
(pis. 42, 47,
represented walking beside
clearly female as the small figure relief,
from the waist
the dress of the priestess
in the
The
figure
is
^ [Many bronzes representing a bull standing on a raised platform or altar have been found in other Hittite sites (Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce, and unpublished examples elsewhere). On Frahtin see the Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia in Maspero's Recueil de Travaux, etc., vol. xiv.]
'-^Perrot, pis. 50, 51.
14
210
VI.
The Religion of
almost like the creation of a different rude work and inartistic symbolism,
art. it
In the midst ot
recalled to
me
the
Fig. 3.
Amazons
of the Maussolleum frieze.^
NiKTj^opo^ 6ed of an inscription of ^One who looks am wrong on this
at the plates in Perrot, 50
point,
and that the
figure
It is
Comana and
is
evidently the (Journ. Philol.,
51, will at
once say that
certainly male.
I
But, before
;
the Hittite Sculptures at
Boghaz-Keui
who was
1882, p. 147), the warlike goddess
211
characteristic of
Minor worship. Like the Lydian Omphale, she bears the weapons, and her male companion is the effeminate the Asia
and unwarlike god, Heracles, sunk temporarily to be a
woman. This companion
was the type of
priest
bore his
name
Atys, at once her favourite and her
priests
all
The god as who at
succeeding priests,
as an official
and was
signia,
That
is
her son and her paramour.
priest,
title
:
the
first
Pessinus
each priest wore the
in-
said to imitate the self-mutilation of the god.
and priestesses should wear the
dress,
bear the
whom
name, and represent the personality, of the god deity they served, was
common
in
Greek
of Bacchus were Bacchoi, the
The
religion also.
priests
female celebrants Bacchai
the priests of Sabos or Sabazios were also called Saboi
many other examples may be found. The frequency with which the priest religious sculptures shows how great was
appears his
;
and
in these
importance in
He was embodiment of the god living always among his people and explaining to them always through the oracle, which the religion, and his influence
among
the people.
the
was a
never-failing
accompaniment of the Anatolian
the will of heaven. all
that
among
we know
in
religion,
complete agreement with
of political organisation and government
influence.
the kinghood in
was at
itself
Either the priesthood comprehended
and exercised supreme power, or the
least second to the
judging, one should bear in that the
is
the people of Asia Minor, before they were affected
by Greek priest
This
drawing on
pi. 50,
king in dignity and rank
mind
that the photograph
being
made by one who thought
loses all the feminine character.
on
pi.
51
is
useless,
and
the figure male,
and
The Religion of
VI.
212
The same thought
powers.^
social
the scene on
pi.
Here the
47 (Perrot).
is
represented
two large
as of superhuman size, standing with his feet on
shape
objects, in
like
by
suggested
is
priest
cones with rounded points
;
these are
quite different in character and shape from the mountains on
The
which the gods stand.
priest
is
evidently here portrayed
as the apparent god, co-ordinated with the other manifesta-
on the rocks around, smaller
tions of the divine nature
size than the greatest of these, but larger than
In
all
Keui, is
in
many of them.
the three cases where this figure occurs at Boghaz-
it is
accompanied by a remarkable symbol
:
this
symbol
not always the same, but the three are only slight modi-
fications of
one type.
importance, and
The
will in
variations are doubtless of great
time perhaps throw
They
the scenes in which they occur.
are
much
all
light
on
composed of
symbols, such as occur in the hieroglyphic inscriptions that are characteristic of the rock-sculptures of
together as to
form something
each side by two Ionic columns
by the winged [Fig. 4
Asia Minor, so placed
like a naiskos,
bounded on
the whole being crowned
:
solar disk.
shows an ivory statuette found under the temple
of Artemis at Ephesus, and beautifully reproduced, both plain
and
and
in colours, in
Excavations at Ephesus (Hogarth
others, 1908), Plates
Cecil Smith,
on
p.
XXI.
2
and
XXIV.
7,
Mr.
11.
173 of that work, recognises in
it
the
Megabyzos or Eunuch chief-priest of the goddess. He mentions that " Newton in his Essays, p. 230, has drav/n Of attention to the quasi-regal supremacy of" this priest. the ten complete temple,
"no
less
human
figures in ivory
and priesthood were united, mutilation and there are some traces of such fictions,
iStr.,p. 557, 672 [where kinghood
of the priest could only be a fiction as
when
found under the
than nine are undoubtedly statuettes of
the Archigallos
;
is distinct
from the
priest.1.
the Hittite Sculptures at
women "}
The
tenth
Boghaz-Keui
this figure of the
is
213
Megabyzos, which
has some male characteristics, while "the sleek, rounded
forms of the
the arrangement of
face,
the hair, and the long-sleeved chiton,
would naturally suggest a
woman ".
must add
of the sleek
that,
in spite
the type of the face, with
forms,
thick features and nose,"
I
seems to
me
"
its
the broad fleshy
to
mark the
figure
male even more clearly than the
as
delicate
and spiritual type of the warrior Boghaz-Keui stamp them as
figures at
female. his .
neck .
.
"
The chain which hangs round
is
probably his chain of office
the curious fez-like cap, the broad
mode
decorated belt and the
front of each ear,
part of the slight
of dress-
with a plait looped
ing the hair,
The
-
may
in
be regarded as
same ceremonial costume." maeander ornament on the
lower part of the dress
may
be com-
pared and contrasted with the elaborate ornamentation
on the
priest's dress
at Ibriz.] It
follows
religion that
from the nature of
this
on the rocks of Boghaz-
Keui we must expect to diversity of divine
find in the
personages
many
various manifestations of the one divine
Fig.
^[The preponderance of the female element in hieratic representations, Ephesus and at Boghaz-Keui, is noteworthy.]
alike at 2
[Mr. Smith compares the position of the hand grasping the chain with a by Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce, p. 151.]
statuette published
life.
The Religion of
VI.
214
The attempt
the cases where
them must begin by studying
to explain
same
the
variations,
and must have
sculptures
or
figure
is
repeated with slight
at its disposal either the original
satisfactory representations
The
of them.
photographs published by M. Perrot, welcome as they
made
cannot be
In every figure
the
of a
basis
could see numberless details which are
I
quite invisible on the photographs
among
are,
satisfactory discussion.
the light
:
very bad
is
the rocks, the apparatus often can not be put at the
proper position, and nothing except either a series of careful drawings,
made with
the help of photographs and studied
along with photographs, or a complete
set of casts,
can supply
the place of the originals.
The head
of the series of figures on the right
deity standing on a lion, which has
On
mountains. in
her head
its feet
is
a female
placed on four
the turreted crown, which was
is
Greece the distinguishing mark of the Asian goddess
Cybele, but which, from
its
frequent occurrence at Pteria,
can hardly be more than the mark of womanhood, of the female sex
in its
properly female function and not as setting
aside the distinction between male
her hands
in
the attitude which
in the art of Cappadocia
is
the right
;
holds
some
and female.
She holds
characteristic of
hand
raises a
symbol
left
She
by a youthful god standing on a
is
followed
feet also are
in
object towards her mouth.
front of her, the
whose
women
planted on mountains.
leopard,
In this pair one
must recognise the mother and son, Cybele and Atys in one The leopard of his manifestations, Demeter and Dionysos. on
Vv^hich
Dionysos.
the god stands
A
is
the favourite animal of the Greek
few other examples of the connection between
the sculptures of Pteria and
Lydia have been given
in
the religion of Phrygia
Journ. Hell.
Sliid., 1882, pp.
and
40-46,
Hittit e Sculptures
the
But few of the
Boghaz-Keui
at
on these rocks have their character
figures
so plainly expressed as these examples
—
have
I
;
and without better
must remain unexplained.
material for study, the whole set \_Note.
215
in this reprint
avoided using the name
Pteria for the city at Boghaz-Keui, not because
I
identification (accepted in the article originally
and
think the
my
in
Historical Geography, pp. 29, 31, etc.) wrong, but because
the form of the
expressions
Many name
Herodotus uses the
uncertain.
is
form.
others have suggested that Ptara, the Lycian city-
(Patara in Greek),
probable " city
name
Tr)v IlTepir)v, rrjv 'E(f)6ari7jv, in adjectival
"
;
the
is
the noun
further
is
Ipta),
;
and
suggestion
seems not so acceptable.
in Pisidia,
Meter
but
in
seems highly Ptara
Perhaps Ptara,
connected with the divine
which was used
this
that
like Ptagia
name Pta
Eastern Lydia
:
means
(in
Greek
see Studies
in the History of the Eastern Provinces, p. 369.
That Croesus, when he crossed the Halys, would march direct certain.
on the
capital
Now
of his enemy,
Boghaz-Keui
is
may
be assumed as
marked by
its
remains as the capital of a great Anatolian Empire Historical Geography, p. 28, and the
here reprinted
;
also above, p. 127.]
first
and
size :
see
part of the article
FiQ.
5._The Apollo
of Lystra
:
a third-century votive relief (see p. 167
f.).
VII.
THE MORNING STAR AND THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE LIFE OF CHRIST.
VII.
THE MORNING STAR AND THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE LIFE OF CHRIST. The
connection between the two parts of the above
not obvious at in
Magi
How
:
It is
the book which
kinlay,
that there
first sight.
is
we propose
His
a very real connection.
and interesting
most speculative and
to
me
to be the
work, while
in his
title
and almost obligatory, to
perhaps,
most important
it
state
;
indeed
more
it
seems not
it
appears justifiable,
fully
than was possible
few paragraphs of his preface the reasons which
him consider
that the
book deserves
is
Although the present
least convincing.
out of place for him to review
is,
emphasises what
it
writer has written a brief preface to the book,
in the
MacThe have shown
does not allude to any of the
it
seem
parts and topics which
is
to review, on
they Recognised Christ's Star} to
not very well chosen, for
title
the merit of Colonel
make
careful reading.
That men, when conversing familiarly with one another, usually
draw any
sions which they their
own
figures of speech or
may
interests
be denied, and
and knowledge,
will
any symbolic expres-
chance to employ from the range of is
a principle that cannot
be freely admitted by every one.
The
lawyer uses legal metaphors, the stockbroker the slang of the
exchange, in explaining his meaning.
The
contrast in this
respect between St. Paul's language and that of most of the writers in
the Bible '
is
well
known, and has often been
Hodder & Stoughton, 1907.
(219;
2 20
VII.
pointed
He
out.
language of city
Morning Star
T/ie
goes to nature,
rarely
life
and of education, and,
On
of business and trade.
tent,
but
uses
the
some ex-
to
the contrary, the Bible
generally contains a far larger proportion of metaphors and
imagery drawn from the phenomena of nature, the wind, the rain, the storm, the heavens,
sun and
stars,
the growing and
dying or harvested vegetation of the earth,
etc.
except
;
Paul the writers whose works are contained in the Bible were
men
of the country, not
men
of the city.
In regard to the imagery of this latter
may
principle
open
and
air
live
and
talk in the
of,
their hearers
is
present
and themselves
Probably every expositor and preacher has
at the time.
occasionally
mind
second
class a
tend to draw their illustrations from what
visible to, or in the
from
Those who
be observed.
drawn
this principle,
his inspiration
more or
less
unconsciously
and every careful reader has sometimes
observed particular instances of formal commentators do not
application.
its
make
sufficient use of
But the It is
it.
not obvious to the secluded scholar in his study amid the
atmosphere of books. world of
life.
(so far as
I
is
the
Sir Isaac Newton, however, though he
was
know) unused the
and stated
to
feel
of the merits of his
to me. their
"
I
it
in
perceived
this
a very interesting passage which
book that
it
It is
not one of the least
gives prominence to this
man
;
if I
may
suppose that
as unfamiliar to the world of scholars as
it
was
observe that Christ and His forerunner John in
wont to allude to things when they would describe things draw parables from things which
parabolic discourses were
present.
the open air as well as
Mediterranean lands,
excellent observation of a great is
it
life in
quoted by Colonel Mackinlay.
the passage
most strongly
in
unfamiliar with principle,
You
The
old prophets,
emphatically, did not only^
221
Chronology of the Life of Christ
Sam.
offered themselves, as from the rent of a garment (i
XV. 27, 28) 6)
.
.
.
.
but
.
.
also,
them by
supplied
from the vessels of a potter (Jer. xviii. 3when such fit objects were wanting, they their
own
actions, as
by shooting
by rending a garment
Kings
xiii. 17-19X etc. And Christ, speak. loved to prophets By such types the being endued with a nobler prophet spirit than the rest,
(I
Kings
xi. 30, 31);
(2
excelled also in this kind of speaking, yet so as not to speak
grave and decent
—but
to turn into parables such things as offered themselves.
On
by His own
actions
—that
were
less
occasion of the harvest approaching
once and again of the
disciples
Matt.
Seeing the
ix. 37).
He
admonishes His
spiritual harvest (John
lilies
of the
He
field,
iv.
35
;
admonishes
gay clothing (Matt, vi, 28). In allusion to the present season of fruits. He admonishes His disciples In the time of the about knowing men by their fruits. Passover, when trees put forth their leaves. He bids His His
disciples about
'
disciples is
learn a parable from the fig-tree
yet tender and putteth forth leaves,
summer
is
nigh
'."
;
when
his
branch
ye know that the
This admirable passage
quoted from
is
Newton's Commentary on Daniel, a work which is proverbial in modern times for fanciful and strained interpretations, and
which
I
confess that
much more
in
it
I
have never even seen
like this paragraph,
it
;
but
reading than some modern commentaries, for this
and
if
there
is
must be better worth is
original
true.
The
author mentions several other examples in corro-
boration of Newton's principle. peculiarly
interesting.
In
One
pair of
examples
is
Matthew xx. 1-16 occurs the who went out early in the Every one into his vineyard.
parable of the householder,
morning
who
to
studies
hire labourers
ancient
literature
or
life
knows the strong
2
prejudice that
was entertained against hired labourers alike
and
in Palestine
was
The Morning Star
VII.
22
who worked
money and
for
whom
the master
The "hireling"
in Italy in ancient times.
despistid as untrustworthy
and
an unwilling labourer
idle,
not for love of the work or of
He
he served.
was always looking
for
the reward and the pay for his labour, not aiming at doing it
well for
own
its
sake (Job
John
vii. 2).
x. 12
the cowardly hireling with the true shepherd
and
the sheep,
neglects
when
flees
the
;
contrasts
f.
the former
wolf approaches,
but the true shepherd defends them to the death. Italy mercennariiox free hired labourers
and contempt
is
were always
A
often expressed for them.
wanted important or delicate
work
well done
So
in
disliked,
man who
employed the
members of his own family, especially his household slaves.* Every person who attempts to explain to pupils the spirit of ancient this
and
;
Roman it
life
has constant occasion to
applies also to Greek
life,
though
it is
on
insist
not there
so strongly forced on one's attention.
Why
is it
Kingdom
that the
of Heaven, the prophets and
the servants of God, are compared by Matthew in this pass-
age to hirelings,
who
all
receive the
same pay
at the
end
of the day, whether they have worked in the vineyard one
hour or a whole day ? son
who works the
In
in the
workman.
himself
is
ence?
In the
Matthew
vineyard
What
;
is
passage there
first
xxi. 28
in
it is
John xv.
the owner's 2 the
owner
the reason for this differis
no
stress laid
on the
trustworthiness or untrustworthiness of the hired labourers.
The only given to 1
point of comparison all
alike
That household
so
much
is
in
is
the reward that
is
true, but this does not
slaves were a part of the family,
trustworthy servants, society.
:
lies
and regarded as
a fact of immense importance
in
specially
the study of ancient
Chronology of the Life of Christ and
quite satisfactorily
fully
223
explain the choice of this
parable.
The Author I
points out that the passage in
Matthew xx.
-16 relates a conversation held about midwinter or Janu-
ary,
whereas Matthew xxi. 28 and John xv. 2 were spoken middle of March.
in the
He
Wherein, then,
very aptly quotes Mr.
writes, "
weeds
For
W.
lies
the difference
in winter, hired labour
would be
cutting off the rapidly growing shoots
from
free
it
but for
sufficient; in
who
F.R.S.,
Carruthers,
the ground and keeping
tilling
March
?
or
later,
so as to prevent the energy of the plant from being directed
mere vegetative development, an
to
The delicate one who has both
would be needed ". intrusted to result soil
but unskilled labour was
;
and
to destroy the weeds.
workman
intelligent
labour of pruning must be skill
and
interest
sufficient to turn
Moreover, there
deal
more of tedious labour involved
must
often have been necessary to get in
the
in
over the
a great
is
and it more hands to do
in the latter
;
the winter work in the vineyard. In both cases the illustration was drawn from what was
done at the moment. Speaker and hearers saw the suggestion of the parable taking place before their actually being
eyes, as the
words were spoken.
tried to point out
said to
^
Nicodemus
how " the
Similarly
inevitable
it
is
I
have elsewhere
when
that,
wind bloweth where
it
Christ
and
listeth,
thou hearest the voice thereof, but knowest not whence
Cometh and whither
it
goeth," the
cellar in Jerusalem, but out
two were not
in
on the side of the Mount of Olives,
with the wind of spring moving gently around them. character which in the
open
air, is
is
The
impressed on speech and thought by
apt to escape the reader ^
it
some
The Education of
who
Christ, p. 74.
is
used to
life
live
VII,
2 24
Morning Star
TJie
and think and study and address audiences
in
a room
;
for
he often assumes unconsciously that scenes must have occurred in closed spaces, though something of the vitality lost
on
this assumption.
Part of what
character of the Bible should
more
is
is
called the Oriental
correctly be called the
open-air character.
These cases
who
guided
phenomena of nature must be in their choice by the present
man who is
be generalised as a principle.
Those
the open air and draw their imagery from the
live in
visible
may
to a large extent
circumstances.
converses while sitting or walking
A
the open air
in
not likely to talk about the beautiful bloom of the fruit-
trees, if
the trees in an orchard close
by
are bare in the winter
fruit.
If he talked of the beautiful
flowers that clothe the trees,
you know that the conversation
season or loaded with
The careful reader can tell in year when such illustrations were
occurred in the spring-time.
many
cases the time of the
spoken, and
thus a system of annual chronology can be
established.
Every reader of
literature can illustrate this
from his own experience or study. mentators on any ancient author
There are few com-
who have not sometimes
employed reasoning of this class. Colonel Mackinlay's merit lies in employing it more systematically and thoroughly, and with greater attention to the facts and habits of ancient
and surroundings, than any other person
Palestinian
life
far as the
present reviewer's
knowledge extends), and
establishing on this basis, which
is
rests his
reasoning on
in
theoretically a perfectly
sound one, a complete chronology of the doing so he
(so
many
life
of Christ.
In
acute and subtle
observations, which are well worth careful reading.
This method of reasoning has, of course, its
defects.
It is
its
dangers and
almost inevitable that the reasoner should
Chronology of the Life of Christ press
some of
too far, and should be too more from a passage than others
his observations
subtle and too ready to take
(and especially the hasty reader) think there
is
always that danger
reasoning
add to the
:
one brings pile.
225
I
in
it
But
can stand.
the cumulative method of
in everything, large or small, that
would
illustrate this,
by quoting a parallel case. Mr. Hobarthas been blamed
in
the
and explain
same way
can
its limits,
for bringing
into his proof that the writer of the Acts and the Third
Gospel was a physician
many
which add
details
nothing to the strength of his demonstration.
little
This
or
quite
is
and Mr. Hobart was as fully aware of it as any of his critics. But when his critics go on to maintain that this true,
detracts from the strength of his reasoning, they are alto-
mistaking
gether
The
the character of cumulative evidence.
valuelessness of one detail, the lightness of one stone,
does not take away from the strength and the weight of the other details, though
who
reader,
more
reasoning
may annoy and
mislead the hasty
judges by a sample and, by chance or design,
takes the poorest. to the
it
Moreover, the
fascinating
(in
and
critic
brilliant
who
is
accustomed
method of deductive
which, however, the weakness of even one link
in the chain is fatal to the strength of the
forget that cumulative reasoning
is
whole)
not of the
is
apt to
same
kind.
distinct character, its
own
peculiar merits
Accordingly, Colonel Mackinlay
may
lose in the reader's
Each has
its
and
defects.
estimate several of his props, and yet retain enough to support an edifice which continues to stand and to be habitable.
The chronology
of the
life
of Christ
obscure; and every attempt to reason out
proof ought to be heartily welcomed. 15
The
is difficult
a
new
and
line of
reasoning in
The Mo7'ning Star
VII.
2 26
proceeds from a mind which assumes at starting
this case
the complete trustworthiness and perfect accuracy of the
This
Gospels.
will at
many
once discredit the book with
of the prejudiced and arbitrary class of scholars, whose mind is
already completely
dence
;
and
it
may
made up and
closed to
any new
be granted that the prejudice
Author's mind does in some cases produce what call
in
evi-
the
must
I
a certain weakness in the argument, where he abandons
the cumulative
method of observing
details
and
facts,
and
proceeds to reason from general principles, as for example
about the character and conduct and past in his
Chapter VII.,
in
life
of the
Magi
which he no longer stands on what
can be considered firm or safe ground.
While the present reviewer in
the
is
personally most interested
thorough-going chronology of the
life
of
Christ
month by month, or at least season by season and feast by which the Author works out, it is certain that many, probably most, readers will follow with more lively interest his observations on the meaning of particular sayings and feast,
their
phenomena and
Although
most
the surroundings of time, season, atmo-
relation to
spheric
phenomena of the heavens aland knowledge of even the more striking
in regard to the
all interest in
stars has
the position of the familiar stars.
been
lost in
Western
society, yet the true scholar
must try to place himself in the mental atmosphere of ancient
Palestinian
some of the
stars
life,
essential part of their
a guide amples
in their
may
when a
certain
familiarity with
and was made an thought and expression and used as
was possessed by
ways and times of
all
life.
One
or two ex-
therefore be given of the class of observations
on which the Author's system is founded. When Christ saw Nathanael under the
fig-tree, this
may
Chronology of the Life of Christ
227
be regarded as an indication of summer or autumn.
In
Matthew xxiv. 32, when the branch of the fig-tree "is now become tender and putteth forth its leaves, ye know that the is
summer
nigh
is
".
The
fading of the leaf of the fig-tree
by Isaiah xxxiv. the scene when Nathanael
alluded to
lay
Between those
4.
under the
retired
limits
fig-tree.
He
was astonished that any one could see him, and therefore he must have been hid from view by the thick foliage. Moreover, the Author points out that he had evidently gone there to pray in quiet and secrecy, as guile
".
"
an
Israelite
without
This was about the beginning of the Ministry of
Christ;
the
occurred
;
and
Baptism
Temptation had already
the
but there seems to have been no great interval
The Temptation apparently followed the The Author
between them.
Baptism immediately, and lasted forty days. places these events in
Some time
August and September.
previously occurred the
first
appearance of
The Author
John the Baptist as a teacher.
points out
that three expressions in his early teaching refer
to
the
"The axe is laid to the root of the tree": the decision to cut down a useless tree would be taken later than the pruning season in March, when it had become evident season: (i)
that the tree
that
was no longer productive.
bringeth not
forth
good
fruit
emphasises the same allusion. "
Whose
fan
is
in
His hand and
His threshing-floor garner."
The
;
and
season
is
He
is
(2)
will
will
Every
cut down."
Both point
He
"
to April.
(3)
thoroughly cleanse
gather His wheat into the
harvest and the locality was the
deep hot valley of the Jordan, where harvest was very
The preaching
tree
This
early.
of John, therefore, began to arrest the atten-
Jews in April and the time immediately .following. The imagery quoted from him belongs to the months Apriltion of the
:
VII. The Moimifig Star
228 June.
After a certain interval, a few weeks or months prob-
came
ably, Jesus
As John
to be baptised.
passed like a
meteor across the sky of Palestine, or rather
like the
is
place the Baptism in a later year than the
first
On
of John.
point there
this
a
is
Morn-
no reason to
ing Star heralding the light of day, there
appearance
practically
universal
All these events belong to the spring-
agreement of opinion.
and summer and early autumn of the same year. Since the Baptist is so consistently spoken of as the Morning Star, it
must have been shining at his appearance and gladdening the eyes of the crowd of his followers every morning.
The custom
of so designating him arose
among
those
who
saw the Star^ marking him out as the Herald. The cycle of appearances of Venus as the Morning Star prove that this
year was A.D.
25.
To take another example of the influence which the seasons and the people
state of agriculture exerted
among whom
on the customs of the
Christ lived and taught,
we
take one
from the sphere of action and no longer from that of mere language. The Author points out on p. 120 that at the feeding of the sit
five
down on
thousand Jesus
the grass
"
"
commanded
(Matt. xiv.
19).
moist northern islands this conveys
time of year, but in the dry the Levant lands, in spring is
it
To
the multitude to us
who live
in the
no intimation of the
and under the hot sun of
soil
means that the season was
spring.
Only
there grass, which withers early along with the
summer sun. This fact plays an important economy of farm life and the traveller is often reminded of it, when he seeks to hire horses at that season
flowers under the
part in the
they are
all
;
out at grass.
A
free
life
on the grass for the
short time during which this food can be got ^This
is
emphasised below,
p. 231.
is
regarded
Chronology of the Life of Christ as necessary to their health and vigour.
229
Their keep costs
nothing during that time, but they cannot do hard work on
Hence the
grass.
that season,
traveller, if he insists on getting horses in must tempt the owners by a higher price. Such
are the facts in Asia Minor,
and
I
have no doubt that they
are similar in Palestine,
The
—
brief phrase
which Matthew uses
who have
those
especially to
may seem
to
some
not had the opportunity
of familiarising themselves with the kind of thought and expression which arises from the rarity and value of grass
such countries
in
—to
be an insufficient basis to support
the Author's inference as to the season.
Mark
out,
vi.
39 speaks of "the green grass," and John
10 says, "there was
vi.
But, as he points
much
grass in the place".
Moreover
4 mentions that the time of the year was just before The inference from the scanty phrase of Matthew Passover.^
John is
vi.
perfectly confirmed.
The Author points out well that this is the season of the year when bread is scarce and dear for people who live on the fruits of their own soil and are not affected by imThe produce of the last harvest is coming ported grain. near an end, and
by
this
season,
not ready to
eat.
prices rise high.
is
often exhausted or almost exhausted
while the
new
harvest
is
ripening,
but
People have often to go hungry, and In this time of dearth the relief which
Christ gave was really needed, for the villages (none of which
were even near) would be also on the verge of
scarcity.
^ The inference from Mark and John is, of course, familiar^and common, and has been used as an argament against Hort's unfortunate suggestion that But my object is to demonstrate tJ) Xii.
The Morning Star
VII.
230 While
in this case the individual character
of the seen*
and the suitability of the surrounding conditions are extremely must observe that the
well marked, one life
four thousand (Matt, xv, 32 sit
longer grass to
on at
sit
state of the soil
:
ff.
Mark
;
down on
there the people
life
details
which give
to the incident are lacking in the story of the feeding of ff ),
viii. i
the ground
But that
this season.
except that
there was
:
is
no
the general
the other scene gathers individuality and
from the unusual character of the circumstances.
When
the Author attempts to find an allusion to the vary-
ing seasons in
Luke
x.
"
3,
Lambs
in the
midst of wolves
"
(dated February or beginning of March), as compared with
Matthew
"sheep
x. 16,
in
the midst of wolves" (in harvest-
May, "the young sheep by
time, about
longer be considered lambs"), In
can be accepted.
my
I
this time
do not think
would no
his reasoning
experience the term "lamb"
is
used in Asiatic Turkey for a young sheep at any season of the year, and any flesh of sheep that "
The
lamb ".
coarse,
flesh of a
sheep
in its
is
sold as
to eat
fit
second year
is
is
already
and not considered eatable except by poor and hardy Moreover, the Author himself dates the words of
peasants.^
John the Baptist,
"
Behold the
Lamb of God,"
in the
autumn,
whereas his principle would require a date about February to April.
No
safe inference, therefore, can be
use of the terms
The main
drawn from the
"lamb" and "sheep".
feature of Colonel Mackinlay's
book
is its
insist-
ence on the importance of the Morning Star in the symbol-
ism of the Gospels. Some of the references to this Star in the Gospels are so emphatic and distinct that they cannot be misunderstood. freely, as 1
This
is
This species of symbolism was employed
every reader knows, in the Gospels. mentioned and
illustrated in
my
The
Impressions of Turkey,
Author, p. 17.
Chronology of the Life of Christ however, shows that
231
was carried very much farther than
it
has been hitherto observed
and some of the passages in which
;
he detects the use of this symbolism gain much
from
effect
his
John the Baptist was the Forerunner, the Christ was the Sun, the Light of the World.
interpretation.
Morning
Star.
On
the Author protests against the mistaken idea in
p. 16
Holman Hunt's Christ It
is
was
The Light
picture, "
of the World," where
represented as illuminating the world with a lantern.
as the
Sun
He
that
He
illumined the world; and
used the words about Himself at the end of the Feast of
reminded the Jews of their deliverance from Egypt and of the Divine leading by the pillar of fire Tabernacles, which
(Neh.
in the wilderness
large lamps were
"
ix.
i,
reminders of the ancient guiding ness to
He
;
all
said in effect,
in the world,
had of
—a
Temple pillar
like the
ix.
Christ, the allusion
of
court, fire in
this
5,
where
Feast
which were the wilder-
sun which gives light
greater blessing than the
when they followed
old,
Similarly in John is
am
I
At
19)".
12,
9,
" lighted in the
Hebrews
the pillar of fire". " the
Light of the World
must be to the sun,
for there
is
"
in
The Author John 8; Luke
the context a contrast between day and night. also i.
78
compares ii.
;
32
The usage
xi.
Acts
;
9;
xii.
xiii.
persisted as
35
f.,
46;
47, in all of it
i. 9; i which Christ
had been originated
;
ii.
is
the Sun.
John
just as
the Baptist was always the Morning Star and Forerunner of the Sun.
In the
much
first
chapter the Author
larger a part the
the
careful to
Morning Star plays
language of the peoples
among
is
in the
Levant lands than
late-rising nations of the
Morning Star begins the day culturists of those
show how
in the life
for the
it
dark North.
nomads and
and does
The
the agri-
southern regions, and even in the
cities
;
The Morning Star
VII.
232
people work at a very early hour
much
generally people rise very
the cold northern lands
and bad, few position to light
sit
lie
up long
late in the
in southern countries
than they do in
earlier
and, where
;
artificial light is
scanty
after dark,
and there
morning.
Moreover, where sun-
abundant, one seems to
is
;
sleep than in dark countries.
question whether the ancients
feel
much
need
less
dis-
is less
long
for
The Author touches on the knew that Venus, the Morning
Star,
assumes at times a crescent form (which they probably
did),
and how they acquired
this
He
knowledge.
posed to think that they sometimes employed aids to vision, as a lens
was found by Layard
is
dis-
artificial
Nemrud
at
and that the naked eye could not discover the crescent form though people who know what to expect can see it or think they see
it.
But one of my
of Mathematics,
tells
me
friends, a distinguished Professor
that the crescent form could be
detected by a careful watcher of the skies, against the edge of a sharp upright
if he
saw the planet
At any
cliff.
rate
it is
that the ancients " observed the planet with the
certain
utmost attention" and gave religion
it
a prominent place in their
under the names Istar and Ashtaroth and Venus
and so on.
Now, drew
John the Baptist about May- June A.D. 25 illustrations from the harvest and the threshing-
just as
his
which were busy at that season, and just as about December A.D. 27 the sowing which was busily going on
floors,
all
around suggested the parables
Mark
26-29, so the
iv.
"
preached
drawing
He
that
his idea
that Star
in
Matthew
Author maintains
cometh
after
me
is
that,
xiii.
3-32
;
when John
mightier than
I,"
from the Morning Star, herald of the Sun,
must have been
in its
morning phase
at the time,
guiding the conduct and plain to the eyes and touching
"
Chronology of the Life of Christ the minds of
they rose at
several other expres-
he was the lamp that burneth and shineth
sions,
as, "
(John
V, 35), "
behold
prophecy of Malachi Incidentally
mentioned
in
My
send
I
face" (quoted in Matt.
are
So with
summons.
its
day before dawn, when
his audience every
all
233
xi. 10, as
iii.
we must
messenger before thy
people applied to him the
i).
notice that such accounts as those
the beginning of the preceding paragraph
not to be understood as reports of what John and
They should
Jesus said in one single speech.
rather be
taken as expressing the gist and marrow of the teaching at a certain
the
memory
period, as the general purport crystallised in
of certain auditors.
In the Apocalypse xxii. 16 Christ Star, but in the Gospels
He
is
is
called the
the Sun, while the Baptist
His Herald, an image taken from Malachi in
Luke
xi.
10
;
i.
y^,
Luke
78
;
vii.
The comparison
Mark 27
;
i.
2
;
Luke
i.
17
Thyatira,
probably more than Churches of Asia, is
;
iii.
iv. 2,
is
as seen
28 Matthew ;
i.
;
Its
meaning may be to the Church at
by the expression in the letter "he that overcometh ... I will give him the
Morning Star" (Rev.
Star
John
i
xiii. 24 John 7, 8, etc. Apocalypse belongs to a different
period and another circle of thought. illustrated
;
iii.
Paul in Acts
in the
Morning
the
dawn
is
In this
28).
ii.
phrase there
lies
allowed for in the Letters to the Seven
We
p. 334.
must understand that the
of a brighter day and a
new
career.
To
the victor there shall be given the brightness and splendour
and power that outshine the great Empire, and the promise It is the same thought of and entrance upon a higher life. as afterwards suggested the term dies natalis for the
on which a martyr died
:
this
which he entered into a nobler
day was
life.
his
day
birthday, on
After the same fashion
The Morning Star
VII.
234
Morning
Christ calls Himself in Revelation xxii. i6the
Star,
In the Gospels and introducer of a new era. they belong show that the point of view is so different as to to an earlier age and another style of thought, not conas the herald
tradictory,
but the result
surroundings and
of different
conditions.
In Chapter VI. the Author discusses the length of Christ's Ministry, and concludes that It
has long seemed to
me
was three and a half
it
was the
that this
years.
true length;
and the shorter periods assigned by many scholars appeared The estimate of one year to be based on misconceptions.
more
(or,
strictly,
one year and some months)
Luke
misinterpretation of
year of the Lord
This
is
" is
iv.
19,
is
due to
where "the acceptable
taken as the period of Christ's Ministry.
an almost inexcusable
error, for
it
supposes that the
period of one year and several months could be called one
year by the ancients.
This period would have been called
two years, according to the universal early Fathers,
who were
uninterested
must have
overs, together with
The Author
passes over
and inquires only
estimate that the
Besides the
it is
lasted over at least
some months before the this
of the
careless
for this
which ought not to survive when
that the Ministry
notice,
and
in
chronological exactness, are responsible pretation,^
Some
rule.^
of
misinter-
recognised
two Pass-
first.
estimate as
requiring
no
into the possibility of the middle
Ministry lasted two years and a
half.
number of
Pass-
much debated
question of the
overs that occurred during the Ministry, he also discusses the 1
number of Feasts of Tabernacles. See the
article
on " Days, Months, Hours "
in Hastings'
Bible, vol. v. ''
In regard to the
Clement of Alexandria and Origen both said
so.
Dictionary of the
Chronology of the Life of Christ former question there
The arguments have length
;
The
lines.
in a brief paragraph
opens up a topic of
latter question
considerable extent, on which the Author has
which he
quite novel to say, and in other chapters
of Isaiah
by
Ixi.
have taken place
He
also.
much
that
out that the reading
synagogue
at
Nazareth must
beginning of a year, at the beginning
His
of a Sabbatic year, and at the Feast of Tabernacles.
reasoning on this subject
would
logically, this
but
may
I
merely speculative
impression
all
it
that
is
be prejudiced, as
chronological views in
The
extremely ingenious and
settle the question, if
My own
stand scrutiny. itself;
is
and merits the most serious consideration.
esting,
is
upon a great deal
insists
points
Jesus in the at the
be said.
to
been already drawn out to endless-
all
and the Author passes over them
of seven
new
of course, nothing
is,
235
it
Chrono-
should finally will establish
confirms
it
inter-
my own
except one point, which
is
of
year of Christ's birth.
interest, viz., the
length of Christ's Ministry and the year of His death
are matters of the utmost importance for the right under-
standing and for the historical value of the Gospels
makes
little
bom
any year between
in
whether
difference in those respects B.C. 8
and
but
;
it
He was
Colonel Mackinlay
5.
has maintained that the Birth was in B.C. 8 at the Feast of
Tabernacles
ments
;
for this
and he has advanced
view than can be brought forward
A
of any other year.
would be
fatal to
year later than
the historicity of
beyond that the date portance.
distinctly stronger argu-
is
Incidentally
in favour
5 or earlier
than 8
Matthew and Luke
;
^
a matter only of chronological im-
we must
here observe, as a conse-
quence of the very early date, that the residence of the ^
A date later than
earlier
b.c. 5
would place the Birth
after
than B.C. 8 would put the Ministry too early.
Herod's death
;
a date
The Morning Star
VII.
i'^6
Holy Family
Egypt would have
in
usually supposed
;
but there
is
to be longer than
words of Matthew to support an argument that the
Egypt could not have
dence
in
and a
third,
The If
it
which
by the Author.
Sabbatical year necessarily began
had commenced
resi-
lasted so long as five years
the period assigned
is
is
absolutely no ground in the
in spring,
in
the autumn.
the beginning would have
occurred after corn had been sowed, and the land could not
have
lain fallow for the year.
It
was inevitably implied
the idea of a Sabbatical year that
it
in
should begin at the
end of the annual cycle of agriculture and before the next annual cycle opened
;
z'.^.,
it
must begin near the autumn
equinox at the Feast of Tabernacles. the
Law
This was fixed by
of Moses, whereas the ordinary arrangement ot
the Calendar in the South-Syrian lands
made
the year begin
in spring.
The Author
maintains that the Sabbatical year began at
the Feast of Tabernacles in the autumn of a.d. 26}
This
then was the time when the scene in the Synagogue at
Nazareth occurred
;
and Christ had been speaking
previously for some time.
The
conclusion
in public
which
reached as to the beginning of the Ministry {Christ Bethlehem,
p.
201)
is
that "in the later
I
have
Born at
months of that year
A.D. 25, John appeared announcing the coming of Christ,
and very shortly thereafter Jesus came and was baptised by
John in the river Jordan. Some months ^ thereafter occurred the Passover on 21st March, A.D. 26." Colonel Mackinlay would place these events earlier by a few months.
He leaves
a longer interval between the appearance of John and of '
There
is
some controversy
as to the incidence of Sabbatical years
;
but
the view which Colonel Mackinlay takes seems to be the right one.
'In the original text I printed "one or two months thereafter," but and I would substitute the vaguer expression.
\vas too precise,
this
;
Chronology of the Life of Christ Jesus, viz.^ about four to five
237
months and places the Baptism ;
about forty-five days before the Feast of Tabernacles A.D. 25.
The I
preaching of Jesus would then begin about that Feast.
no objection
see
to demonstrate
to this,
though the evidence
Thus he
it.
finds the first
is
too slender
two occurrences
of this Feast within the Ministry A.D. 25 and 26.
The 21
;
third Feast he places at the time of
the Sabbatic year was
new
period
and
;
in
xii.
18-
was
"
Now
past.
the words quoted from Isaiah
passage of Matthew Christ
in this
Matthew
ended, and the period "of
Jewish nation
special invitation to the
begins a
now
is
twice described as the
Saviour of the Gentiles.
The
fourth Feast of Tabernacles, in the Author's scheme,
synchronised with the Transfiguration, which suggested to Peter's
mind the idea of making the three
tabernacles.
ordinary view seems to be that which
Plummer
in his
Commentary on Luke
is
ix.,
stated
by Dr.
"if they were to
Why
remain there they must have shelter".
The
superhuman
personages like Moses and Elias should need the shelter of booths in order to remain on a mountain does not appear
very
clear.
at that very
week,
it
But,
if
the Jews were everywhere making booths
moment
in order to
seems a not unnatural suggestion of Peter's to con-
struct three booths for the three
keep the Jewish
feast
and one
".
The
spend in them the sacred
for Elias
"
:
one
superhuman personages to
for Thee,
and one for Moses
Author's suggestion agrees with the very slight in-
dications that can be gathered
from the context.
The Transfiguration (Matt. xvii. i ff. Mark ix. 2 ff. Luke ix. 28 ff ) occurred later than the Passover of A.D. 28 (about which time, as we have just seen,^ must have occurred ;
^
See above,
p. 228.
238
The Morning Star
VII.
4
ff.)
but the
;
(Matt. xix.
I
visit to
John
;
of th6 Saviour's
of
29,
x. 40),
its
is,
xiv. 14
fif.,
the opening of the
final
period
about the end of 28 and the beginning
life,
had not yet occurred.
Transfiguration
but
Matthew
and John vi. beyond Jordan the borders of Judaea
the incident mentioned by
This approximate date for the
of course, evident and universally accepted
connection with the Feast of Tabernacles
is
;
not a
matter of general agreement.
Now, Jesus spent 14)
;
but
it is
part of this Feast at Jerusalem (John
mentioned that
He
ginning of the Feast, but remained some days
appeared
in Jerusalem,
"when
it
in Galilee,
and
was now the middle of the
On
Feast," the third to the fifth day.
we
vii.
would not go up at the be-
the Author's theory
have thus a quite remarkable chronological agreement
between John and the Synoptics striking that
it
;
and the agreement
could hardly be purely accidental.
On
is
so
that
theory the Transfiguration occurred at the time when the Tabernacles were being constructed, i.e., either on the day at whose sunset the Feast began or on the first day of the In that event Jesus was manifested as the Son of Feast.
God, not
publicly,
secret until
;
mention, though event).
nacles
up
but to three spectators, on a solitary
and the three were ordered to keep the event after the Resurrection (as Mark and Matthew
mountain-top
John
Luke
vii.
deliberately omits
4 mentions that when
this sequel to the
this "
Feast of Taber-
was at hand," the brothers of Jesus urged Him to go abandon His privacy and secrecy, and
to Jerusalem, to
"manifest Thyself to the world". at present, 1
^
on the ground
that "
Jesus refused to go up
My time
is
not yet come
".
This remarkable omission of part of his chief authority must make the
scholar chary of allowing any weight to the
argument that Luke knew no-
thing about any event or speech, because he does not record
it.
Chronology of the Life of Christ
When the rest still
went up to Jerusalem to the Feast,
in Galilee
but as
it
were
the Feast,"
But afterwards
".
in secret "
He appeared
;
He went
Temple.
the remarkable discourse, beginning, "
He
abode
not publicly,
" in
the midst of
There I
"
up, "
and suddenly,
in the
239
am
He preached
the light of the
".
world
All that John mentions in this passage
fits
in so perfectly
in tone
and
make
evident to any one possessed of the literary and the
it
chronology with the Synoptic record as to
in
historic sense that the
two
narratives,
which complete one
another so remarkably, although neither of them mentions
any
detail or
any saying that occurs
in the other,
must be
founded on personal knowledge or first-hand evidence about
The only
actual facts.
other theory that would account for
such a singular coincidence amid difference
been deliberate and wonderfully
is
that there has
skilful invention of
a series
of incidents, and partition of them between two separate narratives dovetailing perfectly into one another.
Such a
theory, whether in the form that the two narratives were
concocted by agreement at the same time, or that one was invented subsequently to suit the other which was already in existence,
by any (which
two
is
not likely to be advanced at the present day
scholar, for there are too it
is
many
needless to state here).
authorities
^
is
obvious
difficulties
This agreement of the
so important a point as to deserve fuller
notice.
Take, I
.
first
of
all,
the sequence of events,
Jesus went forth into the villages of Caesarea Philippi.
"Who do men say that I am?" They answered that He was taken by some for John the Baptist, by others for Elias or one of the prophets. He then He
asked His disciples,
^
Mark
is
the authority on
whom Luke
and Matthew both rely.
Who
"
asked,
art the Christ
Him 2.
The Morning Star
VII.
240
(Mark Jesus
am ? " Peter answered, " Thou Thereupon He bade them tell no man of
say ye that ".
I
27-30).
viii.
now began
to
them of His approaching
tell
ings and death and resurrection.
Him
Peter rebuked
primanded (Mark 3.
Now
This
for speaking thus, 31-ix.
viii.
He
stated openly.
and was sharply
Him
to
go to celebrate
it
fulfilled
;
and
;
but
He
refused, because
He abode
and
what
He
for
His time was not yet
Galilee (John
in
His
in Jerusalem,
Himself publicly to the Jewish world
claimed to be
re-
r).
Feast of Tabernacles was at hand.
the
brothers advised reveal
suffer-
vii.
1-9).
John's
known the statements made claims now being advanced both
narrative here presumes as well
by the Synoptics about the openly and 4.
in private to
His
He took
Six days later
a high mountain apart.
disciples (headings
and
i
2).
Peter and James and John into
Here occurred the Transfiguration
;
and the thought of the Feast suggested to Peter that the three heavenly ones should celebrate the Feast of Tabernacles,
and the three earthly ones should enjoy the
spectacle.
Afterwards, as they descended from the mountain, Jesus again charged them to
from the dead.
risen
was the meaning of explained (Mark ix, 5.
tell
no man
They
until the
Son of Man be
questioned one another what
this rising
And
from the dead.
Jesus
2-13).
Jesus then went up secretly to Jerusalem and appeared
in the
Temple on the
third or fourth
day of the
Feast,
and
He asked why they He explained that He would be with sought to kill Him. tbem only a short time, and would then go "unto Him that
taught, so that the people wondered.
sent
Me".
any that
He
publicly offered instruction to
thirsted.
And some said
that this
all,
drink to
was the prophet.
Chronology of the Life of Christ But the conclusion was
others the Christ
was of
Galilee,
no man Temple
laid
He
He
^ ;
He and
declared Himself in the
to be the light of the world, to be not of this world,
lo-viii.
vii.
panied
that, since
therefore could not be the Christ
hands on Him.
but sent by His Father.
(John
241
Him
And He went
out of the
Temple
Presumably, John at least accom-
59).
to Jerusalem (probably
all
the three disciples),
and thus knew what happened there but no other person was informed, and the visit was little talked about in Galilee. ;
6.
They
Galilee,
rejoined
the disciples,^
keeping Himself secret
about the resurrection
and were afraid Secondly,
Him (Mark
the importance of this
was now beginning to though
He
told
14-32).
moment in autumn A.D. make His fate known in ;
disciples
them
ix.
two accounts are agreed about
plain that the
spoke only to His
and He travelled in He taught the disciples
but they understood not the saying
;
to ask
it is
and
;
28.
about the coming events
'''
Jesus
Galilee ;
He but
repeatedly, they failed to understand
the drift of His words.
John alone adds that He made a and gave similar teaching in a
secret journey to Jerusalem
guarded symbolic fashion to the Jews
in
now
accounts agree that His death was
what
He
the Temple.
Both
often mentioned
by
Him, but
that
no one
How
this
remarkable agreement as to time and subject
is
realised
meant.
I cannot see any opening for doubt (i) to be explained ? from the personal knowledge and memory of that it arises
The irony of this conclusion escapes many scholars. Their reasoning was sound and their conclusion was inevitable, if the starting-point was They thought it was correct but they were in error. Hence their correct. reasoning was really a witness to the truth Christ must be born in Bethlehem, and Jesus (unknown to them) was born there. Such is the meaning of the '
;
;
:
Fourth Gospel.
^Luke alone says "on the next day •^
" after the Transfiguration.
Except once the expression " openly "
16
:
see above, heading
2.
VII.
242 John
;
and
necessarily that
(2) that
The Morning Star John knew the Synoptic narrative (not
three accounts, of course).
all
John should so exactly
up what
fill
It
impossible
is
omitted by the
is
Synoptists, without repeating anything that they
he was deliberately completing, with facts,
true.
full
tell,
a narrative which he regarded as incomplete, though
The
irony of John (which
is
conspicuous in the touch
regarding the supposed birth of Jesus in Galilee)
be much in the
seen to
is
more thoroughgoing when his report of the words
Temple
is
taken as a veiled and symbolic statement
to the multitude of the teaching which to the disciples alone before
and which was
as
little
greater
is
and
There
irony in
is
the pathos than the irony
afterwards discussed
the disciples
was given
mourned and marvelled
in Galilee
after the Transfiguration,
understood by them as
multitude in the Temple.
much
unless
knowledge of the
among
over, in the
!
it
w^as
this,
by the
how
but
This
is
what
themselves and
days that followed the
Resurrection.^
An so
agreement of
much beneath
this
kind between two documents, lying
the surface, yet so complete, would in the
criticism of non-Christian
works be regarded as a weighty
proof of trustworthiness and authenticity, unless the supposition of elaborately
concocted fraud was established
frauds so elaborate and skilful are
unknown
;
but
in ancient litera-
ture.
In favour of this dating Colonel Mackinlay's arguments,
together with the reasons sive.
From
it
now
advanced, seem to be conclu-
follow several interesting results, which he has
not neglected to observe, and probably outside the scope of his book.
One
many more which
fall
topographical inference
would be that the Mount of the Transfiguration could not 1
See above,
p.
89
f.
Chronology of the Life oj Ckrist
Hermon (which ahvays seemed
be Mount
to
24;
me
very im-
probable and incongruous with ancient habits and ideas), but
some mountain
and nearer Jerusalem.
farther south
It
would be impossible without extraordinary exertion (possible for a trained athlete,
Mount Hermon
be on the top of Feast and
in
but not for ordinary
human
at the beginning of the
Jerusalem on the fourth day of the Feast,
Tabor or some other peak of Galilee were the circumstances are quite
The
Nativity also
in
life.
placed by the Author at the Feast
is
think, be regarded as
If
scene, the
accordance with ordinary
This seems highly probable, and
of Tabernacles. I
beings) to
may
approximating to certainty.
been pointed out frequently that the circumstances
even, It
has
of the
Birth are inconsistent with a winter date, for the sheep are folded at night in winter, whereas they were feeding out on
the upland plains near Bethlehem on the night
was born
:
that
is
Considerable part of the
the year.
when
Christ
the custom only during the hot season of
summer
is
required for
the operations of harvest and thrashing in various parts of
which take place
Palestine,
elevation above the sea to order
were
;
earlier or later
and
it
any movement of the people
fully completed. "
August
to
October
would be fixed
"
is
considerable confidence
Jerusalem
;
that
the period within which the numbering
{Christ
Born at Bethlehem,
at the Feast of Tabernacles there
movement of
until those operations
Accordingly the conclusion has been
we may say with
drawn,
according to the
would have been impossible
p.
193).
Now,
was always a considerable
the Jews from the northern parts towards
and
it
was natural that the king should avoid
by two movements near the same and should make the numbering coincide with the
the disturbance caused time,
Feast, only requiring that
all
should go up on this occasion
;
The Morning Star
VII.
244 to the
town of Judaea, which was their original home. I have how necessary it was that the prejudices and
pointed out
customs of the Jews should not be interfered with
;
an
may be extremely cruel without offending and indeed may be all the more successful by
Oriental despot public feeling,
virtue of his cruelty
;
but he must not run counter to the
national genius and habits, and this carefully refrained from doing.
which
many were
Herod seems
The journey
to have
to Jerusalem
undertaking at the autumn Feast could
be combined with the enforced repairing of each to his
this
An on
own
must be remembered that these northern Jews period were of the two tribes, not of the ten.
city, for
it
interesting discovery has been
this point
must repair to
his
own home
in preparation for the
the Prefect requiring
own homes
This
1-3
may
is
all
persons
:
" It is
who were
a rescript from residing out of
homes in view of the The analogy between this order and
to return to their
approaching census. ii.
number-
Mr. Kenyon and Mr. Bell append
the following note to this document
Luke
Egypt bearing
in
an order dated A.D. 104 that every Egyptian
:
ing of the households.
their
made
at
obvious."
^
be taken as a parallel to the similar order at
in Palestine; and it tends to show that his command, he was acting under Roman issued Herod when It was not a device orders, and had no choice but to obey.
the
first
numbering
which he had chosen himself with
his
skill in
kingcraft
I am indebted to Professor J. H. British Museum Papyri, iii., p. 124. Moulton for directing my attention to this important document. Previously I had been inclined to think that the method of carrying out the enumeration on the principle that each man should be counted in his own city might have This possibility is now definitely eliminated. The originated from Herod. method was Roman, and the origin may therefore be assigned with perfect See Moulton in the Exposiconfidence, as Luke assigns it, to the Emperor. 1
tory Times, 1907, p. 41 (October).
Chronology of the Life of Christ it
245
was one that was forced on him, and which he had
to
carry into effect. It is
an unfortunate circumstance
if
They
they were arguments.
"
plan to separate the
harmonies are
in
"
It
harmonies
some cases
"
would have been a wiser
The
from the evidence.
interesting, but, in it
view of the
have (even
if
proved)
"
"
Colonel
Mackinlay
Moon ?
that Christ was baptised at a Full
as
"
but in the modern view
;
what value could
feeling in the Bible,
harmonies
are in his estimation and
from his point of view arguments they have no value as proof.
convincingness
for the
of the Author's argument that he states
Such harmonies
are valueless coincidences.
The very works them But
idea of "harmonies,"
system of chronology
his
as
out, will be found repellent rests, as I
by many minds.
am
strongly inclined
One
to think, on a thoroughly sound basis of reasoning.
cannot yet say that the basis still
is
certain.
The
too obscure and the evidence too scanty.
words of Professor J. H. Moulton
"We
are getting
One
on.
(in the
"
harmonies
cidences,' in
which there
comprehended
:
come
may
But, in the
passage just quoted),
When
the chronology
be more than can as yet be
may
the whole structure
be compared to
construction
astronomical facts certainly played a part, though
determine
is
very noteworthy coin-
in as
that of the great Pyramid, in the
easy to
is
of the census papers of the
Nativity year will turn up next." settled, the "
subject
where design ends
and
of which it
is
not
coincidence
begins. It
becomes only more
that the fact
clear to
the reader of this book
Gospels are a remarkable structure, resting on
and observation, and
full
of the sort of detail which
can originate only in the actual
life
of a real personage.
The Mo7'ning Star
VII.
246 Note.
—
Born at bility
I
may add
of Luke's narrative.
was born
in B.C.
6
fectly reasonable in perfect
mony
my
that
object in the book,
I
;
and credible
harmony with
all
;
but
I
historical
sequence of events
who gave
testi-
The proper one mentioned by Tertul-
the date B.C.
8.
showed that a delay of two years was not incon-
and
in
November, 1901, delay.
this date offered a per-
other evidence, except the
year for the Enrolment was the lian
Christ
did not Xxy to prove that Christ
but showed that
of TertuUian,
ceivable,
Was
? was to demonstrate the historical possi-
BetJilehejii
a subsequent p.
321
fif.,
article
in
the
Expositor^
quoted a parallel case of long
But the testimony of TertuUian
is
now
confirmed
by Colonel Mackinlay's argument that the Enrolment took place in the proper year B.C. 8
;
and
this date
may now
accepted provisionally as the only one which has
evidence in
its
favour.
all
be the
VIII.
A CRITICISM OF RECENT RESEARCH.
VIII.
A CRITICISM OF RECENT RESEARCH. A GOOD many positor)
the
years ago
opinion,
expressed
I
think in the Ex-
(I
who
forced on one
lived
from
far
Oxford, that Dr. Sanday was to some degree giving up to a single University
proach
—
if
what was meant
This
mankind.
for
re-
which was merely
that can be called reproach
the recognition of a zealous and strict devotion to the im-
mediate duty
—can no longer be uttered
in
view of the books
Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity has One perceives that these are
with which the
enriched us in recent years.
the result of the long period of probation and preparation to
The
which Dr. Sanday's work has been submitted.
marked fulness
characteristic of his writing
of thought rather than
its
is
its
maturity and
ingenuity.
His books
derive their value, not from bold and brilliant views, which
seem
to carry both the writer
and the reader away with them
and almost to overmaster the judgment, but from the impression they convey of a reserve of power that
lies
still
unused behind the written word, of a methodical toning
down of expression convincing.
He
to the standard that
is
inevitable
and
never strikes one as speaking too strongly,
but always as having pondered over the expression of each
opinion said
till it is
the last and completest word that has to be
from that point of view.
who more
strongly impresses
There
me
(249)
is
no
modem
writer
with the sense of the moral
^
VIII.
250 element which It is
is
Criticism of
a necessary part of high intellectual power.
a truth which one has often to impress on students at
college, that
mere cleverness
is
a poor and even a dangerous
part of a scholar's equipment, adequate
by
itself
only for the
winning of entrance scholarships and class
prizes,
no staying power
in
One
Sanday's work that
it is
the race of
founded and
desire to reach the truth,
directed the method,
life.
and that
but having
feels
in
Dr.
up on the intense
built
this intense desire
and concentrated the
has
faculties in the
path of knowledge.
The book
made up of
is
a series of lectures and reviews
two very important respects, they all belong to one stage and one period in the evolution of the Author's views, and they
which have no connection with one another except
to a large extent spring
from a single purpose,
in
to
viz.^
sum
up and estimate some leading tendencies and results in the That the various surveys which present stage of scholarship.
worked
are taken of separate parts of the whole field were
up
to suit different occasions
join tedness
;
and might by eliminated,
if
gives an appearance of dis-
but the appearance slight
is
really only
changes have been
by
there were anything to gain
The opening
superficial,
in great
measure
eliminating
chapter on the Symbolism of the Bible
very simple expression of much careful thought
;
it.
is
a
many
problems have been pondered over for a long time before it
was
written, yet they hardly appear above the calm sur-
On
face.
p.
14, as
we
see gladly, Dr.
Sanday recognises
sacrifice was expressive of ideas
".
that
"
The
use of the plural shows that he would not admit the
from the very
first
explanation of the origin of the idea, as
some
rite
of sacrifice from a single
scholars would maintain.
expression of the
human mind
Sacrifice
in its relation to
is
the
God, and
—
Recent Research
251
is as various as the human mind. The thought man was simple, but it can never be reduced alone. The man who can explain the origin
from one idea
You
lost.
—on
—anything out of anything; paper
—a
mythology and origin
;
of sacrifice
is
key to
hopelessly
can with sufficient ingenuity always explain
verbally
out
to one idea
perilously near the discovery of the
is
mythology, and he who has found that key
all
of primitive
of
process
all sacrifice
and thus you can draw
development whereby
all
evolve themselves from a single
but this process has nothing firmer to rest upon than
the paper on which
Dr. Sanday's words might
written.
it is
easily be taken as indicating the view that there are only
two
really primitive ideas in sacrifice, the gift
communion
ficial
ception,
and
;
that,
but
and the
sacri-
think that this would be a miscon-
I
when he speaks
of "
two ideas that we can
trace farthest," he does not intend to restrict the
number
to
two, but merely expresses his conviction as to the reality and certainty of at least these two.
On
the other hand,
confess that
I
I
cannot entirely sym-
pathise with the point of view expressed in the paragraph at " p. 9 books the early of
the foot of
:
God and man,
We
are not surprised to find that in the
Bible,
the
where dealings take place between
Godhead
is
human
represented under
was himself the noblest being with which he was acquainted and therefore, in conceiving of a being still form.
]Man.
;
nobler, he necessarily started from his
ness
;
he began by magnifying
by degrees
his
own
own
self-conscious-
qualities,
and only
did he learn, not only to magnify, but to dis-
criminate between them."
This
in
is,
a way, perfectly proper and sensible.
what every one says and yet
I
do not
feel
—
It is
perhaps what every one must say
that
it is
vital
or illuminative
:
it
seems
Vlll.
252
A
C7'iticisvt
to leave out the true principle.
should not venture to
I
attempt to define the true principle
But
power. is
I
cannot recognise
of
:
the task
in this
it
my
above
is
statement, which
apt to suggest that the conceptions of the Divine nature
current
among the Hebrews began by being anthropomorphic.
This does not convince me.
I
should rather approach the
problem from the point of view that the early Hebrew con-
and capable of
ceptions were undeveloped, vague,
growth
more than one
in
future
They might have
direction.
de-
generated into anthropomorphism, as the Greek conception
They were
did.
direction
equally capable of development in another
and they did
;
in fact,
under the impulse of a suc-
cession of prophets and thinkers, develop in a nobler and
But how to describe the unformed germ of early
truer way.
Hebrew thought
I
know
not.
Difficulties of various kinds
impede the attempt
oneself clearly on this subject.
about what
is
oneself into the
oneself
mind of
what was
are accustomed to outlines, to
You
essentially vague.
in his
aim
to express
cannot speak precisely
It is
difficult to project
primitive man, or to picture
mind.
It is also
at clearness
hard
for us,
and precision and
to
who
definite
sympathise with or understand the Oriental ex-
pression which rather shrinks from these qualities and prefers
the vague, the allusive and the indirect.
The
between the European and the Asiatic mind degree, a tions
mere matter of education
and
centuries, but
perhaps
difference to a large
is,
lasting through generato a certain extent
is
it
due to difference of nature and sympathy and endowment.
Most of what Dr. Sanday says on
me
to
excellent,
illuminative
this
and
hard subject seems
suggestive
;
but not
all. I
much
prefer his other term "indirect description" to
;
Recent Research "
the word " symbolism
nates the
Hebrew and
The term
"
by which he more frequently
desig-
Oriental style of expression.
symbolism
"
which Dr. Sanday
perfect but as the least objectionable,
that the person
253
who speaks
difference between the
is
prefers,
not as
open to the objection
symbolically
symbol and the
is
conscious of the
real thing,
and con-
sciously
employs the one to stand
That
the case with the symbolic actions of the prophets,
is
described in the
place of the other.
in
section of this opening chapter of the
first
book which we are reviewing, as when Agabus took Paul's girdle and bound himself with it in token that Paul would be bound
if
he went to Jerusalem
the symbolism here was Agabus explained its meaning.
conscious and intended, and But,
Author himself says on
the
as
Hebrews
from the thing symbolised
How
stage of thought
p.
11, the earlier
not regard the "symbol" as different
often did
symbolised.
:
are
when
we
:
to
the " symbol " was
the thing
understand or to describe a
ideas are so vague
and so unformed any conscious-
that they thus pass into one another without
ness of the transition
?
Take the
genealogical
fiction,
which
plays so important a part in the early history of many peoples,
not merely of the Jews.
thought
manner
it
:
in
to us the
It
was not a
fiction in primitive
expressed a truth in the simplest and most direct
which the natural mind could express
manner seems
indirect.
The Rev.
it,
though
Dr. White of
Marsovan gives an admirable example that came within his own experience, where a wandering dervish used this mode of expression
:
"
He
told
and then, to enlighten Circassians
my
me
that he was a Shukhbazari
ignorance, explained that Arabs,
and Shukhbazaris are own
one father and one mother. expression to
He
brothers, children of
used a Scripture form of
make me understand
that the three peoples
V!II. .4 Criticism of
2 54
The
possessed the same traits of character."
dervish was
merel}' eager to emphasise the close resemblance in character
between the three peoples. terms
in concrete
Yet out of
tions.
fiction
in abstrac-
and hardening
and easily a genea-
rise naturally
common
the
:
could think and speak only
his language, in the process
of thought, there might logical
He
he could not generalise or deal
:
and mother
father
acquire
names, and the three peoples become three sons.
Nor origin
merely
is it
to
this
real similarity of character that
may
give
Geo-
genealogical expression of history.
may cause it, or the speaker may express more than a common diversity from himself. He
graphical contiguity
by
it
little
looks out over the world, and
distinguishes from
himself
several peoples of the north-west as being children of one
father different from his father.
"the sons of Javan
:
Dodanim ". The "genealogical correctly,
and
it
So
in
Elishah, and
fiction," then,
becomes valuable
Genesis x. 4
we have
Tarshish, Kittim, and
has to be understood history.
Only the un-
sympathetic and unintelligent historical criticism of forty or fifty
years ago, the period of Grote and Cornwall Lewis and
the Tiibinger, would be content to regard
it
simply as legend,
out of the sphere of history.
But, in order to
understand aright any genealogical myth,
we must put ourpeople who origin-
and leave
it
selves at the point of view of the person or
ated that particular expression. the peoples
whom
it
It tells us
something about
correlates to one another
:
tells
it
us
more about the person or people who originated it it tells all about the standard and range of knowledge, :
us most of
the limits of geographical outlook, and so on, in the period
when
it
took the form in which
we have
Again, what was the conception
in
it.
the mind of the ancient
Recent Research
255
Hebrew, when he spoke of the messenger
Lord who conveyed human being ? Who
certain
knowledge
mind of another Hebrew, who word of the Lord came to a man two different stages
simpler and
to the
in
and the thought
it
?
These two phrases belong
the thought of men,
way
mine them.
But
I
do
Hebrew
a
power which
always pressing upon man.
to define these
who had
of conceiving and ex-
pressing their relation to the unseen Divine is
in the
used the expression that the
less clearly defined
surrounds and
mind of a
shall define this conception, or express
exactly the distinction between
to
(or angel) of the
ideas.
I
It
not
is
do not understand
at least feel that they are radically different
And
from the anthropomorphic conception of the Hellenes.
way that Luke the Hellene has unconsciously and unintentionally transfused a Hebrew view into a Greek view, when he described the angel of the Annunciation. I
a vague
feel in
He
seems
to
have thought of such an appearance as
Iris
makes in the Iliad; but I doubt if that was the idea in the Hebrew mind of her from whom the story came. It is not to be supposed that Luke added or invented any detail. The name Gabriel beyond all question comes from the Hebrew authority and belongs to the obscure later Hebrew development of the angelic idea, when the power of God, conceived as acting in different directions, was endowed with various names and in this stage there was certainly a ;
certain approach to anthropomorphism, as
Hebrew thought
was being misdeveloped and clothed with defined but form.
false
Luke, however, was simply translating into Greek a
Hebrew
narrative, rethinking
in rethinking
it
it
and then expressing
he unavoidably gave
it
a
it,
but
more Hellenic
form.
But here
lies
the problem that
is
proposed to the modern
^
VIII.
256
Criticism of
He
student of ancient history.
himself from
He must
method of investigating the
accepted
the
ancient documents
—what
must entirely dissociate the
called
is
" critical "
method.
modern dichotomy of the world into the "educated" and the "savage" races. He must separate the "
forget the
man
primitive
savages
"
from the "educated" and the
alike
of modern
time
;
men
for
in the
early stage
were neither one nor the other, but contained the possibility of both. In the second half of this most interesting chapter, Dr.
Sandaj' proceeds to apply to the
which he has drawn from
The
Testament
occupies the largest space in
this part,
Sanday's view entirely a parable
the picture
in
and
(if I
am
of peculiar
is
is
in
Dr.
not wholly mis-
His idea of the Temptation
by W. Dyce — " a
the Old
of Jesus
The Temptation
interest to the present reviewer.
in
symbolism "
of the Temptation
discussion
understanding him).
Gospels the inferences
the use of "
is
expressed
monotonous landscape and
a Figure seated upon a stone, with the hands clasped, and
an expression of intense thought on the beautiful but by no
means effeminate
Not
".
features
that he regards this as the
only correct representation of the Temptation. " it
this
would be a mistake contrast
modern
view,
\i.e.,
the
if
we were
contrast
to insist too
between
the
As he says, much upon subjective
and that of Tissot with a conventional
fiend,
or of mediaeval painters with every detail sharp and definite],
modern presentation were right and true, and the ancient or mediaeval wrong and untrue. Each is they mean fundamentally the same really right in its place
as though the
:
thing,
and
it
is
only
the
expression that
is
myself on the whole
in
symbolical
different"
With Dr. Sanday's view
I
find
;
Recent Research
That the story of the Temptation seems established by the
thorough sympathy. is
largely of the nature of parable
Gospels themselves. in
257
which
I
can express
I
to quote part,
and
venture, as being the briefest
my
criticism of the present study,
what
to abbreviate part, of
on the subject {The Education of Christ, authority obviously disciples
;
is
and we are
way
p.
I
once wrote
31 f):
"The
the account given by Himself to His told that
without a parable spake
'
He
How
far the details partake of the nature of
parable, intended to
make transcendental truth intelligible we cannot precisely tell, and no man
not to them
'.
to the simple fishermen,
But no one can doubt as to the essential
ought to dogmatise.
under the narrative."
truth that lies cost
He
before
began His career
as temptations.
described
it
if
His
involved in
;
He
thought of other
He
and
He was
disciples, that
rejected
already con-
superhuman powers and opportunities that
scious of the
were His,
It is
to
:
the
them when He the Temptation,
and tempting
possibilities, brilliant
Jesus counted
He
chose to use them
for personal ends.
you regard the story as anything beyond pure
must accept the superhuman consciousness of
fiction,
If
you
Him who was
tempted by means such as are here brought to bear on Jesus. As a whole the temptations are meaningless and absurd, if applied to an ordinary man. to
say to a
man who
is
It is
hungry, "
mere
trifling or
command
sarcasm
that these stones
become loaves ". If Jesus could think
and speak of
this as
a temptation,
He
must have been conscious of His own superhuman power and
at the time
He must
when He
related the incident to His disciples,
have been already regarded by them as possessed
of such power.
Even the idea that the Temptation was
either partly parable, or entirely
17
and purely a symbolic way
VIII.
258
^
CiHiicism of
of explaining a thought too high for the capacity of simple
uneducated fishermen and
who
the person
rustics to
comprehend, implies
in
related this story about Himself the con-
beyond the range of mere humanity and the knowledge that His hearers had some
sciousness of powers and opportunities
vague sympathetic conception of those
who
Accordingly,
this nature.
hold and carry out logically the theory that Jesus
was a mere human being and that time regarded only as a
He was
during His
human being by His
life-
associates,
must necessarily dismiss the story of the Temptation as pure legend, the invention of a later age, and
must deny to
it
the
character of a parable spoken by Jesus.
understand Dr. Sanday rightly, there
is
nothing in
this statement that would disagree with his views.
The only
If
I
word of question
that
pression of them,
is
his lecture (such
he has not made definite in
would make with regard to
I
whether
in
was the original form of the it
some
in
outline, too
the quotation which
and sharp and
parts too clear
strongly
modern
chapter)
first
in
tone
though
:
have extracted from his book
I
his ex-
the desire to give clearness to
attests
that every age must and
his recognition of the fact
look at the Temptation with different eyes, and
all
may
perhaps
equally rightly.
Some may
probably be afraid that Dr. Sanday's use of
symbolism may, from very
far,
But
in
much
his premises,
it
or they would like.
an admirable concluding page he sums up the true
attitude of
mind and the
right
study ought to be carried on. cations,
be quite logically carried
farther than he carries
what he says here
of ancient history.
A
is
temper
With
in
which
historical
certain obvious modifi-
applicable to every department
certain
sympathy
for
peoples and
times and ideas remote from our own, an intense desire to
—
;
Recent Research comprehend them, a determined
throw off the
effort to
century views and to
ters of nineteenth
259 fet-
a freer outlook,
rise to
a contempt for narrow reasoning and hard logicaHty (which in these historical
problems
is
often thoroughly illogical in
the higher sense of the term logic),
all
these are needed in the
reconstruction of ancient history and the interpretation of
But hear how delicately and
ancient literature.
Sanday describes in three things "
I.
In a
this attitude of
mind
it "
:
finely
Dr.
consists mainly
:
oi reverence for old ideas, which
spirit
may perhaps
be transcended, but which discharged a very important
day
function in their " 2. In
a
spirit
oi patience which, because those ideas
may
be transcended, does not at once discard and renounce them, but seeks to extract their " 3.
We
In an open
full
mind ior
significance
have our treasure, perhaps,
vessels are themselves very
in earthen vessels, but the
deserving of study.
say rather that, for the purpose before think of
them exactly
;
the real extent of this significance.^
as earthen, but as
would
I
we should not made of some finer us,
and more transparent material which permits us
to see through
to the light within."
A
survey of recent research would be an impertinent and
valueless production
if it
were simply a cataloguing of
and a statement of dissent. written
One is
by the able young graduate,
fresh
whose condescending recognition of merit of wheat in a bushel of
be to show
how much
^The mind open fully possesses.
tion, etc.
The
chafiT,
are
all
whose
is
from the schools, as rare as a grain
principal
better he could have
to hear evidence
We
to
some
truest scholar has the
is
faults
familiar with the criticism
what we
all
aim seems
to
done the work,
desire, but
none of us
extent prejudiced by training, predilec-
most open mind.
See above,
p.
34
f.
26o if
^
VIII.
he had cared to undertake
evidently never
made any
book which he
criticises,
side
and gone
Criticism of
it,
who has
than the author, and
serious attempt to understand the
but merely touched
off at a tangent.
on the out-
it
Criticism of this kind
is
unerquicklich wie der Nebelwind.
Totally different
the character of Dr. Sanday's work.
is
He
appreciates thoroughly the high
the
function
of true
He
defects.
tells
what he
us
whom
the authors
criticism
he
to
principle find
finds that
that
is
good
is
it
not
excellences,
each of
in
he expresses his dissent
criticises;
only where necessary to bring out the state of modern opinion
The
terms.
observe
and he expresses
;
is
it
very gentle and gracious
in
sharpest statement of disapproval which
that on p. 171
;
and yet how much
by preceding sentences of genuine hearty
I
qualified
is
it
praise.
quote
I
respect,
and even
admiration, for perhaps five-sixths of his work,
including
the whole
passage
particularly
—
I
" I
:
have a
should like to say in passing
of the literature of Patristics, in just I
sincere
and generous
some of
to
many ways
wide stretches
And
in his
yet every
passages confess,
my
like those of
A
very good.
I
started
is
not only
One may go on
then one
which
I
for
is
up sharp by
pulled
have been speaking, which,
to indignation, so narrow are they,
sympathy and in intelligence between one age and another."
quality in Dr.
admirable
once
friends here in Oxford.
hard, so deficient in difference
at
books and find only occasion to admire.
now and
move me
reviews
which he has been
repeat that the pamphlet from which
good but in
—his
Sanday which
— perhaps
because
I
strikes
lack
it
me
too
I
and so for
the
as peculiarly
much
—
is
his
power of learning from writers who are so antipathetic to him. If a commentator is devoid of sympathy for the ancient
Recent Research
whom
author about
more
nothing
can hardly force myself to read him
I
me and
for
;
he sometimes makes passages which
nor
writing, or lacks insight into the
is
and subtle aspects of the text which he
delicate
discussing,
he
261
criticise
I
me
understand through antagonism
might otherwise have
But we have
him.
is
he has
him (except that
neither learn from
I
;
failed to
comprehend)
how
just seen
Dr. Sanday
can respect and admire five-sixths of an author whose
re-
maining sixth part moves him to indignation.
Now
us see
let
writer,
how he
expresses himself about another
who
"
has directness and ability, and never minces
as
I
have
matters
;
said,
he belongs to no school, and repeats
But he writes
the formulae of no school. Prussian
He
official.
of common sense.
has
His mind
is
a
mind
it
What
does
that applies the standards to which
tomed with very it
—a mind of the type
supposed to ask of everything,
It is
little
it
ance
for deficiencies
and scantiness of
is
is
no connection.
is
narrative little
of the background is
is
straightway
inconsistencies,
that
alone
is
upon the surface some appearance
incoherence
reflection
allow-
of knowledge, for scantiness of sources
If there
real
If
effect,
detail contained in the sources, for the very
of incoherence or inconsequence, there
makes no
It
?
accus-
play of historical imagination.
imperfect reconstruction possible to us.
which prove
it
cannot at once see the connection of cause and
assumes that there
a
mathematical, with something
of the stiffness of mathematics is
in the style of
the arrogance of a certain kind
all
it
is
at once inferred that
And
and inconsequence. rejected
would show that and would be
as
history
life is full
fuller still if
;
the
though a
of these seeming
our knowledge of
the events going on around us did not supply us with the links of connection
which make them
intelligible.
He argues
^
VIII.
262
we
as though
Criticism of
could exhaust the motives of the actors in
events that happened nearly nineteen hundred years ago, whereas nothing is more certain than that we cannot in the
come near exhausting them." On one somewhat important matter
least
great
distinctly
regret,
in
my
find myself, to
I
opposition
my
to
the
friend
whose counsel and help and never-failing encouragement I owe so much). He seems to me to estimate Author
(to
too highly the possibilities of discovery which purely literary criticism offers: while
This
is
seem to him to undervalue them.
I
a question that requires more space than can here
be given to
my
but
it;
epoch-making steps external, objective
impression
is
that the great and
advance come from non-literary,
in
discovery,
and that the
adopt these with admirable and praiseworthy
literary critics
soon
facility as
the facts are established, and quickly forget that they
as
themselves (or their predecessors) used to think otherwise,
and would
still
be thinking otherwise,
Nothing gives
been supplied to them. so illustrates
human
when
self-evident
new
how
and
But
literary critics.
the advance:
it
how
interest,
and
principles of
I
was studying the subject under
now
scorned
absurd and outworn by the
modem
was not
literary criticism that
was hard external
facts
made
that turned
the
from their old path, and they have utterly
literary critics
forgotten
it
had not
Old Testament, which were accepted
Robertson Smith's guidance about 1878, are set aside as quite
facts
me such
nature, as to observe
literary criticism of the
as
if
the change
came
about.
my humble judgment Sanday is unconsciously guided by the prepossession there must be a certain residuum of truth in some
Moreover,
it
sometimes seems to
that Dr. that
clever treatise which
he has been reading; and he finds
Recent Research
263
residuum by dividing the writer's total estimated
this
by 10 or by
He
result
100.
finds the English scholars
on the whole to be nearer
Germans to be more educative and suggestive. I agree with him to a certain extent. I owe to the Germans of the stimulus my early almost all years, and I owe to several of them also almost all the encouragement which 1 received at the beginning when I needed it most, and for the truth, the
which I
I
find the English
most
useful,
without views, while the majority of the
start
from a
as in
if
German
They assume
— many of
opening paragraph of the book
;
them
it
one could draw out the whole reasoning of a
must
find
room
for
seems
treatise
another saying, which seems pro-
foundly true and far too generally neglected
"
:
The
that the Judaism of the time of Christ had a wider
more open horizon than result of
the
the Jews
made
teirific
to
and almost superhuman
throw
off the
great effort
contracted
its
failed,
fact
and
The
that of a hundred years later.
efforts that
Roman yoke was
a long
own
When
reaction that has lasted almost to
the it
— the whole
and often
inexorable logic after reading the opening assumptions. I
is
writers
and fixed theory, which one may almost
definite
a prejudice.
in the
me
because they often give
facts
call
But now
can never be sufficiently grateful to them.
our
time.
Judaism withdrew into
outlook and turned in upon
its
shell
It
itself.
:
gave
up the hope of Divine intervention that had at one time seemed so near, and was content to brood upon its past." Several times, in a quite different line of thought,
I
have had
to protest against the prejudice that the later Jewish
customs and thought can be regarded as the norm according to
which we must judge about Jewish practice and views the
first
century before and after Christ.
Dr.
in
Sanday
— ^
VIII.
264
Criticism of principle in
here states the true historical
uncompromising I
fashion
have qiioted a few words
thing in
the whole
a
direct
and
and the passage from which
;
is
as well worth study as any-
space of these carefully thought-out
lectures.
In the style one
by an apparently
often also struck
is
unconscious tendency on Dr. Sanday's part to use military
metaphors, to think like a
soldier,
and to count and marshal
his thoughts as methodically as a general estimates and orders his force, not after the bold
and creative fashion of a Caesar, by sheer audacity and almost
discomfits his opponent
who
superhuman
rapidity,
thing of his
own
and who imbues
army with some-
his
genius and resourcefulness, but after the
fashion of a capable leader, trained to
make
"
the best use of
So, for example,
the forces that are placed at his disposal.
is good and even admirand " the histories of Elijah and Elisha are much nearer
exactly five-sixths of Jiilicher's work
able
" ;
— indeed quite near— to the events
".
Other examples of similar character are "
Weinel's book
is
up
to a
perhaps somewhat above " I
welcome much of
:
good average, and Steinmann's
it " (p.
44).
his criticism both
on the right hand
and on the left " (p. 44). " With us dashing and desultory raids are apt to take the place of what is in Germany the steady disciplined advance
army " (p. 42). "Whatever advance is made is made
of a regularly mobilised
all
along the line"
(P- 41)-
Taken
in
conjunction with what
paragraph of the present
article,
is
said in the opening
these extracts seem to be
indicative of the methodical character of the Author's
and the orderly progress of
his studies.
mind
The development
Recent Research of a scholar
is
265
always an interesting study, certainly to other
scholars, and probably also to the world at large
quality seems to
In this connection
power.
difference, and,
from
in the style
this
it
may
for
perhaps seem to
to savour of a too personal scrutiny.
now
In this book which
one
and
make no apology
need
I
another observation, even though
some people
;
at the basis of the Author's intellectual
lie
as
lies
before us
I
am
struck with
venture to think, improvement
I
his earlier writings
—
I
am
not referring
to English composition but to scientific exposition of opinion.
Dr.
Sanday
uses
frequently than
This usage it is
is
the simple
he did
in
an
person singular more
first
earlier period
not necessarily egotistic
rarely egotistic
;
it is
of his work.
in scientific
;
work
the briefest and most direct
way
of calling attention to the subjectivity, and therefore necessarily the uncertainty, of a statement
:
proved and trustworthy, one states language of science
;
when
it
it is
When
a claim of personal ownership.
is
it
a danger flag, not
a view seems to be in
the impersonal
advisable to
call
attention
to the subjective element in a view,
that
it is
as yet only opinion (as
and to warn the reader one believes, true opinion),
but not thoroughly reasoned and assured knowledge,^ one uses the personal form. *
In Platonic language,
it is hXifii^s
S6^a, but not iiritrT^/xn.
IX.
HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE
HOLY LAND.
IX.
HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE HOLY LAND. In venturing '"the
man
A. Smith's somewhat like criticise a work of
to write a review of Professor G.
Historical Geography of the Holy Land, in the street"
attempting to
But the wish that
fine scholarship.
expressed by those
whom
I
I
am
feel
should do so has been
I
unwilling to disobey
and
;
made by the book on a bystander, interested in the game of Old Testament study, who is though not himself able to play, may possess some slight perhaps the impression
interest,
and warrant the following paragraphs
before the public.
in
appearing
Besides having myself studied with
some
minuteness the Historical Geography of another part of
Western Asia,
I
have had the advantage of frequently
talk-
ing about the early history of the
Hebrew people with
my
friend Professor Robertson Smith,
and of reading under
his
guidance in 1878 everything that he thought most valuable
on the
criticism
and interpretation of the Mosaic books and
the historical books of the Old Testament
—a long
piece of
work which afterwards proved a most valuable education the problems that face the historical
Minor.
investigator in
Naturally, after such a course as
by Robertson Smith, one
retains a
the subject; and this interest has heartily a
was marked out
permanent
interest
in
made me welcome most
book which attacks that fascinating problem (269)
for
Asia
in
a
IX. Historical Geography
270
new way, bringing new methods of analysis to the investigaand applying them with a union of boldness and caution
tion,
and
free,
way
in
wide view that
most refreshing
is
which many of the recent investigations about Asia
Minor (over which
have had to spend too much time) are
I
Here we have an
composed.
clearly the general
about which he
man and
with
disposition
tries to
conceive
and character of the land view
to treat, to
who
sets himself
it
always in association
with history, and to understand the interrela-
tion of its parts,
same path
the
is
who
investigator
master the problem as a whole,
to
after the niggling
and then proceeds
to take his readers along
He
that he has trod.
with the reconstructive eye tion of the historian
has seen the places
and the warm, creative imagina-
he has inhaled the atmosphere with
;
the love and enthusiasm that breathe through his pages, and
make
A
the reader fancy that he can catch the writer on Historical
same
breath.
Geography could get nowhere G. A. Smith has found.
else so favourable a field as Professor
Not only does an
eternal interest cling to
it
;
it is
also a land
of singularly well-marked features, easy to understand and
easy to bring further,
it
is
home
to
the
reader's
understanding
breadth and fulness of treatment that are necessary to the scenes and facts reasonable compass.
live before the
first
reader
And, having a good
uses his advantage to the
the
and
;
a small land, which can be pictured with that
full,
— and
make
yet within
subject, the author
giving us a book which
is
importance as opening up a fresh path of study.
applies the
modern methods of united
historical
of It
and geo-
graphical investigation to the department where prepossessions
and inherited prejudices were strongest, and where literary absorbed the energy of the more
methods too purely free
and unprejudiced
scholars.
It applies
them, too, with
Land
of the Holy
and generous enthusiasm, that makes
a
spirit
it
fascinating from the
of
lofty
free,
from completing
far
271
first
to the last page.
task
its
;
it is
It is,
ing up of what will hereafter prove a fruitful
No
one appreciates that
when the
himself; and is
fact
field
this
Smith
estimate the future that
book
—
other words, the
in
leaves unattempted or unsolved,
it
of study.
better than Professor
critic tries to
opened up before us by
problems that
of course,
really only the first open-
—he
feels
that the author himself would be best able to look out over
the vista in front.
There remain many
much more
sites
which have to be localised
precisely before the full bearing of the incidents
connected with them becomes
This important part of
plain.
the subject Professor Smith has avoided for his
either
immediate purpose
by him
or
by
others.
— but
it
—wisely and rightly
must be faced hereafter
See, for example, pages 221, 222,
where Professor Smith brings out very
clearly both the local
character and vividness of the tale of Samson, and also the obscurity in which
it
must remain involved
until the localities
are more fully identified.
Book is
II.,
Western
Palestine, nearly
400 pages
in length,
the main part of the volume, and shows Professor Smith at
He
his best.
is
and he has put the
many
more
must go through book.
it
interesting
on the elucidation of
Every page,
than the preceding
steadily with the
map and
one
;
the authorities
side in order to appreciate the character of the
The
only criticism which one can
reasonable compass
Book
this part of the country,
forth all his strength
incidents which he has to introduce.
almost, seems
by one's
most familiar with
III.,
factory than
is
— read
make on
it
in
it.
on Eastern Palestine, seemed to
any other part of the book.
me
less satis-
The
questions
— : !
IX. Historical Geography
272
which have to be treated here are not so purely Hebrew, but take us into a wider range of history.
Perhaps
is
it
due to the necessity of bringing the book, already a long one, to an end
perhaps
;
from the
arises
it
fact that
much of
the history of the East country appeals to a different class
of readers part that
but the treatment as a whole
;
of Book
II.,
and
is,
is
thinner in this
same
the subject has not naturally the
;
interest
To
touch as the main part of the work.
Professor Smith
a
take one example
there are on page 635 several statements from which
express dissent.
as
think, not handled with so sure
I
I
must
here giving examples
is
of the difference of tone between Christian and pagan epi-
taphs in the latter
;
and contrasts the hopelessness of the
Such a
with the "quiet confidence" of the former.
contrast it
Hauran
can
is
often obvious in literature
fairly
be traced
;
but
I
doubt whether
in the epitaphs of either the
Hauran
or of Asia Minor.
He says I
'^koI
Even
thou,
is
have always thought that this
a
is
common memento
mori".
the supposed reply of the
deceased to the greeting presumed to be uttered by the passer-by ^^aipe
•
;
it
occurs sometimes in the fully expressed form,
%atpe
koX
av,
" Farewell,"
i.e.,
read that "
"
Fare-thou-well
thou hast finished is a comAgain we mon epitaph ". But the verb reXeurafw had come to be used regularly in the sense of " to die " from the fifth century
also".
B.C.
downwards
supposes could,
'
and no such connotation as Professor Smith
;
I
think,
have been present to the epitaph-
Hence the epitaph which he next
writers of the Hauran.
quotes must be translated,
Thou
'
"
Titus, Malchus' son, farewell
hast died ere thy prime (at the age) of twelve years
Farewell." greeting,
The
last
word
and the epitaph
is
is
far
the reply of Titus
to the
from favouring the contrast
Land
of the Holy
273
which Professor Smith draws. Still less do his next examples support his case " the dead are told that theirs is the in:
evitable
fate,
which he
and
no one
relies,
is
owSet?
But the formula on
immortal". addvaTo
is
very often Christian,
Once or twice it Waddington 2032, 2050, and epitaphs containing the common and typical
not, as Professor
Smith argues, pagan.
occurs in doubtful cases, but
Ewing
163,^ are
formula,
Christian
Waddington 2459
^s,
ivddSe
Kelrat,
Here
lies
;
while
as the editor remarks, clearly Christian
(being one of the most interesting Christian epitaphs of
Eastern Palestine, belonging probably to the third century,
and being engraved while Christian formulae were
and had not yet ton 1897
is
become
fixed
and
stereotyped).
also almost certainly Christian
;
the
still fluid,
Wadding-
name Domi-
one of the most interesting of early Christian names.
tilla is
The formula
ddpaec,
Be
of
good
cheer,
which often precedes
ovSeU dddvaTo
sufficient to
mark
the whole as Christian, and to show that the hopelessness
which Professor Smith
finds in the phrase
is
not really there
the precise sense in which the words should be taken
one one
free
is
no
probable that the phrase was
It is quite
adopted from pagan epitaphs ^
no
"
from death," rather than, as he maintains,
immortal ".^
is
:
is "
^
by the
Christians, as
many
Mr. Ewing's inscriptions will be published in the ensuing Quarterly
Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund by Mr. A. A. G. Wright and Mr. A. Souter, two of my recent pupils in Aberdeen.
*In
n.
4 he quotes Wadd. 1986 as pagan, but Waddington considers it my opinion rightly). In n. 5 " Wadd. 2429 " seems to be a
as Christian (in
wrong 3
reference.
[Examples probably pagan occur
175, 186
;
but
it is
in Bulletin
de Corr. Hell., 1902, pp.
elsewhere usually Christian (see Studies in the Eastern
Roman Provinces, 1906, p. 129). Fourteen years' further experience has shown how frequently the exclamations, which are treated in the text, occur in Christian inscriptions.]
18
IX. Historical Geography
274
other forms were, but most of the cases in which clearly Christian,
founds on
it
it
occurs are
and the contrast which Professor Smith
cannot be maintained.
In another interesting
inscription,
little
mentioned on the
same
page, Professor Smith restores /ast^ iravTa
After
all
things a tomb; but on the analogy of
formulae, such as 6 ^to? ravra, Life
irdvTa Ta{vTa), After
fjkcra
have dwelt on
I
line of
—
—
this, I
should prefer
this.^
page at some length, because the
this
demarcation between Christian and non-Christian
epitaphs
is
a very delicate one, and there
antiquity on which peculiar interest
by which
steps
all
is
Td((f>o<;),
common
more mistakes
no point
is
are made, while
and even of importance
it is
in
of
to notice the gradual
the Christians separated themselves from the
customs and ways of ordinary society around them, and created a code of manners and forms distinctive of them-selves.^
Perhaps some readers principles contained in
may
Book
find the discussion of general I.,
The Land
as a
'least
interesting part of this fascinating volume
own
part,
it
appeals to
me
;
Whole, the but for
my
with almost greater interest than
Books II. or III. The descriptive part of Book I. is luminous and most successful, but I confess to being rather dis'
An
well as to myself) to be Christian, is
and in expression occurs in an inscripwhich seems to Waddington No. 1687 (as
excellent parallel in thought
tion of the Phrygian Hierapolis,
given more accurately in
many
eidiiis
in
rh r€\os
vfioov
points as No. 28 in
my
rov
fiiov
ravra.
It
forthcoming Cities
and Bishoprics of Phrygia, In Bulletin de Corr. Hell., iii., p. 144, a long metrical epitaph and curse ends with ravra in a line by itself: "So much". I notice also that on p. 544 Professor Smith remarks that Tacitus (whom 1 had quoted on my side in a discussion of the name Ituraei) is against me he must have made some mistake, for the MSS. and all good editions are with me. Some school editions and English translations use the term Ituraea as a noun, which is unknown (as I have proved) to the ancients. '^
:
of the Holy
Land
275
appointed with the general reflections on the bearing which Historical authorities.
Geography has on the criticism of the Hebrew These are rather vaguely and slightly indicated
;
they seem to express the general ideas with which one might approach the subject for the first time rather than the cream of the results which one gathers from the doing of the
and
should imagine that chapter
I
Book
contained, was written before
from a mind
filled
v.,
in
work
;
which they are
H., and did not spring
with the facts and the method applied in
that part.
The
first
four chapters of
Book
deal with " the place
I.
of Syria in the world's history," and with the form, climate
and scenery of the land
;
and, finally, chapter
vi.
places the
reader at two points of view from which to acquire a general
by the characteristics described on the deck of a steamer^
idea of the effect produced
in the preceding chapters, viz.,
and on the top of Mount Ebal beside Shechem.
The
rela-
tion of Arabia to Syria (including Palestine) and of Syria
to the outer world are set before us very suggestively in
chapter
i.
The Arabian
too numerous
tribes,
for their bare
always in process of growing
and barren
land, are ever also in
process of forcing themselves into the surrounding countries,
sometimes
in peaceful emigration, generally in
marauders or conquerors the path of Syria
is
by them throughout
;
the guise of
but of the four paths open to them,
the easiest, and the one most trodden history.
The
frontier tribes of the
Arabian wilderness have been constantly pressing fertile
lands of Syria.
in
on the
So long as Syiia has been held by nomads are kept back, or are
strong, energetic rulers the
*0n
p.
119 there
is
a harshness of expression.
The Bteamer
north from Jaffa, but the places seen are enumerated as going south.
cannot read south for north.
is
sailing
Yet
we
IX. Historical Geography
276
allowed to enter only as peaceful emigrants or as useful mercenaries
in
the service of the Syrian Government
;
for,
while their warlike and restless character makes them a
who become
terror to the settled Syrian peoples, less
fit
for
war by continuance of peace,
excellent soldiers to recruit
steadily
makes them the Syrian armies. Thus it is it
also
impossible for any Arabian tribe to continue very long a
an unvarying law pushes on each
frontier-tribe
;
sion towards
and over the
frontier
and
;
in succes-
this constant
immi-
gration tends to invigorate the Syrian population and keep it
from stagnating
forced their
we
first
way
in Oriental
So
life.
^
as warring
Gad and Manasseh, Anti-Lebanon
(in
So the Hebrews
also the Ituraeans,
hear about in the late period
composed
on the eastern
when
Chronicles was
frontier against
gradually forced their
Hollow
to Professor Smith's work)
and even
fertile
valley
Syria," taking advantage of the disorganisation
caused by the decay of the Seleucid Empire after
Had
Reuben,
way on towards
penetrated in part across Anti-Lebanon into the of "
whom
the position where they are represented in
maps attached
the
peasant
into Canaan.
B.C. 190.
not the Seleucid power been soon replaced by the
strong hand of
Rome,
have overrun Syria
in all probability the Ituraei
entirely, in
would
pursuance of that eternal law
of succession by which the effete dynasties and peoples of the East are swept
away by
fresh vigorous conquerors, a
process which the support of Europe, propping up the worn-
out stock of Turkish or Hindu or other dynasties, has sometimes stopped, always to the great detriment of their subjects.
There seems to be a curious and deep-seated variation 1
While these wars
are projected into a remoter period by the writer,
probable that he took the time.
The Septuagint
name
of this
nomad
reads 'Irouparot in
i
tribe
Chron.
from the v, 19.
facts of his
it is
own
— "
Land
of the Holy between two
277
view as regards the religion
different points of
Israel, We read, e.g.^ "Monotheism M. Renan says, in Arabia, but in Syria and Professor Smith goes on to argue that, as the (p. 113) character of Syria and its peoples is so opposed to monotheism, we are driven to " the belief that the monotheism which appeared upon it was ultimately due to direct superhuman revelation". So also on page 90, "those spiritual
and development of
was born,
not, as
;
forces which, in spite of the opposition of nature, did create
upon Syria the monotheistic creed of Israel ", Such passages as these are quite in accordance with that view of Hebrew history which sees in it a gradual rise towards a
and purer conception of God and of the
loftier
Divine nature, as the people under the guidance of prophets disengaged religion
itself
by
step
which was once shared by the Hebrews with the
other Semitic
On
races.
theory
that
natural to assert positively that the
sometimes even
—so
to be inconsistent with
far as
it,
and
Hebrew
of the character of
I
it,
once
for
constant lapses from
all,
this view,
it,
we
find
can venture to judge
to involve an opposite view history,
the lofty character of
on
Hebrew monotheism
the same paragraph with
in
another, which seems
view that
would be quite
it
But alongside of
arose in Syria, not in Arabia.
pressed
its
from the grosser
step
in
viz.,
Hebrew
the
traditional
religion
Arabia, not in
was im-
Syria, that
the purity of this religion occurred
amid the seductions and temptations of Syrian surroundings, that the prophets resisted these lapses and recalled the people to the original purity of their faith, expounding
and unfolding applying
it
arose, but
in
detail
to each
new
not making
the character of that political
it loftier
and
faith,
and
social situation that
or purer, for
it
was abso-
IX. Historical Geography
278 lutely lofty
and pure from the
the words on page 89:
Take,
first
"the conception of
example,
for
Israel's early
history which prevails in Deuteronomy, viz., that the nation suffered a declension
and
worship of their gods,
is
from a pure and simple estate of
own
justified in the
the main
— by
deity to the worship of
main
—
I
do not say
But, in truth,
—
in the
what are
— to be involved
of view, and to be attempting to
would add
we know
periods in history
all
moderate
called the
local
critics
".
seem
rough judgment of ignorant outsiders, such as
the present writer
I
many
in details, but in
the geographical data, and by what
to have been the influence of these at
all
life
one which was gross and sensuous, from the
religion to
same double point combine two different (and in the
irreconcilable) theories in their attitude
the history of Israel.
I
towards
am, of course, not speaking about
the recognition of the composite nature of the law-books
and the older
class of historical records
recognise that fact site to
no
those
:
who do not
occupy a position so diametrically oppo-
mine that we can see nothing
profitable discussion
between
and there can be
alike,
But to those who
us.
recognise that fact there remains a further, and, far
more important
question,
viz.,
between the different strata, were to the question
and presupposes a which
is
it
settled opinion in regard
put before us for settlement. all critics in
the relation between the components
the differences between
—one might say
not that the very word
question has been answered by almost viz.,
think,
as to the relation between
the various component parts of these books
strata implies
I
them are due
is
That
one way,
one of time, and
to gradual develop-
ment of religious feeling and organisation in the nation. Those critics who carry out that principle logically and consistently
form the extreme
critical
school
;
those
who
accept
;
Land
of the Holy it,
but shrink with wise caution from the
their
full
own position, are the moderate critics.
puts the point in his usual
and unmistakCan any one read and feasts in Exodus
the injunctions respecting sacrifices
14-19 beside those in
xxix., for instance),
consequences of Professor Driver
clear, well-defined
able way, in his Introdtiction, page 80
xxiii.
279
and not
P
{Lev.
that
feel
:
"
i.-vii.,
some
Num.
xxviii.-
centuries
must
have intervened between the simplicity which marks the one
and the minute
Any
one who
specialisation
feels
which is the mark of the other
"
compelled to give to that question the
answer that Dr. Driver desires
is
making the assumption
that the principle of the extreme critical school
though
?
his natural practical sense
out with ruthless logic.
is
right,
makes him shrink from Neither the wise states-
carrying
it
man nor
the wise scholar can permit himself to be thoroughly
consistent in carrying into practice the one-sided
and
in-
complete principles which occasionally he does not shrink
from enunciating
in
theory.
It
is
a
fair
answer to Dr.
Driver's question to say that other reasons besides lapse of
time have been found class,^
and that no
sufficient to cause differences of this
sufficient reasons
have yet been brought
forward to prove that no other cause except progressive
development can account ^For example,
if
in a.d.
for the great difference
which
all
i860 two able American statesmen, deep in
practical politics, but of opposite parties,
had been
set separately to the task
of formulating the principles of the American constitution, they would have
produced very different books,
Of course
many
at variance
on many most fundamental points.
them would have forced on them a great amount of similarity in other points whereas no causes existed to produce such similarity in the case of the Hebrew tribes, who brought with them into Palestine, as we assume, a lofty religion and moral law, which none of them had fully comprehended and worked into their nature, much less developed into a practical working system of ritual and life. the
centuries of organised civilisation that lay behind
IX. Historical Geography
28o
of us wish to understand. point find
am
I
:
any one who
seem
me
to
"
say
I
for information
I
do not
no
All
with their faces set determinedly alone.
it
sufficient reasons " for the
pected have been given as yet,
thorough and "advanced"
it is
critics,
They
and complete.
lexical
and
;
faces fairly the question as a whole. start
to
towards one side of
When
entertain no opinion on the
I
merely seeking
answer ex-
necessary to except the
whose position
is
quite
carry out thoroughly their
view that a gradual, progressive and perfectly natural de-
velopment took place on the those parts of the
soil of Syria,
and
infer that
Hebrew documents which imply a
de-
clension from a primitive revelation spring from a late mis-
representation of early history, in which the steps of ascent
were described as successive recoveries from lapses and Professor Smith seems in some places to use this errors.
and yet on the whole to declare that geographical opposed to it. But it would lead us too far to ex-
principle,
study
is
emplify and
make
to
his
criticise
clear the results which, if
method, seem to
me
unconscious inconsistency in principle.^ that, if
a
fuller
may
I
venture
to spring from this I
may however say
discussion of the subject were possible,
I
should take exception to Professor Smith's fundamental con'
A
few
slips
of expression
to correct in a later edition
vince
till
B.C. 146
;
:
may
it would be well was not made a Roman proread Kronos for Chronos, and PairuKoi for
p. 25,
pp. 22-23, Twte,
be noticed here, which 1.
5, Afirlca
is not given in the Thesaurus of Stephanus) twice p. too vague to quote " Porphyry in the Acta Sanctorum,'" for
0fTv\ai (a form which 17, note,
it
is
;
there are over sixty folio volumes of that work; p. 35,
teen
is
too small
Nazareth
is
(I
1.
13, the
decidedly more than that from Caesarea, and
teen miles of any point on the coast,
of Greek words
is
number
fif-
notice often a tendency to state numbers rather low),
if
the
maps
are right.
often incorrect or wholly wanting (see,
356, 406, 415, 442, 455, 483).
is
not within
fif-
The accentuation e.g.,
pp. 4, 22, 23,
of the
trast
Holy Land
281
between most of the Semitic religions on the one hand
as being purely polytheistic, and, on the other hand, the three
monotheistic religions, which arose
among
the Semites.
^
I
cannot agree with the view that the character of the other Semitic religions
is
adequately expressed by calling them
"polytheistic": the term " multiplicity-in-unity " seems to
express their nature better.^ 1
"
Three " on
p.
28,
" two " on p. 29, by a natural variation in the
thought. *
See above, pp. 12
f.
and 200.
The
present article (published in 1894)
reprinted mainly in order to illustrate the difficulty that
we
of the
is
West
experience in attempting to understand the Semitic and Oriental ideas of religion
;
and to show how they have been turned over
year after year with a growing appreciation of the call
"Oriental"
difficulty is
in the writer's
difficulty.
Much
mind
that
we
only early and undeveloped, and our to project ourselves into a primitive period and to sympathise in religion is really
with inchoate thought.
X.
ST.
METAPHORS FROM GREEK AND ROMAN LIFE.
PAUL'S USE OF
X. ST.
METAPHORS FROM GREEK AND ROMAN LIFE.
PAUL'S USE OF
The late Dean Howson, in an interesting little book on the Metaphors of St. Paul, well described the difference between the Old and the
New
Testaments
character of figurative language. '*
we
in regard to the
In the
New
range and
Testament
more modern life the heart of Greek civilisation
find ourselves in contact with circumstances far
nearly resembling those which surround us in
we
are on the borders or in
and we are always Especially of
is
in
Roman Empire". He was a master opportunities of his time. He
the midst of the
this the case
with St. Paul.
the education and the
all
;
turned to his profit and to the advancement of his great
purpose
all
illustrations
ledge,
and
the
He
resources of civilisation.
draws his
from a certain range of thought and knowthis reveals the
scope of his education and his
interests.
Dean Howson
points out that " his metaphors are usually
drawn, not from the operations and phenomena of the natural world, but from the activities and the outward manifestations of human
life,"
and that
in this respect
in
marked
The
vapour,
he stands
contrast with most of the writers in the Bible.
"
the wind, the fountain, beasts and birds and serpents, the flower of the grass, the waves of the sea, the early and latter rain,
the sun risen with a burning heat
figures of the ancient prophets,
(285)
— these are
and there
is
like the
more imagery
— "
X. SL Paul's
286 ^
of this kind in the one short Epistle of St. James than the speeches and letters of St. Paul put together." Paul's favourite figures are taken
busiest
human
(Rom. tunity " "
i.
*
14),
it
"
was a
I
life, e.£:,
"Make your market vi.
offers,
to the full of the oppor-
Eph.
—and the word
23)
mark of
his style.
it
v.
16
;
CoL
" riches " is
iv.
5),
a specially
Another metaphor of
this
count," Xoyi^ofxai,; but this word, though strictly
figure taken
from the keeping of accounts, was
such familiar and habitual use that Paul
ployed
from the market
debtor both to Greeks and to Barbarians
(which the world
characteristic
city
from the midst of the
anything but to love one another " (Rom.
wages" (Rom.
class is
and
society
Owe no man xiii. 8), " I am "
m all
^
may
often have
in
em-
without any clear consciousness of the metaphor,
simply adopting
it
The Romans were
from ordinary semi-philosophic language. particularly methodical accountants,
and
noteworthy that Paul uses this and other terms of the same kind ^ more frequently in writing to the Romans than anywhere else, as U unconsciously his mind was thinking in a more Roman fashion. But the idea is Greek, although such metaphors were less frequently used by the Greeks than by the pragmatic and methodical Romans and Paul of course had no need to go to Roman life in search of it. Still the fact remains that the Romans make much more it is
;
frequent use of the metaphor, " enter in the account-book,"
than the Greeks.
In Cicero's letters this metaphor
is
ex-
tremely frequent.
The Romans
also carefully distinguish
between entering
on the credit and on the debit side of the account-book {ferre expensum and acceptum referre\ whereas Xoyl^o/jMi is iRowson, 2
p. 131.
o^xiXeTtjs, o(pel\7\na, four
'St.
Paul the TravtlUr,
p. 149.
times in Romans, once in Gal., not elsewhere.
,
Roman Metaphors
Greek and
8; 2 Cor,
ix.
Rom.
In
used for both. v.
"reckon to the credit of". per
(TraXti/,
13
;
Rom.
Paul
is
"
18,
viii.
iv. 3, 4,
means
It
"
28, vi. 11
19.^
phenomena of nature or the Where he draws his illustrations
life.
from the country and from agriculture, he chiefly
some
labour and
its
useful results
mob
cated rustic agriculture
of Lystra, a small town
the idea of fruit
peculiarly characteristic of Paul.
and usefulness
in riches
to him.
It occurs,
Galatians
v.
II
19-23
Romans
;
10
ix.
this
i.
Titus
;
dependent on
;
—
always appeals strongly
Colossians
i.
10
6,
13, vi. 21-23, vii. 4, 5,
iii.
14, etc.
idea of develop-
Philippians
in
e.g.,
The
a process leading to an
fruit,
this
Lystran address
;
fluid
11,
i.
His philosophy
;
22, iv.
Ephesians
xv. 28
world as the development of a purpose
is
to the unedu-
in this
;
mainly on
looks
the world
and changing, never stationary
;
17;
v. 8, 9,
2 Corinthians
rests
He
idea of growth and development.
always
with
of course,
are,
fruitful seasons".
which occurs
ment, of growth culminating in
end
" deals
and pasturage, not on commerce and exchange,
about the "rain from heaven and
is
There
".
when he spoke
isolated exceptions, as
Yet
7. lii.
rarely interested in the
scenery of country
human
Cor. x.
in 2
" in Phil. iv. 8,
Hebr. xl
;
means
reckon to the debit"
enter in your accounts iii.
11, 22, 24,
5, 6, 9,
16, Xoyt^o/iat
iv.
on the opposite page)
contra,
means simply
It
26,
ii,
6; 2 Tim.
19, xii.
287
is
on the to
him
but the change
the purpose of God, working itself out amid the errors and
the wickedness, the deliberate
He
is
sin,
of men."^
specially fond of expressing this idea of the Divine
power making and moulding the mind of ^See Rev.
Griffith
Headlam on Romans '^
See
Citits
Thomas
man
in Exposiiory Timet, 1906, p. 211
through a ;
Sanday and
iv. 3.
of St. Paul, Pt.
sequently in a fuller way.
I.,
§ II.,
where
this idea
was worked out sub-
"
X. SL Pauls
288
metaphor taken from the stadium. The person in whom the purpose of God works, redeeming him from his sin and
him in the Divine path, fulfils the course marked out him and runs the proper race. He uses this figure very about the word of the Lord (2 Thess. iii. i compare often setting
for
—
Heb.
;
about John the Baptist (Acts
xii. l);
himself (Acts XX. 24, 2 Tim.
Romans
and in a general way, 26
Galatians
;
race
16
ix.
25)
2 Corinthians
;
about
;
Gal.
16,
ii.
New
2);
ii.
ix. 24,
This figure of the runner in the
v. 7, etc.
peculiar in the
is
7, Phil.
iv,
xiii.
foot-
Testament to him and the writer
of the Epistle to the Hebrews (who was certainly a Hellenistic
A
Jew).
strait
and narrow Hebrew, hating
all
things
Greek and Western, could never have compared the Divine life
to the course in the stadium
done
:
show
this so persistently as to
that the thought lay in
the very fabric of his mind (see Note,
and
in Paul,
in
him alone
These terms (derived from
Testament.
might
298).
p.
terms connected with the athletic
Again, the general
ground are frequent refer to
could he have
less
still
any common
ar^uiv
in the
athletic sport, but are
to be generally understood of the race-course
:
New
and a6\k(o)
^
probably
sometimes
the context makes this certain.
In 2 Timothy is
iv. 7-8,
"
I
not a military, but an athletic metaphor
a good
game"
whole sentence able contest,
I
is
is literally,
2, 1
there There
is
is
-TbvKaA.bv
have competed
" I
have run the race to the ".
:
have played
i
^
I
The
honour-
have ob-
Timothy
vi.
Authorised and
see following page.
k-ySiva. rjydii'KrfjLai
the last three words mean, " for this race-course of faith."
(as the
fight
slang.
in the
finish,
Similarly in
no reference to fighting
one exception
:
" I
modern
the correspondent in
served (the rules of) the faith 1
have fought the good
rhv SpSfiov TereAe/co
•
I
•
rijv irlffriv rtT'fipriKa,
where
have observed the rules which are laid down
(See p. 290.)
:; ;
Greek and Roman Metaphors Revised Versions have are, "
Compete
it)
but the instructions to Timothy
;
honourable contest of
in the
289
faith,"
a more
^
compressed expression of the same comparison as
Timothy iv. The race
in
may
12-14, " It
iii.
which
seize that for I
is
described most
if I
had already got
honourable contest
this
the prize or finished the race, but if I
is
not as
I
am
rushing on hard, to see
was actually seized by Christ
I
do not count myself yet to have seized
but this one thing only, forgetting everything that
and straining forward to what
is
in front,
my
view so as to reach the prize "
defined
by
the following words, " of the
in Christ Jesus
The metaphor
".
is
(the prize) lies
and the
;
ii.
Hellenist of the
"
Some
conten-
New
him the other
class with
great
Testament, the writer of the Epistle
Hebrews, who uses the word
to the
of
concealed in several
2) or "striving" (Col. iv. 12).
we must
In this respect
prize is
summons on high
other cases in the English Version under the term tion" (i Thess.
behind,
rush on with the
I
goal in
God
2
7.
fully in Philippians
brethren,
in
adX7}ai
of the latter's metaphors seem almost to depend for
intelligibility
on the familiarity of the readers with Paul's
metaphors from
athletics.
As this writer was addressing Jews,-
he cannot have depended on his readers' familiarity with
He
games.
used the metaphors because they rose naturally
to his mind. It
was
chiefly the race-course
with these metaphors itself
to his
mind
in
;
furnished
St.
one case "
at least.
(with his
"
I
fists
:
so i
box Cor.
as one ix.
effort is really effective. ^
rov Ka\bv aywva t^t iriffTfas, assume here the point touched on in the following paper.
ayciivi^ov
^ I
Paul
but the boxing contest also suggested
that does not beat the air
my
that
19
26)
:
X. SL Paul's
290
The
prize in the foot-race
the crown
and other
athletic contests
and the person who thinks of the Divine
;
was
life
as
a race towards a goal must think of the culmination of the
Divine
two important differences:
are
can obtain the of
may
life
But there
as the gaining of the victor's garland.
life
prize,
gain
it
;
(i) in the
whereas every runner
games only one in the
Divine race
(2) the crown in the one case
an eva-
is
nescent garland, which soon withers, whereas in the other is
permanent and unfading
(i
The analogy which Paul
has in his thought
to the eagerness of spirit to the prize
must
live
a
which
is
it
24-27).
ix.
is
not confined
and concentration of purpose and
aimed
at.
The
athletic competitor
of training and strict discipline before the
life
So
actual competition begins.
my body
Cor.
under and bring
it
for the
Divine race,
" I
keep
into subjection," to avoid the
danger of being led away and shipwrecked by passion and This training was guided by certain rules
self-indulgence.
and
instructions.
The
must "strive lawfully" and observe
athlete
down by
rules laid
all
the
the trainers and the guardians of the
course, not merely for conduct in the course, but also during
the preparation for Christian
life it
is
it
(2
Tim.
ii.
laws of the competition (2 Tim.
The metaphors
5)
;
and similarly
Faith, like the arbiter, iv.
8
:
who
the
p. 288, note 2).
of this class are confined almost exclu-
and with
sively to St. Paul in the whole range of the Bible,
him they
in
down the
lays
are extremely frequent.
of the letter to the Hebrews
is
The
Paulinistic author
almost the only other writer
who uses such figures, and with him they are only few. The author of Revelation ii, 10 is hardly an exception " The crown of life," which in that passage is the reward of the victor,
is
in a sense the
garland of victory
;
but the
Greek and
Roman Metaphors
crown was suggested to the
291
mind rather by
writer's
crown of Smyrna" than by the garland of the games
"
;
the
and
^
the idea of victory which so often occurs in the Seven Letters
seems hardly to be consciously connected
in
the writer's
thought with the games, but rather with war.
The crown among
was not peculiar to the Greeks nor was
them
to athletic contests
any
tion, in
case,
it
is
;
restricted
it
and, before assuming the connec-
necessary to prove that the idea of
That
athletics lies in the passage as a whole.
case in
mentioned, except
not the is
Hebrews.
in
Paul stands alone in this respect; and his language
St.
came
is
any of the non-Pauline passages where the crown
to
him because of
It is quite
his early training.
possible to suppose that a
method of illustration which
im-
is
so
frequent and characteristic was deliberately chosen, contrary to
the
Apostle's nature and
convictions, in order to suit
The
his readers in Gentile Churches. to the
Hebrews used metaphors of
Hellenist
this class
who wrote
once or twice
in spite of the prejudice of his readers against those habits. St.
See
final note, p.
Paul was
from the prejudice
free
pagan
298.
he found that
;
the keenness and enthusiastic, passionate attention, which
were lavished on athletic contests in the world where he
had been brought up, furnished the best the spirit in which the Divine
life
must be
illustration
lived.
He
for
could
not have appreciated this fact unless he had been brought
up amid those surroundings and had experienced the strength of those feelings.
If
he had been educated
as the narrow strait-laced Jews, to
an abomination,
it
is
whom
in the
impossible to suppose that he could
have used these comparisons. *
same way
such things were
Letters to the Seven Churches, p. 275.
X.
292
The frequency
Paul's
of these gymnastic
depth of feeling shown
show
Si.
them,
in
is
competition rouses in the athlete.
brought up
boyhood, that
It is
can
this
where he had seen
he
while living as a preacher
a Hellenic city
in
himsejf that athletic sports are not
for
wrong or abominable
Jew
this intense feeling, if
Paul had been educated
cities.
A
Greek fashion of nudity,
the
in
come to understand merely saw the games in later life
could never
only in youth, and
be learned.
such sports, which were
to abhor
in Palestine
conducted by Gentiles
Greek
They
a striking fact
understanding of the intensity of feeling that the
real
especially in
in
metaphors, with the
^ ;
he had understood sympathetically
the feeling of the competitors
;
he knew that
this
feeling
contained an element of nobleness and self-sacrifice, and he utilised
graded
to express the intensity of the religious
it
certainly
was no idea
;
but
it
in other
from the Gentile
must
;
There
could
not free himself
surroundings than those of
He sympathised with the
Palestine.
life.
that such comparisons de-
evidently had no place in Paul's mind,
which had been formed
We
mind
The narrow Jew
religion.
from that idea
in his
Gentile
;
he had learned
he was a debtor to the Gentile.^
infer that this
and thought originated
department of Paul's vocabulary
in his early experiences as a child,
brought up amid the surroundings of a Hellenistic city and familiarised with the conduct of the race-course.
The
spirit
^The Jews of Jerusalem had begun to learn this fact early in the second and the building of a gymnasium (to which the priests hastened after service in the Temple), with the spread of Greek fashions and increase of heathenish manners in Jerusalem (especially the wearing of hats by the young men) which were not forced on the people by the tyrant Antiochus " (as modern writers often assume), but suggested to him by the " progressive party among the Jews themselves are mentioned as having provoked the Maccabaan rebellion (2 Mace. iv. 12-14). * Compare Rom. i. 14. century b.c.
;
—
—
Greek and Roman Metaphors
293
of the competitors in the course was, on the whole, one of the best and healthiest facts of Greek city
learned this from participating in the as a
boy
there
;
no other way
is
in
life.
Paul had
of a Hellenic city
life
which the lesson can be
learned so thoroughly as to sink into the man's nature and
guide his thought and language as this topic guides Paul's.
When
Ignatius compares the Christian
life
to a religious
procession, with a long train of rejoicing devotees clad in the
appropriate garments, bearing their religious symbols and
holy things through the public
streets,
we
see that he
was
at
times ruled insensibly by old ideas and scenes familiar to him in earlier life
As
life.
with shame
a general
associations connected with
No Jew
pression.
rule,
he regarded his old pagan
as a cause of humiliation it
yet thoughts and
;
mind and
directed his
his ex-
brought up from the beginning to regard
pagan ceremonial as simply hateful could have used the comparison.
Pagan Mysteries,
Just as the experience of Ignatius in the
and
understanding of the intense religious feeling which
his
they roused
guage
in their votaries,
in describing the
in the Christian faith,
formed by
^
coloured and formed his lan-
deepest and most mystic elements
so Paul's language was coloured
his experience in Tarsus.
A
was thus moulded could not long have remained with the Jews of Jerusalem.
whom
A common
formed
in a freer fashion
into a wider field,
against the goads 1
sympathy
all for
his nature
Him
a time
had been
than the Palestinian, and he soon
burst their narrow bonds.
him on
But
in
hatred for
they thought an impostor united them
to resist the religion of Christ.
and
man whose mind
His nature drove and goaded
and he found
it
".
Letters to the Seven Churches, ch.
xiii.
hard to "kick
^-
294 It
^^-
Pciurs
would be useful to compare the Pauline metaphors with
the language of Philo,
who was born and brought up
Hellenic city of Alexandria,
him
In
in the
also illustrations taken
from the stadium and the palaestra are very frequent, though they are
(I
more common
think)
the form of similes than
in
of metaphors, and are therefore not so wrought into the
thought as
fabric of the
is
the case with Paul's metaphorical
language.
But lands
it is
it
easy to carry this method to an extreme which
Dean Howson, in his Metaphors of which we praised and freely used
in absurdity.
St. Paul, the last chapter of in
the preceding pages, devotes two chapters to the military
metaphors and the architectural metaphors
in the Apostle's
If his estimate of these is as reasonable as
letters.
metaphors to
sider his account of the athletic
we
con-
be, then,
by
the same train of argument, Paul must have been as familiar
with and interested in
Roman
military
architectural details as with the spirit victorious athlete
But,
;
which
when you look
phors, there
general " fight "
is
kind.
is
methods and Greek and eagerness of the
abcurd.
and architectural meta-
at the military
hardly one which
is
not of a quite vague and
Wherever Dean Howson
or a Greek temple.
was heard
of,
But there were
and houses were
The most
military of mortals will often use the
absolutely
ignorant of the shape
habitually use the
word
" build
soldiers
Roman army before Rome
built before the
Greek temple had been evolved.
".
word
the word
finds
or " build," he detects an allusion to a
form of the
pacific
" fight
".
and unPersons
of a Greek temple
may
Even Hellenes were not
always thinking of a temple when they employed that metaphor.
These and many similar words have passed into the uni-
Roman
Greek and
distinct
thought of the original department of
They are The verb
which they are adopted. the
in
New
Testament.
them: the word "builder" once
The noun "building"
Dean's view:
and
letters,
found
is
it
times
fifteen
marked tendency
to
"
and ten times
outside, while
in
he never uses
not so unfavourable to the times outside the Pauline
them
;
moreover Paul shows a in the
up of character and
moral sphere
But
holiness.
not favourable to the supposition of archi-
is
and
tectural experience
New
other writers in the ity
four in
from
to build " occurs there
employ the word
to describe the building this peculiarity
is
life
not peculiar to St. Paul
thirty-one times outside of his writings
it.i
295
mankind, and are constantly used without
versal language of
any
Aletaphors
for
training,
in
comparison with
Testament he displays
less familiar-
with the original process, and inclines to use the word
only in the transferred sense, which implies that he was not
making the meta-
consciously thinking of the metaphor, nor
phor for the ing
mode
first
time, but
was adopting a previously
exist-
— a mode which
had
the case of the athletic metaphors.
In
of expressing the moral fact
been long familiar to him. It is different in
many
of them
it
quite clear from the passage that Paul
is
was consciously and deliberately using the metaphor as such and it is highly probable that he was the first to strike ;
The Greek language of was created by him, and never wholly
out this Christian use of the words. Christian theology lost the character
mainly
he had impressed on
influential in devising a
it
:
so Tertullian
was
Latin expression for the
Greek Christian theology.
The whole
of
Dean Howson's
discussion of architectural
^ The statistics refer to the Greek words oIkoS6hos and o'lKoSofiew. once the word apxirfKreay, which is rendered " builder " (i Cor. iii.
He lo).
uses
SL
X.
296
Paul's
Pauline metaphors comes to practically nothing, so far as
concerns his thesis that the Apostle was thinking in them of In so far as Paul was conscious
the classical Greek temple.
of his architectural metaphors clearly conscious
—
—and
in
some
places he was
he was generally thinking rather of the
house than of the temple.
It is
ing the nature of metaphor that
a necessary rule in estimat-
must be presumed (apart
it
from any special reason) to be drawn from the realm that
most
familiar to the writer.
Now
familiar with the process of building a house
never actually
have seen a Greek temple
Dean Howson
is
convinced that
resting on columns
is
Paul was certainly quite
it
;
but he
in building.
was the
may Yet
classical temple,
and splendidly decorated, that floated
always before Paul's mind and determined his expression.
The degree
to which
the
Dean
presses his statistics
is
shown by the following on page 47 he says that the verb " edify " and its substantive " edification " occur about twenty times in the New Testament, and are with one exception :
used by
book
St.
The passage on
Paul alone, and the one exception
" written
this as
of Acts
is ix.
31,
and
an example of Pauline
very words
"
is
in Acts,
a
almost certainly under his superintendence ". it is
straining facts to rely
Moreover, the
influence.
being edified and walking in the fear of the
Lord," prove that the writer had no sense of the original
realm from which the metaphor was derived, but was using a word which had
passed into the language of Christian
moral philosophy (quite possibly and even probably through the influence of Paul, phically
who
in his turn used
than with conscious metaphor).
from the English Version are misleading.
it
rather philoso-
Such
We
statistics
have stated
the facts regarding the Greek words for building, and they are not favourable to the Dean's view.
Roman Metaphors
Greek and
297
Throughout the military metaphors, some of which are clearly conscious in
and intended, there are none which even
the slightest degree suggest any real interest in or fami-
liarity
with military matters
;
they are
all
there are only two which are certainly
quite popular
Roman
All the rest are simply military in general
Roman any more
than they are Greek
:
;
Tim.
common
ii.
they are not
who were
common
a
tlie
profes-
entangle himself with the
would be quite well
affairs of life,"
mercenaries
Even
which probably implies a
4,
3,
who "does not
sional soldier,
and
they relate to the
popular conception of the soldier in genere. allusion in 2
;
in character.
satisfied
feature of the later
by the Greek
or Graeco-Asiatic kingdoms and armies.
The two two
indubitably
Roman
military metaphors are the
striking allusions to the triumph,
the dignity and majesty of
The
first is in
Colossians
which are resonant
ot
Rome. ii.
15 (14)
:
"the bond (consisting
which was opposed to us he hath taken out
in ordinances)
of the way, nailing
to the cross: (15) having stripped off
it
from himself the principalities and the powers, he made a
show
of
them openly,
his crucifixion
The
other passage
train of the
Roman
ing the streets,
taken into the
celebrating a triumph over
them
in
".
is
a more detailed picture of the long
triumph, with incense and spices perfum-
when the chiefs of the defeated people were Mamertine prison on the side of the Capitol
and there strangled, as the procession was ascending the slope
of the
Capitoline
always leads us (His
hill.
"
Thanks be
soldiers) in the train of
to
God, who
His triumph,'
* Lightfoot on Col. ii. 14 seems to take this in the sense " celebrates his triumph over us as his conquered foes ". I think the meaning taken above
is
better
:
"we
were the soldiers who march behind him army always did.
the soldiers of tht victorious
in his
triumph," as
298
X. SL Paul's Greek and
Roman Metaphors
and makes manifest through us the fragrance of His knowledge in every place
:
for
we
are a fragrance of Christ unto
God, in them that are being saved and in them that are perishing."
Roman
In these passages speaks the
only two passages
Roman
that one can catch the tone of the is sufficient
from the way
in
Roman
is
in these
triumph.
same
so suited to describe the Christian
life
sion through the streets of a city.
perfectly legitimate inference to
Roman
derided by the
Note vation
is
;
but,
striking analogy
who found nothing
As
in the
one passage
priest, so in the It
would be a
deduce from these passages
had he himself not mentioned
Empire, the inference would have been
and
critics as fanciful
to p. 288,
different
as a religious proces-
you recognise the pagan and probably the other you recognise the Roman citizen.
his standing in the
How
idea.
two Pauline passages a
to the passage just cited from Ignatius,
that Paul was a
fancy
Nothing
which the writer of the Apocalypse
strives to find expression for the
There
citizen.
I
and absoluteness of
to express the completeness
the Divine victory except a fe this
and they are the
;
the letters of Paul in which
in all
1.
15.
— Now
the
incredible.
force of this obser-
full
apparent only when we take into account that this
question had been raised for a long time back in Jewish circles,
and that opinion on the subject
differed sharply.
was almost a mark of the broader Jewish thought athletics without reprobation.
It
was a
It
to regard
characteristic of the
narrower Jewish patriotic party, which abhorred foreign ways, to abominate and reprobate the sports of the palaestra or the stadium
:
see p. 292, note
i.
XL
THE DATE AND AUTHORSHIP OF THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS.
_XI.
THE DATE AND AUTHORSHIP OF THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. The
problem treated
in the present
paper
is
not soluble in
the sense of demonstrating absolutely that one view
and
other views are
all
false.
There
too
is
little
is
true
available
evidence, internal or external.
But there certainty
a strong probability
is
— that
make
illuminative, will
clear
show the Epistle not merely passage in the history of the
Tried by this
test,
origin
theory, throw
A
itself
much
all
fail.
light
the
that
is
first
^
obscure, and will
but also as an important
century.
common
The Barnabas
theories of date
and
theory, the Apollos
on nothing, not even on the Epistle
date under Domitian, a date about A.D. 64-66,^
make the document more enigmatical and is when one has no theory on the subject. It is
amounting to
as a marvellous picture of " the
spiritual character of the readers,"
manner of
—almost
the true view will be found to be widely
isolated than
it
not a matter of mere idle curiosity to reason as to the
time and place at which the Epistle was written. that the
work
is
It is
true
independent of those external circumstances,
and can be understood and valued as a great book without ^Westcott on Hebrews, 2
The
p. 307).
p. xli.
view formerly commended itself to Longer study shows it to be untenable.
latter
(301)
me
{Church in Rom. Emp.,
XL
302
The Date and Authorship of But the history of the Apostolic
a thought about them.
Age
is
a subject of serious importance
blank remains in
it,
;
and while that great
while the doubt continues as to whether
the work belongs to Domitian's or Nero's time, whether
was addressed
it
must be
to a Jewish or Gentile Church, there
a doubt as to the security of the foundations upon which rests. So closely related to one another are all phenomena of early Christianity, that, while this
the history
the other
wonderful book stands apart (or ought not to) feel the
such isolation,
in
same confidence
in our
we cannot conception
of the rest of the history.
The
historical questions relating to the date
and circum-
stances of the composition of the Epistle to the
have been brought nearer to an answer
in
Hebrews
a series of note-
worthy papers by the Rev. W. M. Lewis.
While
in
some
respects the view stated in the following remarks differs
from that advocated by Mr. Lewis, as regards
and
(to
all
;
and
it
would certainly not have been attained
so soon, possibly not at
by
present
all,
had
I
not been guided and stimu-
While writing the
his earlier series of papers.^
article, I
articles,'^
and
agrees with his theory
a considerable extent) the manner of composition of
the Epistle
lated
it
the main circumstances of the time and place
have also had before
which only confirm
my occasional
It will
my
me
his
more recent
general agreement with,
dissent from, his opinion.
also be clear to
any reader how much the writer
has been indebted to Westcott's great edition of the Epistle.
Very often the opinion
is
turn of a sentence or the expression of an
borrowed from him, with only the
tion that a great ^
slight modifica-
man's words always require when they are
In the Thinker, Oct. and Nov., 1893.
•In the Biblical World, Aug., 1898,
April, iSgg.
— Hebrews
the Epistle to the
and thought anew by even a humble
seized also
made
303
disciple.
I
have
frequent use of the Rev. G. Milligan's judicious
and scholarly book
;
but he
^
is
removed than the
farther
Bishop of Durham from the opinion which
I
Their
hold.
arguments are tested against those of Professor McGiffert, as the best representative of the opposed point of view. Deliberately and intentionally, here and elsewhere,
the words of others as those
who do
procedure
is
much
as possible,
not hold the opinion which
my
opinion
is
I
advocate.
This
founded.
The theory advanced by Mr. Lewis Hebrews was
prisonment
use
the best preventive against overstatement of the
reasons on which
the
I
and preferably of
in
is
that the Epistle to
written from Caesarea during Paul's im-
the palace of
Herod (Acts
xxiii.
35),^
He
considers that Luke, in a series of interviews (Acts xxiv. 23),
was instructed takes
Luke
cepted.
and directed
as to Paul's views,
these in the form of a
letter.
The
to
embody
part of the theory which
for the author of the Epistle
can hardly be ac-
But as regards the important matters of the place
and time and
situation in
which the
letter originated, this
theory seems to be remarkably illuminative, and therefore
probably true.
The late
his
intention of the following remarks
is
not to recapitu-
Mr. Lewis's arguments, which ought to be studied
own statement
ing that he has
;
but to state
come near the
my own
in
reasons for think-
truth.
Stated briefly and dogmatically, the view to which this
paper leads up
is
Theology of the Epistle to the Hebrews, 1899. ^Mr. Lewis usually states the date in this wide way. In one passage, however, he places the Epistle at the end of the imprisonment, after Festus had succeeded Felix, That seems to me a little too late, and inconsistent 1
with
xiii.
23, as will be
shown
in the sequel.
;;
;
;
XI. The Date and Authorship of
304
Hebrews was
that the Epistle to the
month of April or May,
finished in the
A.D. 59/ towards the
end of
the government of Felix that
treats certain topics
it
Church
which had been frequently
men
between Paul and the leading
discussed
at Caesarea during his imprisonment,
of the
and em-
bodies the general impression and outcome of those discussions
that
in
purported to be,
it
Church
in Caesarea to the
Jerusalem
speaking,
;
Deacon (Acts
was Philip the
Church, using the
representing
as
first
almost say "
(
ix,
more say ? "
the
xxi,
8)
Caesarean
person plural, but occasionally
he employs the author's
shall I
the Epistle of the
Jewish party of the Church
this implies that the writer, practically
he generally speaks
may
in a sense,
person
first
singular,
22 plural in the Greek),
(xi.
32)
"
"
I
what
;
that the plan of composing such a letter had been
discussed beforehand with Paul, and the
was submitted to him, and the
written,
were actually appended by him
letter,
last
when
few verses
;
was to place the Jewish readers on a new plane of thought, on which they might better comprehend Paul's views and work, and to reconcile that
its
intention
the dispute between the extreme Judaic party and the
Pauline party in the Church, not by arguing for or explaining Paul's views, but
by leading the Judaists
into
a different line of thought which would conduct them to a higher point of view
^The chronology advocated out
;
suit.
those
who
in St.
follow another
Paul
the Traveller
is
assumed through-
system can readily modify the dates to
the Epistle to the
and
finally, that
the
letter, as
Hebrews
305
being a joint production,
which was addressed to a mere section of a congregation, was not prefaced by the usual introductory clause of ordinary
"So-and-so to So-and-so":
letters,
all
presum-
ably the bearer of the letter would explain the circumstances.
That there
at this period
is
which Paul was interested
and some
placed,
still
That
excellent
scholars
have
place, during the Caesarean captivity
which Lightfoot, supported
three letters
letter in
once be conceded.
many
proved by the fact that
is
an opening for a
will at
by the almost
universal opinion of British scholars, places in the
Roman
captivity.^
No
progress
opinion
is
Hebrews" i.e.^
is
and unhesitating
title "
Epistle to the
approximately correct or wholly erroneous,
is
whether the
Some
possible until a definite
formed whether the ancient
recent
letter
scholars
written " to a
was written to Jews or have argued that the
to Gentiles. letter
was
Church or group of Churches whose member-
ship was largely Gentile, where the Jews, as far as there
were any, had become amalgamated with
With
all
think
Gentile of".'-'
due respect to the distinguished scholars
who
have argued I
their
race distinctions were lost sight
brethren so that
all
in favour of that view,
—that
it
would be
difficult
I
must express what
to find an
opinion so
paradoxical, so obviously opposed to the whole weight of evidence, so entirely founded on strained misinterpretation
of a few ^
Harnack,
p. 717, 2
passages and on in the table
the
appended to
ignoring of the general
his Chronologic der altchr. Literatur,
gives both possibilities, but leans to the
McGiffert, Apostolic Age, p. 468,
ments of
Pfleiderer,
Van Soden,
etc.,
who on
20
Roman
date.
gives a clear resume of the argu-
this side.
XI. The Date and Authorship of
o 06
character of the document.
"
The argument
.
.
.
cannot
be treated as more than an ingenious paradox by any
one who regards the general teaching of the Epistle with the forms of thought
connection
the
in
Apostolic
Age."i
For example,
argued that Hebrews
it is
much more shall
ix.
14
—
"
How
the blood of Christ cleanse your conscience
from dead works to serve the living
God
?
"
—could
One would have thought
that
"
not be
who had
addressed to Jewish disciples, but only to persons
been heathen.
in
dead works"
was precisely what the Jew as Jew trusted to for salvation, "repentance from dead works, ar,d that Hebrews vi. i, 2
—
and
faith
toward God, the teaching of baptism, and the lay-
ing on of hands, and of resurrection of the dead and of eternal
judgment "
—
is
clearly a
Jew towards
the
uncharacteristic
summary
Christianity,
way
towards the truth.
of the
first
steps
steps of a
first
Obviously there
when two
made by
and a most improbable and
of describing the
sets of scholars
pagan
an irreconcilable
is
difference in the fundamental ideas about history Christianity,
^
and early
can look at words like
these and pronounce such diametrically opposite opinions on
them. Contrast with one another such judgments as the follow-
ing:— There
is
of heathen letter
no trace of any admixture converts; nor does the
touch on any of the topics of
heathen
controversy
(note
xiii.
(Westcott, p. xxxvi.).
9)
Not simply is there no sign that was addressing Jewish Christians there are some passages which make it evident that he was addressing Gentiles (McGiffert, the author
.
.
.
p. 467).
1
Westcott,
^What
p. XXXV. the writer calls " the foundation "
confine their attention to this,
biit
knowledge of what Christianity
is.
to proceed
:
he exhorts his readers not to onwards to the more complete
the Epistle to the Hebrezvs The widening breach between the Church and the Synagogue rendered it
make
necessary at last to
Nothing whatever is said about apostasy to Judaism. There is no sign that the author thinks of sujh apostasy as due to the influence .
choice "
between them, and " the Hebrews were in danger of apostasy ii. i, 3; 12
6,
ff.
iv. i,
;
39 (Westcott,
29,
To
3,
11
6
vi.
;
any vvay (McGiffert,
in
x. 25,
;
put the matter
who
.
p.
in brief, Pfleiderer
addressed to per-
believed in the Jewish Scriptures, and were half-
who
Gentile Christians were persons
first
had
The Old Testament belonged
"
Christians.
whereas
;
accepted the author-
of the Old Testament Scriptures because they
become
it
f.).
and his supporters is
hearted in proceeding therefrom to Christianity
ity
466
loc. cit).
neglect the obvious fact that the Epistle
sons
.
of Judaism, or as connected with
:
iii.
307
to
the Gentile as truly as to the Jewish wing of the Church,
and an argument drawn from with the former as with the
but is
how
different
appealed to
in
is
it
just as
That
^
much weight perfectly true
is
the spirit in which the
the two cases.
preacher began his
had
latter."
In addressing a
Testament pointed him forward
to Christ.
In addressing a
Testament
manner point.
!
it
makes even
We is
larger use of" the
But how different
than the former.
is
Old the
also rest our case on the same comparison.
not the intention of this paper to argue that
Those who agree with
read any further, as torical
Hebrews with Clement,
Dr. IVIcGiffert compares
finds that the latter "
But
last steps
approach by appealing to that prophetic preparation
for Christ.
and
Jew the
approach by showing that the Old
first
pagan audience the preacher would complete the in his
;
Old Testament
view.
we
They may be
Westcott and Milligan scholars, they
;
would not 1
Pfleiderer will not care to
look from incompatible points of his-
and
referred to the if
they do not
listen to
me.
McGififert, p. 46
f.
arguments of listen to
those
—
XL
3o8
The Date and Authorship of
But one more specimen of the arguments that are used to prove that the Epistle could
Jews of
to the
Palestine,
not have been addressed
and specially of Jerusalem, must be "
The
re-
ference to the great generosity of those addressed,
and
to
given, because important inferences
depend on
it
:
their continued ministrations to the necessities of the saints,
we know
does not accord with what
of the long-continued
When
poverty of the Church of Jerusalem".^ syllogism, this
No
argument may be thus stated
man
poor
reduced to a
:
can be generous.
The members of the Church at Jerusalem were They therefore were not generous. major premise
If the
But who before
him
is
correct, the syllogism
is
perfect.
when
it is
put plainly
a glaring fallacy, and a
libel
on human
accept the major premise,
will
poor.
?
The argument
is
nature.
Moreover, the Greek word which Surely the writers
cL'yairr].
is
is
rendered
who employ
were writing, not with the eye on the Greek a modern commentator before them. Pfleiderer himself,
by
who
of
all
moderns
"
generosity
that
"
argument
text, but with
Surely,
not
even
the least trammelled
is
the actual facts of nature and of history, would knowingly
and intentionally
assert
Church cannot show
that a poor
love (dyaTrr]).
Let any one who in the
East
Cook's
tourist,
food,
and
for
" a'
is
interested in probing the matter travel
some months
and
or years,
travel not as a
with tents, and beds, and cooks, and stores of the comforts
o'
the Sautmarket" (which Baillie
Nicol Jarvie could not take with
him
into the Highlands),
but live in dependence on the inhabitants, and ^
McGiffert,
p. 464.
Heb.
vi.
10.
come
into
Hebrews
the Epistle to the
He will may be
actual relations with them.
generosity and hospitality
people even towards travellers
may
be lacking
Or,
if
learn
309
how
true
it is
that
by very poor with plenty of money, and practised
in the rich.
he cannot travel
may
he
in the East,
learn at
home,
provided that he does not keep himself shut up in his study^
but comes close to real
life,
sonnet about the tramp
to appreciate
who begged
Matthew Arnold's
only from labouring
men, because She will not ask of aliens, but of friends, Of sharers in a common human fate. She turns from that cold succour, which attends The unknown little from the unknowing great.
The
truth
is
was pre-eminently the
that Jerusalem
which there was most opportunity
show the
Christians to
because
it
strangers,
many
side " stations
similar
virtues of generosity
was crowded
at frequent
of them poor.
and
city in
even the poorest
for
and
hospitality,
regular intervals with
Corinth and similar " way-
on the great through route of traffic had
opportunities/ but even Corinth
could not be compared to Jerusalem.
many
in that respect
These opportunities
come
afforded admirable opening for the Christians to friendly relations with the Jews of distant lands
;
into
and there
cannot reasonably be any doubt that they used these opportunities.
It
was certainly
in this
way, through the frequent
journeys of Jews to and from Jerusalem, that the Gospel spread so early to
Rome and
Italy
;
and
it is
the reason for
the friendly relations that evidently existed between the
Roman Jews and
the Christians, as
we
shall see in the follow-
ing pages. It
may
be regarded as incontrovertible that the Epistle ^Church
in
Rom. Empire,
pp. lo, 318
f.
XL
3IO
The Date and Authorship of
was not written by
Origen's opinion, " every one com-
Paul.
petent to judge of language must admit that the style that of St.
Paul,"
^
echoed almost unanimously by modern scholars.
is
not is
The few
Wordsworth and Lewin,
exceptions in modern times, such as
may
is
not be .seriously disputed, and
will
be taken as examples of the remarkable truth that there
no view about the books of the Bible so paradoxical
not to find some good scholar
But are we therefore Apostle Paul If that
to disconnect
absolutely from the
it
?
were
so, it is difficult to
how such
see
of early opinion should have regarded directly from Paul, crisis in
as
champion.
for its
and as conveying
it
his views
the development of the Church.
a strong body
as originating in-
about a great
Clement of Alex-
andria and Origen, while both recognising that the language is
not that of Paul, suggest different theories to account for
what they recognise as assured
fact
—that the views and plans
are those of Paul.
Now how
did Clement and Origen
come
to consider the
connection of Paul with the Epistle as an assured fact
?
It
was not because the views and ideas are those which Paul elsewhere expresses, for, on the contrary, the Epistle presents a different aspect of the subject from the ideas expressed in Paul's Epistles.
It
obviously was because an old tradition
asserted the connection.
Further, this belief and tradition arisen without
some
most unlikely to have
is
ground.
real
Mere
canonical authority for this Epistle is for the
Epistle differs so
much from
desire to secure
not sufficient reason, Paul's
writings that
general opinion, in seeking for an apostolic author, would
have been more likely to 1
hit
upon one of the Apostles, separ-
Westcott, p.
Ixv.
:
the Epistle to the
Hebrews
311
community addressed, and hoping
ated for a time from the
"
The
soon to
revisit
...
that of a final development of the teaching of
is
three,'
Paul.
it (xiii.
and not of a
19).
'
the
special application of the teaching of St.
so to speak,
It is,
true position of the Epistle
most truly
intelligible as the last
voice of the Apostles of the Circumcision, and not as a peculiar
utterance of the Apostle of the Gentiles
"
(Westcott, p.
41 \
This tradition of a Pauline connection was so strong as to persist
even though there was prevalent already in the second
century a clear perception that the style was not that of Paul.i
was common
It
Hebrews
in
in
early
the midst of Paul's
manuscripts
Epistles,
to
place
even between
Galatians and Ephesians (as was the case in an authority on
which our greatest manuscript, B, was dependent). mentions that
"
the primitive writers
"
Origen
were positive as to
the connection of Paul with the Epistle.^
A
very ancient tradition,
character guaranteed
While
the Epistle.
was the author thians,
it
in
therefore,
that Paul stood in it
of the
some
strongest relation to
evidently did not assert that Paul
the same sense as of
Romans
or Corin-
did assert that the thoughts in the Epistle either
emanated from him, or were approved by him when 1
written,
Origen mentions theories already current in his time that Clement of or Luke had written the thoughts of Paul in their own words. Clement
Rome
of Alexandria thought that Paul had written in Hebrew, and Luke translated. These prove that speculation was already active when they wrote. ^ Oi apxaioi &vSpes compare Wordsworth, p. 356, on the meaning of this :
How
Dr. McGiffert can say, " the idea that
Hebrews was Paul's work appears first in Alexandria in the latter part of the sec ond century, and seems to have no tradition back of it " (p. 480 note), is to me unintelligible and equally so his words, " the only really ancient tradition that we have links the Epistle with the name of Barnabas (Tertullian, de Pud. 20)". That IS a third century statement, and Dr. McGiffert himself concedes that the phrase.
Pauline connection has second century authority.
XI. The Date and Authorship of
312 or in
some way were stamped with
and that
his authority,
the Epistle must be treated as standing in the closest rela-
work of the Apostle. The persons addressed had been Christians for a considerbecause they had able time, " when by reason of the time tion to the
—
been Christians so long they were themselves is
—they ought
in
have been teachers,
to
need of elementary teaching "
:
such
the implication of v. 12}
They had
not heard the Gospel from Jesus Himself, but
who had
only from those
which, having at the
" (Salvation),
listened to Jesus.
been spoken through the Lord,
first
was confirmed unto us by them that heard
"
It
(ii. 3).
ever, a mistake to infer from this that the writer
readers were Christians therefore the Epistle 3,CMX)
who were
how-
of the second generation," and
must be
as late as Domitian.
on the
converted
might be addressed
Crucifixion ii.
"
is,
and the
fiftieth
the
in
day
All the
the
after
words
used
in
3-
and the readers were
But, indubitably, the writer
all
alike
persons that had not hearkened to the preaching of Jesus,
but had only heard the Gospel at second hand from
who knew
the
men
This indication of their position
Lord.'^
must be combined with another. " They were addressed separately from
their leaders."
^
This remarkable fact has not as a rule been sufficiently studied, though almost every
commentator from the
times notes
"
rule over
you "
addressed
24,
all
them
" that
earliest
that have the
the letter was not
the Church, but to
some
section of
p. 132.
evident that Paul would never have classed himself in the category
so described, *
in xiii.
officially to
^Westcott, 2 It is
it.
The words — salute — imply
ii.
3.
Westcott, p. xxxvi.
:
the Epistle to the Hebreivs
't ".'
The
inference
drawn
correctly
is
313
by Theodoret
they that had the rule did not stand in need of such
teaching" as
There
is
is
it
the object of the Epistle to convey. in these
implied
words
(i)
separating of a body holding rule
in
which those addressed formed part)
:
class of persons recognised generally as
a certain distinction leaders
a marking off and
community (of there was a distinct the
"
the leaders
" ;
(2)
between the views entertained by the
and the views entertained by the persons addressed.
In what relation does this peculiar and remarkable fact
stand to the history of the period, so far as
There was one community
in
it ?
which the leaders were a
At Jerusalem James and body with a peculiar
and well-marked body.
distinct
we know
the Twelve were a clearly defined
That
standing and authority. narrative,
and
is
implied throughout the
is
formally and
recognised
explicitly
various passages in Acts and in the Epistles.
in
But along
with them must be classed the original disciples that had listened to the
those
words of Jesus.
who had
as possessing dignity
by men ever
Wherever they were,
and character which none converted
attained.
In Jerusalem this class must have
constituted a certain considerable 59.
clearly
followed the Lord Himself were recognised
In no other Church
than a very few,
if
is
body even
as late as A.D.
there likely to have been
any, resident and settled
members
more
of this
class.
The
writer, himself a convert at
presume
to address his "
who had
followed Jesus personally.
second hand, does not
word of exhortation "
Further, these leaders are conceived both
to
any one
by Paul and by
the author of Acts as differing in opinion from at least a 'Westcott,
p. 451,
quoting Theodoret.
— XI. The Date and Authorship of
314
community in beyond doubt that Paul claimed (and
certain considerable section of the Christian
Jerusalem.
It
is
Luke confirmed the
claim) to be in essential agreement with
the leading Apostles.
It is
an equally indisputable
fact that
Paul was at variance with a large section of the Jewish Christians in Jerusalem,
who regarded him
as an
Jewish feeling and as bent on destroying Jewish
There was no other community divergence of view between
which such marked
in
the leaders
community
in
We
which
at all probable that such a division
it is
learn of divisions
and differences of opinion
existing in several other congregations slightest
side
took the other side, while lines
;
appearance or probability that
body of leaders took one
and the congrega-
There was no other
tion existed, so far as our records show.
existed.
in
but there
is
no
allusion
to
not the
is
any of them a
in
and the congregation as a mass
some cases
it
is
clear that the
of division were quite different in character.
there
enemy of
ritual.
In fact,
anything like a body possessing
higher position in any congregation except that of Antioch (Acts
xiii. I)
;
and that
isolated case hardly
seems
that would justify us in speaking of a class of
to be
-qfyoviJuevoL.
Further, the subject on which the Epistle dilates subject
the relation
and Faith.
of Judaism
It is precisely
and the Law
the
Jerusalem
in
to Christianity
on that subject that
least easy to address the leaders
in the
is
on which divergence existed between the leaders
and the general body of the congregation vis.t
one
and the mass
it
would be
at Jerusalem
same terms.
Moreover,
in
Acts xxi. 20-24, James, speaking evidently
on behalf of the
leaders, recognises that
many myriads
of
the Christian Jews held very different views from what he
himself entertained about Paul's views on the Jewish
ritual.
the Epistle to the
Hebrews
315
They thought Paul was an enemy bent on destroying that ritual James and the leaders knew that Paul practised that ritual personally, and James urged Paul to show publicly :
his
adhesion to and belief
in
true character
The
the value of the ritual.^
writer of the Epistle, similarly,
is
bent on bringing out the
and value of the Jewish
ritual,
on proving that
Christianity does not destroy that ritual but perfects
it,
and
on showing that the Christian principle of Faith was already a powerful factor in the It
life
of the ancient Jews.
therefore certain that the situation implied
is
the
in
Epistle existed in Palestine during Paul's last stay in the
country
;
and there
is
no evidence that
it
existed anywhere
else.
This argument Acts
tive in
of the
is
is
based on the supposition that the narra-
authoritative, that the picture
harmony between Paul and
which
it
gives
the leading Apostles
is
trustworthy, and that Paul was justified in claiming Peter and
James and John as friends and sympathizers. Against this view the almost unanimous consensus of modern scholars is that the anticipations which Paul entertained about the right de-
velopment of the Church were out of harmony a
less,
some
to a greater degree, while
were utterly discordant
me
to a certain degree, but wholly and difficulty in first
erroneous, not merely absolutely.
1
It
Here
it
is
is
the
Galatia which
is
the greatest cause of the
must, of course, be assumed that Paul regarded the ritual as having a
distinct value for to
it).
It
century Christian histoiy
(along u ith the topographical error about closely linked to
—some say to
assert that they
—with the views of the older Apostles.
This modern opinion seems to
main source of
some
Jewish
Jewish Christians. Ha continued through life the attention which he had been trained. Accordingly some modern
ritual in
scholars regard the story of James's advice given to Paul as invented unhisLorical.
and
XI. The Date and Authorship of
3i6 difficulties
which the Epistle to the Hebrews
historical student.
If
Apostolic history, there
comes
offers to the
you accept Luke's presentation of the no
is
difficulty,
and everything be-
simple.
In XV. 24 the writer conveys to the readers the salutation of "those from Italy".
understand belong to
Italy "
and
;
in Italy,
who
where he composes the
But, as the Bishop of
quote) goes on to say, "
any one could give the generally
" ;
;
^
is
in
hence
to suppose that the writer
(from
whom
understand
is
which he was writing " it
how
{pi airo
appears more natural
.
.
.
speaking of a small group of
who were with him
friends from Italy
Durham
difficult to
more naturally give the greeting
the writer would
or the like)
'P(t}fir)<;
it
"
salutations of the Italian Christians
of the Church of the city
The
those
the salutations of the Italian congregations generally
to his readers. I
"
might imply that the writer
this
conveys from some place letter, "
grammatically quite possible to
It is
Greek phrase as meaning simply
this
at the time".
conclusion which the Bishop considers
more
natural
of course, imperative on our theory of Caesarean origin.
is,
There must have existed near the tion with him, a
towns of
Now,
company
writer,
and
in
communica-
of persons belonging to various
Italy.
are there
any circumstances
in
which a company
of persons from Italy are likely to have been at Caesarea 1
Westcott,
p. xliv.
It is
?
not inconceivable either that the writer was on a
circular mission to the Italian Churches, or that he wrote from a city,
Rome
where representatives of several Italian cities had met. Both suppositions, however, are improbable, and difficult to harmonise either with A circular the Epistle or with what we know about the history of the time. mission through Italy was not the experience which would naturally suggest a letter of this kind; and a meeting of representatives is also unlikely in itself, and would probably be explained by the writer, so that the readers might understand who were the persons that saluted them. or
Puteoli,
the Epistle to the Hebreivs
317
A
Obviously this was quite a natural thing.
company
of
Jews on pilgrinnage would be pretty certain to use a ship from Puteoli to Syria (joining
it
Southern
of the harbours in
either at Puteoli or at Italy,
as
some
coasted along).
it
There were undoubtedly such pilgrim ships sailing every It was on board a ship of that kind that Paul dreaded
spring.
a conspiracy against his
Government had
life
(Acts xx.
The Roman
2, 3).^
often guaranteed the right of safe passage
of Jewish pilgrims to Jerusalem.
In B.C. 49 Fannius, the
Coan magistrates on the by Cos, which had been a great Jewish centre of trade and banking as Compare the letter of early as B.C. 138 (i Mace. xv. 23). Governor of Asia, wrote
subject
to the
the pilgrim ships naturally passed
:
Augustus quoted by Josephus, Ant. Jud.,
Every
twice through Caesarea
Now
it is
obvious that
have consisted wholly of Christian Jews as certain that there
Jews, but also
it
it
:
may
be regarded
would be a majority of non-Christian probable that both Christian and non-
is
Christian Jews would travel in one ship.
xvi., 6, 2.
company of Italian Jews passed on their way to and from Jerusalem. such a company is most unlikely to
spring, then, a
company
in
the
same
Except Paul the Christian Jews had not yet come to
be regarded as foes by the Jews outside of Palestine.
But
come
is it
not unlikely that such a
into social
and
religious
company
of Jews would
intercourse with Paul and
Paul's friends, considering the relations in which Paul stood
to the Jewish authorities of Jerusalem
Italian
Surely not at the
?
period in which our theory places the
letter.
A
body of
Jewish pilgrims would be received hospitably by
Caesarean Jews, and
it is
degree improbable that
in the last
the Christian Jews of Caesarea would 1
St.
Paul
the Traveller, p. 287,
fall
short of their non-
compare
p. 264.
XI. The Date and Authorship of
3i8
had any
Certainly, so far as Paul
Christian brethren.
ence with the Caesarean Church,
influ-
Jews would be
the Italian
welcomed and generously entertained. But we are assuming there must have been some Christians
among the company of the may be raised whether this Certainly not Italian
If
!
not improbable
Jewish Christians of
Italy,
who were
Further, the friendly spirit which
more
far
we suppose
to
have ex-
was ?
and the Caasarean Chris-
between the
harmonises excellently with the
The
not the
on
tians
ff.
why
still
isted
Italian pilgrims
question
?
Paul went on pilgrimage,
friendly terms with the Jews than he
xxviii. 17
The
Italian pilgrims. is
facts recorded in
Roman
friendly tone of the
Acts
Jewish leaders
towards Paul, their ignorance (or rather diplomatic ignoring)
^
of any hostility between him and the Jews, their perfect readiness to hear what he has to say,
which we suppose
on the
light
The
other.
of the book.
as
It
precisely the tone
incident throws
narrative in Acts xxviii. 17-28 has
always been regarded as a serious
by Dr. Sanday^
is
The one
in Caesarea.
difficulty
:
it is
one of the four striking "real
has been counted a
mentioned
difficulties"
difficulty,
because
it
was thought inconsistent with the presumption from other recorded
facts.
in perfect
It
ceases to be a difficulty
harmony with
get in
first
1
Romans
xvi. as to the
established itself in
It is
find
it
the situation revealed in this Epistle.
Moreover, as Dr. Sanday proceeds
we
when we
Rome
:
"
way
the indications which in
which Christianity
would be consistent with a
noteworthy that they do not deny having heard of the proceedings They have no official report by letter, and no one has reported
against Paul. to
them any
actual crime of which he had been guilty.
They
expressly say
that they are aware of the general bad feeling which existed against Paul
among
Jews.
-Bampion
Lectures, 1S93, P- 329. note.
;
the Epistle to the considerable degree of ignorance
Judaism is
fairly
The
'.
" difficulty "
Hebrews
319
on the part of
solves itself
when
official
the evidence
looked at as a whole.
we
It is clear that, if
common
inter-
must be abandoned.
The
are correct in this, a
pretation of Suetonius, Claud. 25,
Latin historian's words, Judceos impulsore Chresto assidue
made through
iumultuantes, cannot be taken as an allusion
Roman tian in
ignorance to quarrels which occurred between Chris-
and non-Christian Jews
Rome
such quarrels seem to belong
;
only to a later period than the time of Claudius
(A.D. 41-54).
The
salutation of the Italians
would of course be sent to
way up
Jerusalem on their homeward journey, not on the the
Holy
City,
On
person.
when they would carry
their salutations
to in
the return journey they would naturally send
community from
greetings to their late hosts and the whole
which they had
just parted,
if
they happened to be passing
through Caesarea at the time when a public
letter
was about
to be sent to Jerusalem.
This seems to be self-evident to any one
who understands
the circumstances and accompaniments of ancient travel
but
may
it
be better to discuss the situation more
inasmuch as there people
generally,
is
and
governed
in practical life
ordinary
human
write in facts
beings
the study and
early
by ;
Christians
especially,
or care
of ancient travel, sometimes
little fail
Epistle to the
Hebrews was his
critics,
who
about the practical to see
what must
Moreover, a consideration of
throws light both on the situation
which Paul and
were
totally different conditions from
and commentators or
know
inevitably have happened. this case
fully,
a widespread idea that in that period
written
and on
in
tlie
which the relations in
companions stood to Csesarea and
its
;
XI.
320
The Date and Authorship of
congregation when they arrived in A.D. 57 from the Aegean lands (Acts xxi.). In the
place,
first
it
may
grims when they landed
way up
in
be assumed that the Italian
pil-
the harbour of Caesarea on their
to Jerusalem in A.D. 59/
would
rest there
some days
before they began the land journey of about sixty miles to
Jerusalem
company had done two
Paul and his
(just as
years
After a long voyage in an ancient ship with
previously).
cramped space and uncomfortable circumstances, such opportunity of refreshment was urgently needed. Tacitus its
mentions that troops, which had been sent out to the East
and brought back again forthwith to were incapacitated by the voyage and its discomforts
by Nero Italy,
in A.D. 68,
for military service in the
war of
A.D. 69.^
During these days of rest the pilgrims would be intercourse with the
in friendly
Jews and Jewish Christians at Caesarea. was a duty, incumbent
Hospitality to pilgrims and travellers
on Jews and Christians alike, and this duty was especially But there would be insisted on by the early Church.^ no motive
for the
Caesarean Church to send to Jerusalem the
salutations of pilgrims
who were themselves going up
to
Jerusalem and would arrive there almost or quite as soon as the letter.
When
the pilgrims were hiring horses and mak-
ing their preparations
for the
land journey,* the Jewish
Christians were quite as likely to help
them
as the old Jews.
Strangers in an eastern town are always exposed to troubles
and many attempts
at overcharge
many
and cheating
and residents who were willing had abundant opportunity of doing
much
way, both by 'On ^See
service at small cost to the pilgrims. hospitality in their houses
the year, see below. p. 309.
In this
and by kindness
*
Tacitus, Hist.,
*
Pauline and other Studies,
i.
31. p.
266
ff.
Hebrews
the Epistle to the
and help
321
ways, friendly relations were established
in other
between the pilgrims and the Caesarean Church before the former went up to Jerusalem. Secondly, in Jerusalem there was abundant opportunity of a similar kind for establishing friendly relations between the pilgrims and the Church of the
have seen above,
it
Holy City
must be regarded as
portunity was systematically used
by
and, as
;
we
certain that the op-
the wise policy of the
Christian leaders.
When
the pilgrims returned, probably after several weeks,
to the port of Caesarea, their former relations with the local
church were, of course, resumed. least
Again an
interval of at
a day or two would almost invariably occur before a
suitable ship for the long
was found
sailing to Puteoli
voyage completed.^
pilgrims, 01 a-no 'lTa\La
and preparations
In this interval the Italian
were again
in intercourse
with the
Caesarean Church, and sent a message of greeting in the letter
which that church was composing and sending
Jerusalem.
Very probably Paul himself was
to
interested in
the pilgrims and in their message.
The message Epistle aims
in itself contributes to the effect
at.
The
writer, while explaining
which the
and placing
on a well-reasoned basis the true relation between Judaism
and Christianity as the faith,
less
and more
desired to facilitate and preserve
perfect stages of one
harmony between
the
1 Although ships, indubitably, were on the outlook for the pilgrim trade, and there were thus ships carrying large parties of pilgrims, it cannot be supposed that the same ship in which pilgrims had come to Cassarea always lay
in the
harbour waiting
till
they returned.
another cargo too soon, and would
sail
some
In
as soon as
many it
cases
was
it
loaded.
would find Even if in and arrange-
cases the ship waited for the pilgrims, it had also to load ments could not be so exactly made that the ship would sail a few hours Things move more slowly in^he East. the party arrived. ;
21
after
XL
322
The Date and Authorship of
Jews and the Jewish Christians fies and confirms the harmony.
;
and the
salutation exempli-
Incidentally the passage shows the exact date Epistle
The
was composed.
Passover ended
after the
The
or 59.
Hebrews
latter
year
to Paul's
are
final
when
the
words were written shortly
about April-May, either A.D. 58
;
preferable, as the analogies of
is
defence before Agrippa and
last
Festus (Acts xxvi,), not to his earlier speeches in Jerusalem
and Rome.
Moreover the Epistle represents the outcome
of a long period of thought and quiet discussion, after the
stormy period at the beginning of the Caesarean captivity
was ended.
The
relation of the writer to the persons addressed
shown most
way prevented 19)
;
at the
moment from
he does not state what cause
his will.
He was
clearly in the conclusion.
is
some
in
being with them
(xiii.
detaining him against
is
Yet immediately afterwards he says confidently
that he expects to see
them
He
shortly.
therefore regards
it
is
shortly to be in the place where
the persons addressed are.
Accepting Delitzsch's view^
as practically fixed that he
that the last few verses were
make
appended by Paul
himself,
When
Paul was at Caesarea,
it
is
clear
from xxv. 9 and
from the general circumstances of the case, that formal
trial
of the prisoner occurred,
to be
held
at
Jerusalem, where
readily accessible,
Every
historical
it
was almost
The change
if
the
certain
the evidence was
most
and where the Jews wished it to be held. student knows how much influence the
general wish of the provincials exercised on every 1
we
the following inferences.
of author
Roman
was marked, not merely by change of handwriting,
but probably also by a break, or some other device, which was later manuscripts.
lost in the
Hebrews
the Epistle to the
governor.
It is
323 some
therefore natural and probable that at
time during his long imprisonment Paul expected that the trial
be
would not be longer delayed, and that he would shortly This was, of course, written before the
Jerusalem.
in
on the way up to be
plot to assassinate Paul
discovered (when, in despair of a fair
driven to appeal to the Emperor), in the
The
reference to
theory.
It
Timothy
in xiii.
23
is
clear that,
if
where the persons addressed
fore expects this dear friend to at the
moment
away
is
obscure on every
accompany the live.
a matter of course that he
Timothy,
it is
certain,
A.D. 57 (Acts XX. 4).
writer
Timothy, more-
who
there-
accompany him. Timothy and there maybe imbut, if he comes in time, it
at a distance,
pediments to his speedy arrival is
is
an intimate and dear friend of the writer,
is
he was
of A.D. 59.
we are wholly ignorant. Timothy be not detained
too long by possible hindrances, he will
over,
summer
touches facts of which
But the intention to the city
had been
tried
trial in Palestine,
;
will
accompany the
accompanied Paul
We
writer.
to Jerusalem in
need not doubt that he and the
other delegates soon followed Paul to Caesarea.
It
is,
how-
ever, in the last degree improbable that the delegates all re-
mained It
may
in Caesarea
throughout the two years' imprisonment.
be taken as certain that Paul carried out his usual
policy of sending his coadjutors on missions both to his
churches and to
new
cities,
and that mission work went on
actively during that period.
Timothy has been he returns quickly, In the Epistle
sent I
away on
will see
"we"
you
:
"
Know
a mission,^ with
that
whom,
if
".
generally denotes the
body of Chris-
This interpretation, advocated by Lewis, seems more probable than " set from prison " cp. Acts xiii. 3, and St. Paul the Traveller, p. 67 f. Bat seems self-contradictory to suppose that his mission was to carry the letter 1
free it
Paul then says
:
to Jerusalem, as has fceen suggested.
XI. The Date and Authorship of
324 tians not
immediate hearers of the Lord,
in particular the
writers in Caesarea and the readers in Jerusalem (though, of
what
course, in several places Christians).
is
Sometimes,
would apply to
said
however, "
we
"
and
"
you " are
all
dis-
tinguished and pointedly contrasted as the writers and the readers, as in v. (as
ii.
5),
11, vi. 9, 11.
and "you"
The
or of readers respectively.
always as a group,
an
for the first
instance of literary
Moreover, "/we" sometimes
denote the single body of writers
often,
writers express themselves
person singular in
xi.
32
and impersonal usage, not an and the
dication of personality;
last
^
is
in-
few verses we with
Delitzsch take as added by Paul with his
own hand.
personality of the writer and his relation to Paul are
The
the points in which Mr. Lewis's theory seems to require serious modification.
The Jewish
(i)
nationality of the writer seems as certain
as that of the readers
quoted above, says, Probably
Jew". of
all
"
Mr. Milligan, on
:
The
writer,
p.
who was
36 of the work
clearly himself a
be disputed by no one, and
this will
least
by Mr. Lewis himself He, as we may gather, would that, when Luke (whom he considers to be the
explain
writer of the Epistle) writes as a Jew, he does so because he is
expressing the thoughts of Paul.
This brings us to the
second point. (2)
Mr. Lewis seems to attribute too
action to the writer.
the words of Luke.
little
independent
He hears only Paul speaking He holds that Luke was, if
through not the
amanuensis, yet the mere redactor of Paul's thoughts.
appears a somewhat anomalous and improbable
One '
That
position.
can understand that Luke might act as secretary, and
The
first
person singular
not in the Greek text
:
is
used in the English translation in
here also
it
is
a mere literary form.
ix.
22, but
—
:
Hebrews
the Epistle to the
325
reproduce as faithfully as he could the words and thoughts of Paul
why
but one sees no reason
;
Paul should instruct
Luke as to his ideas in a series of short interviews/ and leave him to express thenm in his (Luke's) own words and style, without making sure that he succeeded in expressing them If the writer
correctly.
was
striving simply to express Paul's
The opinion
thoughts and ideas, he was not successful. scholars
practically unanimous,
is
Paul's because the ideas expressed in
The
related to them.
truth
is
the letter
that it
is
of
not
are not Paul's, though
that the Epistle
an attempt by another to express Paul's
clearly not
is
an
ideas, but
in-
dependent thinking out of the same topics that Paul was meditating on and conversing about at Csesarea.
who wrote
The person
was not trying unsuccessfully to express Paul's ideas as to " Faith " and " the Law," for example his own individuality and character are expressed in the use the Epistle
which he makes of those terms plementary
— not contradictory, but com-
and yet absolutely
to,
different in nature from,
Paul's ideas. It
has just been said that Paul was thinking at Csesarea
about the same topics that the Epistle discusses. has treated this subject excellently, and in his
own
In the
words.
first
place,
I
it
Mr. Lewis
should be studied
give only a few examples.
he quotes from the address to Agrippa
and Festus expressions which show that Paul had recently been dwelling on the topics of the Epistle. "
The hope
of the promise
which promise our twelve
and day, hope
same sphere 1
xiii.)
One can
as
made
God
The
xxvi.
6,
idea
to the fathers, unto
tribes, instantly serving
come" (Acts Hebrews, The
to
of
God
7)— moves
insistence
night
in
the
upon the cease-
hardly accept Mr. Lewis's interpretation of 5ia ^paxeav (Heb. as " in snatches " during brief interviews.
;
—
;
XI. The Date and Authorship of
326
lessness of the ritual, the conception that the " a
and
Law may
be
scheme of typical pro-
regarded as a system of
ritual,
visions for atonement,"
are noteworthy in Paul's words, and
^
Again,
are characteristic of the Epistle. Christ, as distinguished
Acts xxvi. 22
" I continue
f.,
.
.
the sufferings of
from his death," are a characteristic
feature of Hebrews, but not of
small and great,^
"
any of
unto
Paul's Epistles.
day witnessing to both
this
that Christ should suffer
.
In
".
These are quoted as examples of Mr. Lewis's
striking
demonstration of the parallelism between Paul's defence before Agrippa and
the Epistle, especially in
respect
of
points which are not characteristic of Paul's Epistles.
Secondly, Mr. Lewis gives some important arguments to show that topics and ideas and expressions used in Hebrews must have been in Paul's mind at that period, in order to effect the
transition
from
his earlier to his later Epistles.
These topics lead on from Corinthians and Romans, and are presupposed
An of the
in
Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians.
interesting
Song
point of expression
little
Deuteronomy
of Moses,
xxxii. 1-43
the following quotations or references to
Deut. xxxii. 4
in
i
Cor. x. 4
I
Cor. X. 20;
„
„
17 „
„
„
25 „ 2 Cor.
,,
„
„
35 „
„
36
„
Heb. X. 30;
„
43
"
^om.
„
Heb.
„ '
Westcott, p.
"
Hebrews viii.
vii. 5
Rom.
43
xii.
lies in Paul's
it
:
use
he makes
:
;
19 and Heb, x. 30;^
XV. 10 i.
6.
lii.
ii, "
from the least to the greatest
".
Mr. Lewis says that no
similar expression occurs in the Epistles of Paul. '
The two quotations
are in identical words, yet differing both from the
Septuagint and the Hebrew
text.
the Epistle to the
On
among
the other hand,
Hebrews
2)^^
ideas which are characteristic
of the later Epistles, but not of the earlier, Mr. Lewis quotes
the headship of Christ over the Church, " forgiveness of sins," in i.
7; Colossians
etc.
;
^
Hebrews
and
14,
i.
also Lightfoot's note
text of Colossians
i.
the use of d^eav^,
ix. 22, x. 1 8
in the defence,
Ephesians 18,
on the analogy between the con-
and Acts xxvi.
12
;
Acts xxvi.
18,
"where
the
all
ideas and most of the expressions occur," points us to the
both
fact that
"
are echoes of an argument entered into at
Hebrews ".
length previously in
These
an adequate
brief notes are not intended as
ment of the
subject.
amination of
many
That would require a passages in the Cassarean
discussion of several well-known arguments.
present article
is
simply a justification
commentary on the
historical
In conclusion,
it
may
In
and a the
fact,
and a preface
to,
a
be added that probably the most
relation of the Caesarean
hand and
light,
letter.
important result of the Caesarean view
on the
of,
treat-
detailed ex-
is
the light
it
sheds
Church to Paul on the one
to the Jewish-Christian party
The
on the other.
reconciliation
between the two parties in the Church was
making good
progress.
It
on Christian Antiquities that the reconciliation
is
an argument of
in Cities
was nearly complete
Moreover, as has been shown,
way
my
chapters
and Bishoprics of Phrygia
it
in
justifies in
Asia Minor. a remarkable
the historical accuracy of the book of the Acts.
You
have only to take the right point of view, and always you
Luke a safe guide. Note. Dr. Harnack
find
—
in
a paper which attracted
notice has attributed the Epistle to Priscilla. 1
xiii.
It
must, however, be noticed that the word
38 (thrice by Peter, Acts
ii.
38, v. 31, x. 43).
is
much
In his argu-
used by Paul also
in
Acts
;
XL
328
The Epistle
to the
Heb7X'ws any words or
ment he does not quote from the Epistle
itself
thoughts characteristic of a woman.
seems to be an
dispensable part of such a theory that character should be shown in the milk,
and
to folding
It
in-
some proof of womanly The allusions to
letter.
up as a garment, cannot be considered
to indicate authorship of a
woman,
for they are
and Dr. Harnack himself evidently thinks
customary
so, for
he does
not allude to them as furnishing any support to his theory. If
one could
find the slightest indication of a
in the letter,
phetesses
;
one might think of
but, as
it is,
on that side to lay hold
woman's
feeling
Philip's four daughters, pro-
there seems to be absolutely nothing of.
AYPAOMN AM/'i)!lliurAYKYTATHN9YrATE:PAAieN€NK0Y<;AN IT
APee
N4€IAKAl4)lA€PriA
FiQ.
6.
AVPOPeCTlANOCKYPOYOUATHP
—The Dove
in the
Art of Isaura (see p. 385).
XII.
THE CHURCH OF LYCAONIA FOURTH CENTURY.
IN
THE
AYP.'AA6iANA ^ATTIC AC i TTI T
AZOHC XAP
Al cpPONCON
AVTO) KOI MH
M MHMiC XA Fig.
7.
—The Cross
in
Lycaonian Ornamental Style
(see p
[ENeA^£rMKi\TEXlAYPlTPli:KON/El HTPohI 'EoNTAElCXONHAlkrlHlETnETED EiMKOlsr
ANECTHCBNAEA.YT^NTIMOGEOC'YIoC AYToYCYNTHlAIAtYMb^^^AEiANAPlHTIKI
Fig.
8.— The
Fish in the Art of Isaura (see
p. 403).
XII.
THE CHURCH OF LYCAONIA
IN
THE FOURTH
CENTURY. The
country of Lycaonia has furnished the largest body of
early Christian inscriptions, with the exception of the Cata-
At some time
combs in Rome. whole
collection,
amounting
;
it is
it is
proposed to publish the
many
known
but the number
published
year that
to
hundreds, mostly un-
increases so
much every
premature to attempt to do so at present.
It
however, a useful task to select a certain number of the
is,
most
typical texts, to exhibit their value as evidence for the
development of Christianity
in its earliest
Anatolian
seat, to
describe the problems which they raise, and to suggest a partial solution of
They form
some of these problems.
a group around Iconium as centre,
therefore represent one of the earliest
and they
and strongest bodies
of Christian opinion, whose origin goes back to St. Paul's first
missionary journey in Asia Minor, and whose ecclesi-
astical
was
organisation
manent and
final
practically
form at an
the Church of any other
completed
earlier period
Roman
every city of Lycaonia and of
all
in
The
province.
its
per-
probably than bishops of
the region in immediate
connection with Iconium were present at one or other of the
two great Councils of the fourth century, ^
Psibela
was not represented
;
but
I
in A.D.
believe that
it
325 and 381
was then
subject to
Laodiceia and became a city and a bishopric only at the end of the century under the
name
Verinopolis.
^ ;
fifth
Also Sinethandos became a bishopric
only in the eighth century.
(331)
XII. The Church of Lycaonia
332 and
this
could hardly be the case unless the ecclesiastical
organisation was practically complete in the third century.
was a long journey from Lycaonia to Nicaea or to yet the Constantinople, where those Councils were held It
;
Lycaonian bishops were
far
more completely represented
than those of provinces which lay within easier reach of the Councils.
Taking
conjunction with the fact that one
this in
of the earliest Councils was held at Iconium in A.D. 236,
must regard Lycaonia
as
having been very important
we in
Christian history during the third century. It
would, therefore, be useful to study the Church organisa-
tion, the priests
and other
ecclesiastical officials,
and the
relation in which they stood to the ordinary population in this old Christian land
method must
with contemporary in this paper,
which
literature.
may
and show what value and
The
The
during the fourth century.
from the inscriptions and compare them
start
A
facilitate
interest
following table gives a
few the
steps are
initial
way
for
made
deeper study,
belong to the work.
list
of the bishoprics from
which are drawn the documents which are here described.
As
the political organisation varied greatly in the
period, I
give a statement of the
different epochs.
The
Provincial
Roman
system at
original Province of Galatia included
almost the whole of these bishoprics, until a few of them
were detached
at the formation of the triple
Province
Lycaonia-Isauria, probably about 135 A.D.
Galatia was
made
Cilicia-
After South
into a separate Province called Pisidia
about 295, the majority of them were finally detached from In 372 a new Province Lycaonia was formed out Galatia.
of
parts of Pisidia
and
Isauria.
XII. The Church of Lycaonia
334 I.
cal
The
basis of all historical study
must be the chronologi-
arrangement of the documents; but as we approach the
Christian inscriptions of Lycaonia,
we encounter
the
initial
of specifying the period to which they belong.
difficulty
inscriptions are frequently
Whereas the Phrygian Christian
dated exactly by year, month and day, and the dated texts form a fixed and certain series alongside of which the undated can be arranged with an approximation to certainty, not a single
Lycaonian inscription has been found dated according
to an era, such
as
was used
in
Phrygia
dating by an era was rarely, or not at
Lycaonia. person
;
the custom all,
of
practised in
Except where an Emperor or other known mentioiied, no Lycaonian inscription can be fixed
is
by external and indubitable evidence and among the Christian inscriptions that means of determining the period The only useful method is to is, of course, rarely available. ;
arrange them in classes, according to the formulae used, then to place these, as far as possible, in chronological succession,
and
finally to try to
when the
determine approximately the period
earliest class
began and when the others were
in
use.
A there
first is
question that arises in this connection
any reason
to expect
in
when the new religion number of
the country that a large
could be openly set up, there
is
whether
that in Lycaonia Christian
inscriptions should begin later than in Phrygia.
regards the time
is
became
So
far as
so general
Christian epitaphs
no reason to think that Asian
Phrygia was more quickly Christianised than the country about Iconium and Pisidian Antioch, z>., the Southern Galatia of St. Paul's time.
On
the contrary, Christianity seems, so
far as the indications afford ground for judgment, to have
penetrated farther to the North, and therefore presumably
;
in the
more
rapidly,
Iconium than from the
from
Phrygia
Asian
Laodiceia and
{viz.,
first
centre in
the Lycus valley, where
Colossse,
Hierapolis were situated).
we
consideration goes,
numerous
to be
Fourth Century
in
So
as this
far
should expect Christian inscriptions
Lycaonia at an
time than in
earlier
Phrygia.
Pagan epigraphy seems to have spread from the West eastwards, and to have been generally practised in Phrygia earlier than in Lycaonia or Galatia or Cappadocia. Epigraphy spread along with the Greek language and education. From this point of view But, on the other hand, ordinary
Christian epigraphy was probably affected principle,
Phrygia.
and should be dated But the difference
great, especially as effective
agent
in
killing the native
it
seems
later in in
by the general
Lycaonia than
in
Asian
time cannot have been very
clear that Christianity
was an
spreading the knowledge of Greek and languages in Anatolia.^
It
seems
safe to
suppose that Christian epigraphy was not more than years later in Lycaonia than in Asian Phrygia. earliest
Christian
epitaphs
known
in
Now
fifty
the
Phrygia are fixed
about A.D. 192 and about 224, while about 250 the dated inscriptions
On
become numerous.^
this line of
argument we should have to look
for the
Lycaonia about A.D. 240, and expect that about 300 they should be common but as 300
earliest Christian epitaphs in
:
lies
within the time of the severest persecution,
we should
when they were frequent, when the rich Christian epigraphy
rather regard 310-400 as the time A.D. 250-360
is
the period
of Nova Isaura (between Lystra and Derbe) has been placed 1
See Zeitschriftf. vgl. Sprachforschung, N.F.
yahreshefte, 1905, Beiblatf, introd. to
art.
viii., p. 382 f., and Oesterr. on " Later Phrygian Inscriptions "
also above, p. 146. ^Cities
and Bish. of Phr.,
ii.,
pp. 526, 713.
XII. Tke Church of Lycaonia
;^7^6
according to a careful examination and argument
mostly of an
As
form
in
As
society
but
it is
certain that formulae
is
or are identical with,
which ap-
Pagan formulae
than those which are overtly Christian
has been frequently pointed out, Christian
social
customs were only slowly differentiated
common
everyday society and customs of the time.
and
from the
it
to,
earlier in origin
in character.
^
type than Lycaonian epitaphs in general.
a general rule
proximate were
earlier
;
This then must be taken as a principle to
start from, that
epitaphs expressed according to a form ordinarily used by the Pagans are to be arranged earlier in chronological order
than those which are purely Christian in character.
This
our task greatly.
The
principle will,
at
simplify
once,
may
following criteria of date It will,
probably quite
as
I
think,
rjiost
late
be enumerated.
be found that several formulae, which
scholars were formerly disposed to consider
—
and purely Byzantine in period as was had come into use in
formerly the present writer's view
Lycaonia is
at least as early as the fourth
some probability
bolism
in art
common (i)
majority of Pagan epitaphs
symin
some other person
for himself, or for
tomb was a
duty
religious
;
The
in
ff.
or persons,
construction of the
this duty.
epitaphs, which are expressed in this form,
Provinces, 1906, p. i
the
and the document began by
mentioning the performance of
See Miss Ramsay's paper
in
Roman Empire
and such a person constructed
or for both himself and others.
1
and there
was very early adopted
Minor under the
follow the form that such
Roman
;
use in that country.
The overwhelming
tomb
century
that part of the earliest Christian
originated or at least
central regions of Asia
the
—
The
Christian
may
be placed
Studies in the Art and History of the Eastern
ill
the
in
Fourth Cenhiry
the
Certain
period.
earliest
individual
this class present various other features,
early date,
and the
'i^^)!
and thus confirm the general
lettering are, as a whole, of
epitaphs of
which point to an
The names
principle.
an early type
neither
;
of these criteria are sufficiently definite to date, or even fix
the order
the inscriptions, but occasionally they fur-
of,
nish in isolated cases strong
The presumption
is
that epitaphs with this formula are not
than the fourth century
later
form probably began soon
some
In
;
and the change to a new
after 350.
name
cases the
(accusative)
first
and even complete evidence.
of the person buried
and the maker of the tomb
One might
the end (nominative).
is
placed
is
mentioned at
be disposed to
at first
regard these as indicating a transition to the second class of epitaphs,
and to place them
formula
but the examples that occur do not suggest a late
;
than the straightforward
later
date. (2)
The
period.
more
It
formula, "here
lies
so-and-so,"
was imitated from the Latin
1
of a later
is
and
hie j'acet,
is
characteristic of the cosmopolitan religion Christianity
than of the more localised paganism to the former.
century or
It is
later,
formula, with
;
but
it
is
not confined
a sign probably rather of the fourth
than the
The employment
third.
of this
the preceding one introduced in a supple-
mentary way at the conclusion of the epitaph, characterises a series of grave-stones which probably belong to the period A.D. 340-380:
they are chiefly metrical epitaphs.
overtly Christian form,
be regarded as a
later
"
here has been laid to
fvQa or ivOajSt Kcirai or
rest,"
more ^
may
development, and assigned to the end
of the fourth century and *
A
These
later.
classes of formula
KuraitiiTai..
"^ivddSi K(Kolfir\Tai, KticfiSfurai, ^KoiiMrjdr]
22
:
the last
is
probably
latest.
XII. The Chu7xh of Lycaonia
oo 8
The
through Byzantine time.
lasted very long
periods
specified here represent merely the probable beginning. (3)
The name
Aurelius (usually Aur.), employed in Greek
incorrect fashion as a praenomen, indicates the period A.D,
220-330 (4)
(see
commentary on No.
The name
Phi. or Phla.),
15).
Flavius (usually Fl. or sometimes Fla.,
employed
in the
same
fluence of the Constantinian dynasty
period A.D. 330-400 or
Such
later.
i.e..
marks the
fashion,
in-
and belongs to the
;
cases are
much
less
numerous than the use of Aur., as the Latin style of using two and three names passed into desuetude, and the Greek
name became predominant.
fashion of the single
became
inscriptions (5)
mon
The nomen
rarer after A.D. 400.
Julius
in these epitaphs.
suggested by
Moreover
is,
on the whole, remarkably com-
It
occurs too early to have been
the occurrence of the
name
in the later
Con-
Nor is it likely to have originated from Emperor like Philip. More probably it belongs
stantinian family.
a short-lived
which
to older usage, Especially
among
pire roused likely to
cept through
Emis
They were
cities,
Valerius belonged to the dynasty of Dio-
and was not its
centuries.
and the name Julius
have been much used among them.
The name
cletian,
the
the Jews Julius Caesar and the early
strong partisanship;
strong in the chief Lycaonian (6)
through
persisted
likely to be favoured
connotation
(as
by Christians ex-
connected with valere, to be
strong).
The
use of the
early date.
In rural
(7)
Roman
triple
Lycaonia
it
name
is
an indication of
seems to have ceased be-
fore A.D. 400. (8)
The formula
"
Here lies the slave of God "
(0 hovKo'i
0eov), followed by the name of the deceased, belongs
rov to a
—
—
in the
Fourth Century
much more developed
stage of Christian
cannot safely be dated before the
339 expression.
century, and
fifth
It
lasted
it
long. II.
The only
Christian inscription of Lycaonia that can be
dated with exactness It
the following, about A.D. 338-340.
is
confirms the conjectural
adopted from the general lished in the Expositor, I.
dating of these inscriptions,
above stated, and pub-
criteria
1 905-6.
Laodicea Katakekaumene on a sarcophagus.
Marcus
Julius Eu[gen]ius, son of Cyrillus Celer of (the
Kouessos and senator (of Laodicea),
village)
having been a soldier
in
the Governor's maniple in
and having married Gaia
Pisidia,
daughter of Gaius Nestorianus, a senatorial rank
and
after the
the time of fice
and
after
:
of
(Roman)
command had meanwhile gone
Maximin
in retiring
from military service
many ;
and
from military
of the Christians
;
and
Almighty God
;
and
service,
after
tinction
;
and
after
guarding the
having spent a ;
and
i.e.
after
will
of
having administered
years with
much
dis-
having rebuilt from the founda-
tions the entire church it
after full
and
having suc-
after
short time in the city of the Laodiceans
the episcopate during 25
;
tortures under Dio-
having been constituted bishop through the the
;
forth in
that the Christians should sacri-
should not retire
genes, Governor (of Pisidia)
faith
Flaviana,
Julia
man
and having gained military honours
having endured very
ceeded
after
and
(consisting) of stoai
all
the adornment around
and tetrastoa and paint-
ings and screens and water-tank and entrance gate-
way
along with
and having,
in
all
the constructions in masonry
a word,
set
everything in order
;
and
XII.
540
The Church of Lycaonia
3"*
§
b.|l
'^^b-s.
|e^
=r^ o^ t^^S^'g^g ^5:-:; iC/>CA2^5k,^CAOr
i 5>
3"
Ski
"
g8l3"^T§| S
^(^
1-^ .
,< "o ^b
I-Hii3.
Q,
^
-
*"
^«3§
«-s-o^
_2_ ?>•"
L^.<.
e
'iy
r^
-iv
^^1
^
<"
ii
§g
1.'3^
iUt
ill3
^
oo
^KS.^^"^ b.g
°o
b.S-c §-o
^bieP-i'wbb'y^b?^V5i
2^
9
-*.-«/•«; :l-e Je »vJl~;y^ >3.^2- 55
a
^ -
§ ^ a o Pi b ^oa-'v!
a.
t
w
Hu|o
^c?'-'
^
=t
V,
:ro-5-£
2o?jL^b
b b -^ Q-^^ CA^o -- b h o b
o
s
.
.5
u
-
t^ Vl^
-.
rg
=i-.5 -< uj
b -
c n «
^
y
in the
renouncing the
Fourth Century
men
of
life
(for
341
a hermit's),
I
made
for myself sepulchral buildings {peltd)
and a sarco-
phagus, on which
be
engraved
afore-mentioned words, to be
my tomb
these
^
caused
I
that of the succession of
my
to
all
and
race.
This inscription, which was found by Mr.
W. M.
Calder
of Christ Church, Oxford, in July, igo8, and published by
him
in the Expositor,
November, 1908,
is
one of the most
re-
markable documents of the kind that has ever been found,
and a
It
ranks
next in interest to the epitaph of Avircius Marcellus
in the
list
historical authority of the first importance.
of Christian inscriptions
gestiveness, that
on
it
one finds
;
it
and
so
full
of historical sug-
restrict the
commentary
within moderate limits.
Marcus Julius Eugenius was,
men
is
hard to
like so
many
of the leading
in the early Christian history of Anatolia,
born of one
of the wealthy families,^ which could afford to give the higher education to their scions. birth
In accordance with his
from a leading provincial family, he entered the Im-
perial
service,
the door of which was through a military
He was
career.
the immediate service
He
Pisidia.
Antioch.
body of troops attached to of the Governor of the Province
enrolled in the
must therefore have been stationed at Pisidian
There he married Gaia Julia Flaviana, daughter
of Gaius (Julius) Nestorianus,
Roman
who was
a
member
of the
Senate, and therefore belonged to the aristocracy of
not open to doubt that Julius Eugenius
the Empire.
It is
was an
but he intentionally refrains from stating his
officer,
rank, whether because he thought that this
mundane ^The
^On
interest,
inscription
is
or because an officer said to be
was of too purely was obliged, not
on the sarcophagus, not on the pelta.
the importance of this fact, see Pauline and other Studies,
p. 376.
XII. The Chu7'ch of Lycaonia
342
merely to acquiesce
pagan ceremonial
in
tacitly
(as
the
private soldiers were), but to take an active part in the religious ritual of the stress
on
regiment
and he was unwilling to lay
;
He mentions, however, may be taken to mean
this aspect of his career.
that he served with distinction, which
and medals.^ Meantime there went forth an Imperial decree in the time of Maximin that the Christians should offer sacrifice (in the State religion) and should not retire from military service. that he gained decorations
a novel and striking record, which throws unexpected
This
is
light
on the character of the persecution ordered by Maxi-
min.
Here
absolutely contemporary evidence, and the
is
circumstances in which
it
was written down place
suspicion of being intended
all
for
it
temporary
beyond
effect
or
suggested by controversy.
During the persecution of Diocletian, tion
was
soldiers
at
first
to clear the
A.D. 303, the inten-
army of Christians, and
Christian
were in the opening stage of the persecution given
the choice between dismissal from the honour of service and
compliance with the Imperial decrees enforcing
A large number
of soldiers, preferring their religion, forthThereafter persecution, which
with abandoned their career.
been contemplated, was begun
had not originally soldiers
were executed on their confession.
later time,
when
army
Maximin,
Donatus donis militaribus.
"^
Eusebius, Hist. Eccles.,
by Harnack, Verbreitung f.
again at a
and 323, he
tried to
appears that
in
purge
it
the time of
A.D. 307-313, an Imperial decree forbade Chris-
1
211
and
of Christians.
In contrast with this policy
ii.,p.
And
;
Licinius was preparing for the final struggle
against Constantine in A.D. 315 his
sacrifice.^
p. viii.
(ed. 2),
i.,
ii.,
Lactantius, de Mort. Persec, p.
46
f.,
x., quoted and Expansion of Christianity,
in the
tians to give
them
coerce
Fourth Century
up military
343
service (doubtless attempting to
into compliance with the
State
Be-
ritual).
yond question, the reason must have been that the enforced retirement of so many Christian soldiers was weakening the army too much. It is certain that the armies of the Eastern Empire were largely composed of Christians, and Maximin
found that the earlier policy was dangerous.
If Licinius
was easy to see. His enemy, Constantine, was recognised as the champion of the Christians and Licinius was afraid to trust Christians This war was fought by Licinius as to fight against him. recurred to the older policy, the reason
;
the champion of paganism.
Already, in the time of Diocletian,
Acta of
St.
to enlist
:
it is
apparent from the
Maximilian that Christians were being compelled
Maximilian, in spite of his protests that he was
a Christian and could not be a soldier, was measured and
put
through
the
first
stages
of
enforced
conscription.^
was hoped that he would submit and accept
Apparently,
it
the position
when he found
bably the suspicion
there
was no escape
;
and pro-
was entertained that he was merely
ing service under the plea of religion.
When
shirk-
he persevered
he was executed.
The
Imperial and ecclesiastical orders regarding military
service
form a remarkable
series
which throw
light
on one
another and on the relation of the Church to the State.
Maximian in A.D. 303 ordered Christians They must have relied on the men's to leave the service. loyalty or the attractions of the army to make Christians (i)
Diocletian and
abandon
their faith
;
and, evidently, these
proved strong
influences. (2)
Maximin forbade
Christians to leave the service,
1 Harnack, Verbreitung, p. 48 (ed. 2); Expansion of Christianity, 214; Ruinart, Acta Sincera Mart., p. 341 (Ratisbon, 1859),
when ii.,
p.
344
XII. The Church of Lycaonia
the Eastern
army was being dangerously weakened by the soldiers, who abandoned the service
loss of the Christian
rather than their religion.
The Council of Aries
(3)
arms
down now the West and
forbade soldiers to lay
This implies that the Church
time of peace.
in
took the side of the Christianised Empire of
ordered Christians to remain in the army and not to abandon the service on grounds of conscience. (4)
Licinius in his
war against Constantine, 315 and 323,
army
ordered Christians to leave the
of the East.
He
could
not trust them to fight for him against Constantine. (5) ties
The Nicene
Council in 325 decreed very severe penal-
against those who, after having
sumed
service.
left
the army, had re-
This cannot be taken as referring to ancient
events in the persecution of Diocletian or of Maximin. applies to those
who had
returned to the
fought against Constantine. tract the Christians
323 and
in
Licinius evidently tried to at-
back to the ranks and succeeded
Here again we
were even eager to return. officially
army
siding with
the
It
Christian
find the
:
some
Church
Emperor, and using
ecclesiastical penalties to enforce loyalty.
The Church
at
Nicaea definitely takes one side in a political question, and begins the close alliance with the Imperial Government, on
which see Article IV.
The
edict
in this
under Maximin must have been issued shortly Imperial dignity in A.D. 307.
after his accession to the
was followed by the in Pisidia
volume.
and
arrest
ments ^ to have governed fixed
by
The
by order of the governor Diogenes.
in question, Valerius Diogenes,
is
young
torture of the
is
known from
^CJ.L.,
Apameia iii.,
he erected a
6807, 13661.
official
other docu-
Pisidia about this time.
the fact that at
It
officer
His date
monument
in the in
Fourth Century
honour of the Empress Valeria, who
fell
345 into unmerited
disgrace and had to flee from court in A.D. 311. therefore,
was governor before that year
Diogenes,
and, as there
;
is
no
reason to think that duration of office was longer at this time
than previously, shortly before
it is
probable that Julius Eugenius suffered
was stopped by edict
persecution
the
The
Galerius in A.D. 311.
edict of
Maximin,
of
in that case,
would be a supplementary decree issued during the long persecution 303-311, and not mentioned
by Eusebius
in his
History.
But the
possibility
have governed
must be considered that Diogenes
Pisidia for a longer period,
may
and that the time
when Eugenius suffered was during the recrudescence of persecution in the East under Maximin in A.D. 312 and 313. In that case, however,
Maximin with Eusebius
:
Galerius's
sending
it
he did not act
letters
is difficult
to reconcile this edict of
the description of his conduct as given issue
of toleration,
and
any formal edict annulling but contented
All
himself with
setting aside the edict of
practically
death he issued a
new
reasons, therefore, point to
the
grace, until at last just before
edict of toleration.
by
his
earlier date.
We conclude, and that
then, that Eugenius suffered about A.D. 310,
his escape
from death (which
is
contrary to the other
evidence about the character of the great persecution)
may
have been due either to the fact that towards the end feeling
was changing and punishments were not always carried so
far,
or to the mildness of persecution in Pisidia (see No. 28). Julius Eugenius obtained permission to retire service,
and
settled in Laodicea,
from military
where he was soon made
bishop, about A.D. 314-316 (see p. 351). self to the restoration of the church,
He
devoted him-
which had evidently
The Chiirch of Lycaonia
XII.
34*5
been destroyed
in the great persecution
This
built from the foundations.
and h^d
in striking
is
to be re-
agreement
with the History of Eusebius, who, immediately after the
and the death of Maximin, proceeds to describe
final edict
the restoration of the churches.
The new churches were
more splendid than those which had been destroyed. was now dominant and prosperous money flowed in and the Imperial bounty contributed to the refar
Christianity
;
;
The emperors had always made
building. ^
contributing liberally to works of public utility
a practice
of
and churches
;
were now regarded as a necessary part of municipal equip-
As
ment. Xlfov^
here the Laodicean church was restored,
so Eusebius
tells
that they were rebuilt
e/c
Eugenius mentions the "adornment" or "equipment" /x,o
of his church, so Eusebius,
x., 4, in
^e/ie-
As
^ddpcav.
e'/c
{koct-
the panegyric which
he addressed to Paulinus, bishop of Tyre, on the dedication of his new-built church, speaks of "the splendid ornaments of this temple"
We may
(to.
roOSe toO
fairly take the rest of Eusebius's
scription as of the church at
Eugenius
veu) TrepiKaXkij KoafnjfiaTa).
did.
Tyre
Paulinus used the old
purposely polluted with
all
very
full
as an illustration of site,
de-
what
which had been
kinds of impurities, so that the
was a troublesome work. In the old establishgates {irvXai) had been cut down with axes, outer the ment, the holy books had been destroyed and the church had been
cleansing of
burned
;
it
but Paulinus built a new,
much
larger
and more
magnificent church and series of constructions, surrounded
by a wider enclosing wall (Trep/ySoXo?). On the east side he built a large and lofty entrance {irpoTrvKov), calculated to attract the attention even of strangers and enemies, to '
Eusebius, Hist. Eccles.,
^ iyeirvpuray iv irvpi
rb
x., 2,
and the African donations,
ayia.(Tri\piov
tov 0eo5.
x.,
6 (Calder).
Z7t
Fourth Century
the
347
astound them by the contrast of the present splendour and the former desolation, to afford them, as they stood far outside,
a good view of
all
that
was
and entice them
inside,
to enter.
Passing through the outer gateway or Propylon, the visitor or
came next into a wide square space, open to the heavens, surrounded by four covered porticoes supported on the devotee
From column
columns.
wooden
column stretched screens of is what Eugenius calls a
to
This atrium
lattice-work,^
In the open space of the atrium there were foun-
tetrastoon.
tains of flowing water, so that all visitors
buildings purified and not with
outer entrance he
might enter the holier
unwashed
Opposite the
feet.
made another gateway
{irpoirvXav) with
three gates, the largest and loftiest in the middle.
These
caught the rays of the rising sun, like the outer gateway.
The church
itself {yaQ
^aaiXeco^
w^ av ^aauXi^) was
oIko'?,
surrounded with porticoes {a-roal) on both
church the holy place beautifully
wrought wooden screens of
admiration of spectators.
and on each
He made
sides.
was partitioned
{dva-taa-rtjpiov)
In the off
lattice-work,"^ to
the pavement of marble,
chambers and exedrai
side he constructed
by the
for
various hieratic purposes of purification, baptism, etc.
The analogy
of this contemporary church
at
Tyre not
merely shows what was the arrangement and appearance of the Laodicean buildings, but also proves that the
was widely accepted
in the Christian
same type
world of the fourth
Another example has recently been uncovered in the excavations conducted by Dr. Wiegand at Miletus.^ century.
^
(TToats
Kioaiv navrax^dtv (-raipofieyats
^v\ou SiKTuoaToTs 4s rh ^ro'is atrh
Siv
•
to jueVa Sia
arrh
(rvfx/xeTpov fiKOvffi firjKOvs irepi/cAeiVas.
^v\ov irepietppaTTe Siktvois,
eis
iKpov fyTex''ov Kfirovpy(as
4^rj(TKi)-
fxivois, ois davfxdffiov ro7s ipuffi irapexfty t^jv diav. '
Sechster
Abhandl.
d.
vorldtifige
A had.).
Bericht,
p.
28
ff.
(Berlin,
1908;
Anhang zn
den
;
XII. The Church of Lycaonia
348
Here also the Propylon leads to an atrium of the usual form and through the atrium one enters the church (which has
A
the form of a basilica).
variety of other buildings are
grouped closely around, forming one single complex structure.
The
entrance
is
from the west, not from the
east, as
Tyre.
at
There
therefore,
is,
no doubt
as
the
to
character of
The whole was surrounded by an
Eugenius's constructions.
This wall
enclosing wall or peribolos.
entrance gateway {irponrvKov), and
is
is
implied by the
summed up among
the
works of masonry, which are comprehensively mentioned at the end of the
list.
The
enclosure was entered
which admitted to an open space
in
two atriums or square spaces open
by
The church
porticoes.
also
by a gateway,
which there were at
to the
least
sky and surrounded
was bordered by
porticoes.
There was a water-tank instead of the fountains of the Tyrian church.
The church and perhaps
corated with paintings.
the atria were de-
There remain the
a word
KevTrjaei^,
not elsewhere quoted in the technical sense here employed.
There
can, however,
be no doubt that Mr. Calder
taking the word to denote carved work, holes in wood.
is
made by
right in
piercing
should unhesitatingly identify them with
I
the lattice-work screens, which were used at Tyre both in the
church and
in the
atrium
:
see also No. 11.
Eusebius in his panegyric makes no reference to the municipal side of this great work.
He
regards
tended for the faithful alone, and speaks only of astical purpose.
the hope
them
The pagan
strangers look from outside, and
entertained that the interior splendour
is
to qualify for entrance.
structures
But
it is
;
and, as the cities
became
may
allure
clear that these great
were intended to be a centre of
the faithful
as in-
it
its ecclesi-
social
life
for
entirely Christianised,
— in the
Fourth Century
349
the church buildings formed the centre of city
life
gener-
ally.i
This architectural enterprise must have absorbed
energy of Bishop Eugenius
all
the
for the twenty-five years of his
and was perhaps the reason why he did not
episcopate,
attend the Council of Nicaea in A.D, 325 (though the situation
of Laodicea on the great road
tend than Isaura,
it
was
made
him
easier for
it
to at-
for such distant bishops as those of Barata,
Vasada, and others
necessary for him to find
in Pisidia
the
and Lycaonia).
workmen and
It
was
the money,
as well as to exercise constant supervision over the work.
The well-known letter of Gregory to Amphilochius about the much smaller building which he intended to erect at Nyssa shows how much depended on the bishop in such a case.
'^
In later
life
Julius Eugenius, according to the old Phrygian
custom, proceeded to prepare his
monument.
It consisted
curious term pelta
is
sepulchral
The
frequently used in Lycaonian, Pisidian
and Phrygian epitaphs.
probably a native word (used
It is
as a neuter, 'nkXrov, in Greek)
by Keil
own grave and
oi pelta and a sarcophagus.
;
and
is
explained with high
Hermes, 1908, p. 551, as denoting a palisade or partition surrounding the plot of ground on probability
in
which the sarcophagus was placed, and which was the property of the maker of the tomb.
The
cording to Keil, composed of staves
{Sopara)
in
see especially No. 11.
Such
1
is
and we are
/^//^, originally
wooden, were
be made also of stone, and to retain the old name.
See above,
'It
;
churches of that period, on which
reminded of the screens likely to
palisade was, ac-
p.
153
ff.
translated and
commented on by Bruno
Keil
in
Strzygowski's
Kleinasien ein Neuland der Kunstgeschichte, p. 77 f. This church was only a martyrion or memorial of a martyr ; and was a single small church of tha usual memorion type.
;
XII. The Church of Lycaonia
350
Within the palisade there was probably a large basis or
on which the sarcophagus was placed the subcalled in West-Phrygian epitaphs by various
sub-structure structure
is
:
names indicating the whole or Following the example of tury and a half
earlier,
parts.^
St. Avircius
Eugenius caused to be engraved on
his sarcophagus a record of his
revealed
by Mr.
Marcel lus, a cen-
and
life,
this record
has been
Contrary to
Calder's important discovery.
immed-
the usual custom, the bishop makes no mention of his iate
family except in the vague general phrase of the conclu-
sion (which shows that he
had
children).
wife at the beginning in such a
way
noble birth was a cause of pride to him that she
was to be buried
He
;
but he does not say
the same grave.
in
mentions his
as to suggest that her
Possibly, she
was already dead and buried at Pisidian Antioch, the city to
The bishop's attention,
which her family probably belonged.
however, was fully occupied in the task of compressing into the brief limits of an epitaph the account of his
and we must be
grateful to
worthy a record of
him
own
career
bequeathing so note-
for
which furnishes
this critical period,
strik-
ing confirmation of Eusebius's historical sense in selecting for record the typical facts It is clear that
and processes of the time.
Eugenius was a bishop of the
fully de-
veloped monarchical type, head of the Laodicean Church, controller of its finance, director of
name.
He rebuilt
its
work, speaking in
its
the old Church, as he says; but there can
be no doubt that he employed all the resources of the local The organisation Church, as well as his own, for this end. of each city-Church in Lycaonia must therefore be understood as completed on the ^
same type
fiadpiKoy, (TvyKpovffTov, ypidoi, etc.
p. 367).
(Cities
at this time.
Yet he
and Bishoprics of Phrygia,
ii,,
— Fourth Ce^itury
in the
351
uses the old native formula of epitaph, not a
As he made
style.
new
from service as soon as the law was relaxed
yfjvai)
Christian
a point of retiring {(xirovhaaa'^ a/KcCKXain 3
1
by
3
the last edict of Maximian, and as he resided only a short
made
time in Laodicea before he was
bishop, his elevation
not likely to have been later than sufferings
and
his
was
While
III.
it
A.D. is
316,
rank caused him to be selected without
passing through the lower orders. office, then,
is
Apparently, his
His twenty-fifth year of
340 or earlier.
impossible here to enter on the vexed
question of the relation between bishops and presbyters
nor
is
the writer qualified to do so
—
it
equally impossible
is
to ignore the fact that these inscriptions throw
some
light
on
the character of the presbyterate in the fourth century, and
some ways the
that the information serves to complete in
accepted views. in the fair
I
may
take Dr. Hatch's
Dictionary of Christian Antiquities,
specimen of those views
:
article, " Priest," ii.,
1700
bishop existed he was from the
first
the
manager of the
Church finance and custodian of the Church
funds,
and that
through this and other functions he gradually became, of
all,
primus
body of Church
president of the whole inter pares oi
"
that
;
begun
to
conform to
lingered on " through
a
" in
single
some
the
type,
bishop,
third century
may
Churches had presbyters
places the older organisation
functions of the presbyterate in this
generally accepted type
as
and thereafter ruling by the beginning of the
third century the organisation of almost all
and deacons," though
first
officials,
presbyteroi ]
ikat
and monarchical bishop
as a
ff.,
to the effect that where the
;
and
that
fully organised
"
the
and
be mainly grouped according
as they relate (i) to discipline, (2) to the sacraments, (3) to teaching, (4) to benediction
".
— The Church of Lycax)nia
XII.
352
The most important
of the inscriptions relating
duties of the presbyter in 2.
Lycaonia
Nova
Alkaran, near
Studies, 1902, p. 167)
to the
is
Isaura (R. in Journal of Helle7tic
:
Helper of widows, of orphans, of strangers, of the poor, [Nestor
son of Nestor
?
penditure
This epitaph
presbyter of the sacred ex-
(remembrance).^
i(n)
:
may be
?],
assigned with
much confidence to the lat-
ter part of the fourth century, but the earlier part of the fifth is
The
possible.
an
disuse of the older form of epitaph prohibits
The
earlier date.
individual characterisation
description of the deceased
There It
is
is
and
full
unfavourable to a later date.
nothing of a stereotyped and formulated character.
reads like the free expression of an individual mind, and
formulae were likely to
grow out of
this expression in subse-
quent time.
The preceding December, 1905, confirmation of
sentence was printed
Anthousae Athanasii, is
I
in the
Expositor,
observed a remarkable
opening of the Acta Sanctorum
in the
it
of the presbyter
In 1908
445.
p.
etc.,
-^
where the description here given
caught up and applied to Athanasius,
Bishop of Tarsus, who
is
called " the protector of orphans,
the champion of widows, the help of the oppressed, and the
harbour of the storm-tossed
The words
of the Acta are only a turgid variation of the
terms used in the epitaph ^
XVP^" opipawuv [X^vuv
T&v t[epiv a.vaXa]}iATuv ally, to
show
:
the four classes of persons aided
raXailircipuv apwyos [SeffTtiip
(jl-x-
The name of the deceased
?
Sis ? is
],
Tp€0')3ure[p]of
supplied conjectur
the construction.
^Analecta Bolland., Sanct., August, *6p
".^
iv.,
xii.,
499
f.,
ayriXifirrwp,
lo
ff.
(ed.
Usenet), a longer and earlier form
;
Acta
a shorter but later form of the Acta. XIP'**'
vKfpacnriffTijS,
KaraTTOvovfjLivwv
^ijdos,
kcu
Fourth Century
in the
by the church wretched
apphed
;
widows, strangers and
officer remain, orphans,
but in respect of each class a special epithet
to the
and
official,
called "storm-tossed," the "
pressed
353
".
It is
"
strangers "
wretched
"
are
is
fantastically
are styled " the op-
possible that the words of the epitaph are
taken from some religious work of the fourth century
;
and that
the expression became customary in the south-eastern part of Anatolia,^ and thus of this epitaph it is
and
came
known both
to be
to the author of the
composer
to the
But at
Acta?
least
evident that the epitaph gives the simple and early form,
while the expression used in the Acta
is
later in date
and
pedantic in phraseology. In this inscription the Presbyter
is
described as dispenser
of charity and hospitality, which implies control of the funds for those purposes.
accepted, he
Church.
Yet
characteristic
If
the restoration of the conclusion be
was
in
this
duty
of the entire finance of the
control is
supposed to have been the most
and determining
function
of
the
bishop's
office.
The only is
other restoration that seems possible at the end
that which Professor
Cumont suggested
at the time
when
The verb connected with avTiK'fiTnwp was used in this region see No. 43. The scene of the Acta lies in this Province. The time is given as the reign of Valerian, when Cilicia, Isauria and Lycaonia formed the Province ^
:
^
called the "
Three Eparchise " (p. 332) Anthousa belonged to Seleucia of two Christian slaves were tried and suffered at Tarsus of This seems so strange to the Cilicia, metropolis of the whole Province. author of the earlier Acta, that he omitted the specification of Anthousa's city (which, however, is retained in the later Acta and in the Menologia, and even in §4 of the earlier Acta). This author wrote much later than a.d. 295, when CiHcia was disjoined by Diocletian from Isauria. Usener, ignoring the provincial facts, maintains in his edition that Anthousa belonged to Tarsus; :
Isauria, yet her
is that she saw Athanasius, Bishop of Tarsus but a journey was needed before they met. He rightly observed that the longer Acta, which he published, are older than the shorter Acta.
his sole reason
;
23
I
The Church of Lycaonia
XII.
354 found the
inscription,
rwv
[[epcov TrpayJfLaTcov
the words applied in Apostol. Const.,
ii.,
he compared
35, to the priest, Stot-
But
t5)v iKKKT](rLa(7TLK5)v irpa/yfidrmv.
Kr}Trj
;
seems to
this
require in the inscription the use of a preposition eVt,
the longer word suits the large gap better.
reading "expenditure"
cumstances here
:
etc.,
cir-
The deceased
presbyter was the helper
because he was in charge of the expenditure
of the Church. the one case
demanded by the
the last words furnish the explanation for
the opening words. of widows,
perhaps,
is,
and
Moreover, the
It is therefore clear
is
word
that the
lepoiv in
practically equivalent to eKtckrjcnaaTiKwv in
the other: "the expenses of the Ekklesia" are "the sacred
expenses ".
The word word
is
poses
" strangers " is
a pure restoration
required by the context, and this
itself
as
necessary.
The duty
;
but
some
word almost im-
of hospitality was
strenuously insisted on in the early Church from the very
Charity and hospitality formed a most im-
beginning.^
portant part of the ecclesiastical establishment.
The
restoration "strangers"
scription No.
3.
Moreover,
is
further confirmed
we remember
by
in-
the great founda-
by Basil near Caesarea,- including almshouse, hospital and place of entertainment for strangers. In the village church where this presbyter officiated,
tion built
we
find ourselves in the
Basil
had
in his
mind.
same surroundings
The Church
is
work in social organisation, charity and Church of the people.
cal
In early
widows
is
as those which
the centre of practihospitality, the
documents the duty of presbyters to take care of strongly emphasised
:
Dr.
Hatch quotes Polycarp,
Pauline and other Studies, pp. *See above, p. 154.
1
ii8, 385.
Fourth Century
in the
355
ad Phil., 4 Epist. Clement, ad Jacob., 8 Apost. Const., iv., Hermas rather associates this duty with bishops, and does Ignatius, ad Polyc.,
The
2.^
;
;
so
4.
question arises whether this epitaph can be supposed
to describe
one of a body of presbyters, on the theory that
the various
ecclesiastical
duties were
among
apportioned
This view seems to be impossible, as there
them. 2
no
is
reason to think that the various functions of the presbyterate
were ever divided
members of
in this strict businesslike
way among
the
the body, or that one presbyter superintended
and
finance, charity
hospitality, another taught, a third dis-
pensed the sacraments, and so
Division of duties inter
on.
pares was voluntary, not permanent and
official.
suppose that the deceased
It is preferable to
is
described
as having discharged certain of the duties of his office with
and
special zeal
success, without
implying that he did not
also discharge all the other functions of the presbyterate.
We
must remember that
many
in the
was no bishop, but only a presbyter presbyter necessarily exercised
all
village churches there in
charge
;
and
the powers which
this in
a
by a bishop and presbyters. presbyter was simply the village
great city church were exercised
In that view the village priest
;
we
and, as
villages,
and the remains show that
must have been In
a
small
churches.
shall find in other epitaphs,
at least
city
But
like
Barata
in the entire
The second and
third authorities
view in the present article. ^ Formerly I inclined to
in
each village there
one church, which needed
were only eighteen bishops. '
he was often
Lycaonia was covered with innumerable
called hiereus.
there
were
its priest.
quite
thirty
Province of Lycaonia there
The may
presbyter or hiereus of
be called early from our point of
this view. Expositor,
Dec,
1905, p. 447
ff.
XII. The Church of Lycaonia
356
the village church had, therefore, to discharge duties
which the Orthodox Church regarded as
work
he managed
:
its
sphere of
finance, charity, hospitality, as well as
the strictly ecclesiastical and hieratic functions
epitaph
the various
all
and
;
They
those social duties that are emphasised.
it is
his
in
were what endeared the presbyter to his people and made
him
Church was
memory. The Orthodox and Imperial the Church of the people.^
their
live in
still
That a presbyter administered a village church way in the fourth century is proved by a reference in letter 188, 10, in
my paper
a
Athens, 1902, p. 266
supposed that
passage which
difficult
on Pisidia in
in
f.
the
It
Annual of seems
unnamed
is
in
A.D.
371
transferred
Basil's
discussed at length
the British School
in this
village
there was only one presbyter, Longinus.
was
in this
of
passage to be pre-
under discussion
When
the district
and placed under Iconium,
Amphilochius the metropolitan of
Iconium
found
that
Longinus (who had been favoured by the metropolitan of Isaura, his former head) was unworthy and ordered another ;
presbyter, Cyriacus of the village Mindana, to perform his duties.^
Again
in
letter
(village-bishops or
54
Basil, addressing
his
Chorepiscopi
countr)' bishops) reprimands
them
for
admitting, without proper examination and without reference to himself,
numbers of persons
ministry.
This practice
every village there were '
See above,
into the lower order of the
they had carried so far that in
many
ministers,^ but often not
one
p. 152.
^Professor Holl, Amphilochius, p. 20 (Berlin, 1906), comes to different
He quotes only my Historical Geography, not my later article, on the topography and topography is the key to the whole incident. ^ These ministers are defined as subdeacons in the Benedictine annotation. The priestly order (hpaTuov, rdy/j-a twv UpariKwi') is usually extended by
conclusions.
;
;
Fourth Century
in the
worthy to perform the service of the
single person
He
357
requires that a strict investigation be
made
altars.
as to the
ordination and the personal character of the ministers in
every It
village,
and the unworthy relegated among the
seems therefore that
village church usually
The
subdeacons. the
same
in
this region of
laity.
Asia Minor a
had a presbyter with deacons and
presbyter evidently must have stood in
relation to these subordinate clergy, as
the bishop
did to his presbyters and deacons in the church of a city
and similar functions
in regard to finance fell
to the lot of
the bishop in a city and the presbyter in a village.
The relation of
the presbyter in a village to a village-bishop
or country-bishop
{'xwpeiricrKO'rros;)
exact position of the latter
was not a country-bishop
under him;
country-bishops
remains uncertain, as the
his
letter
There
not strictly defined.
every
village.
Basil
but in the vast
must have been hundreds of
Caesarea there
seems from
in
is
104 that a
had
fifty
disocese villages.
village-bishop
of It
had to
look after more villages than one.
The
ill-defined relations
between the country-bishops and
the other clergy, superior and inferior (as attested by Basil,
Ep. 104), were probably the cause of their suppression.
Basil
mentions, Ep. 190, that there was a tendency to do
away
with them
Now special
^
already in his time.
the question arises
whether there was not some
term to denote a church which was administered by
Basil to include these lower orders, though the synod of Laodicea distinguished them (according to the Benedictine note), and though Basil himself defines tov» Upufifvovs as presbyters
and deacons (excluding subdeacons)
He
54 that fear of the conscription was
in his letter 104.
driving
many of,
in letter
persons into the ministry.
^The bishops speaks
mentions
of small cities or large villages,
are probably
x"P«'''«cK<»jroj.
whose suppression he there
XII. The Church of Lycaonia
35^
a presbyter, as distinguished from a church which was ad-
On
a later
for thinking that
such a
ministered by a bishop and a board of presbyters. inscription
advance reasons
shall
I
church was sometimes called a presbyterion.
This epitaph and No. 4 seem to have arisen in the same surroundings of thought and custom in of the Apostolic Constitutions^ is
ii.,
which chapter 35
grew up
;
but the latter
expressed in more formed and almost stereotyped phrase-
Thus
ology.
"
scribes
and
will
your righteousness surpass [that of the
Pharisees],
if
you take greater forethought than
they for the priests and the orphans and the widows is
He
written,
poor.i
.
.
.
manage, as
hath scattered abroad
:
He
:
as
it
hath given to the
For thy duty is to give, and the priest's duty to manager and administrator of the ecclesiastical
things."
The term " ecclesiastical " seems to indicate a more advanced state of organisation than the word " sacred," which is
(ot/coz/o/xo?)
presbyter
is
is
in
the next sentence of the Con^
be the bishop, while
stitutions said to
is
Moreover
used in the corresponding part of the epitaph.
the manager
the administrator.
The
title
in the
epitaph the
manager
(ot/coi/o/io?)
used several times in the Lycaonian inscriptions to indicate
—
one who was charged managing the money of the specially with the duty of church devoted to charitable purposes. Thus it seems to be apparently a presbyter, not a bishop
implied that in each Lycaonian church there was a certain
by the congregation,
fund, contributed state,
and distributed
as the Constitutions
to widows, orphans
and poor (perhaps
also to strangers in the form of entertainment)
or presbyter, this duty. '
by the bishop
who was entitled Oikonomos in performance
When
Toii -Kivquiv
:
of
the Lycaonian inscriptions speak of the in the prose
epitaph ToXatnwpuv
is
the word.
;
in the
Fourth Century
359
presbyter in relations in whicli the Apostolic Cotistitutious
would probably mention a bishop, we must understand that the idea in the minds of every one
presbyter alike are priests.
is
" priest "
:
bishop and
In the Constitutions,
30,
ii.,
is
given an elaborate statement of the relation of the deacon to the bishop relation
exactly the same might be said about the
;
between the deacon and the presbyter
Bishop be honoured by you
Deacon as
in the place of
"
:
Let the
God, and the
without the Father
his prophet, for as Christ
does nothing, so neither does the Deacon without the Bishop
and as Son
not without Father, so neither
is
;
Deacon
is
and as Son is subordinate ^ to Father, Deacon to the Bishop and as the Son is messenger and prophet of the Father, so also the Deacon is messenger and prophet of the Bishop". Moreover, in without the Bishop
;
so also every
;
the Constitutions, in a still
19,
ii.,
the
name
it
ye laymen
".
clear that the
is
is
roughly used
wider generic fashion, to include the entire clergy
as distinguished from the laity listen,
bishop
:
" Listen,
ye bishops
;
and
In this and in the following chapter 20,
generic distinction between guide and
guided, shepherd and sheep, is|in the writer's mind, and that
the clergy, higher or lower, are the shepherd, but only the head
and representative of the clergy
whole order.
is
Where the bishop is,
not act except as ministers of his
doing
they share
so,
and where he
is
in his
named on
behalf of the
the rest of the clergy does will
and policy
;
but, as
honourable position and dignity
not, the next in order acts for him,
and
is
the father and shepherd of the people. "
Let the laymen honour the shepherd, who
him, ^
fear
him
Inrdxpfos
;
in
(unless the deacon
is
good, love
as father, as lord, as high priest of God, as No.
4,
line 6, the presbyter
is really
meant
:
is
inrovpy6[s] to the
see commentary).
bishop
^
XII. T/ze Church of Lycaonia
o 60
teacher of piety.
,
manner
In like
.
.
One feels that
laity as his children."
the bishop love the
let
the Lycaonian epitaphs
might use the same words about the presbyter.
Here
it
seems probable that
of deacon and bishop
lation
in the
Constitutions the re-
generically the relation of
is
deacon to the higher order of the ministry, and practically the relation
includes
mean
of deacon to presbyter.
used, as a generic 3.
r(emembrance).
i(n)
a practical example of the
The
in ancient usage.
tomb from
but
Isaura.
Koulas to Solon, a stranger, is
;
be used, and was sometimes
still
term to include presbyters and bishops.
Alkaran near Nova
This
is
same thing
that bishop and presbyter were the
that the term bishop could
do not
I
There
his host.
duty of hospitality
last
stranger received the honour of a
Christian or ecclesiastical
no proof that the
is ;
but
in the late
inscription
period and in
the circumstances of that period, both are probably true. 4.
Dinek near Nova Isaura. cn']^ari twS'] iveTreo Trapiovrc ')(]p6voi
Tracrt 'jrapep')(^ofjb]evoL<; /cat
5
rep^J^et?
(Te/j,v6<;
'
av
.]o6 'xaipetv
I
lepelyev] apo[vp]ri
4
(j)[.
.
Be [xoi ')(^api(jaio TrpoaeXdoov, 2
[eVJeecrcrt, fiadcov 8e aaiJDco'i
on
NecTTwp
7rpecr/3v]T€po<;, /Merpuov '^rjpwv eirapwyo'i
av\Tap [oSe y/iieTep]T]
iv\K:parLr}<; 6 StaKovo^;
6r]aavpo
3
•
5
ecr^Xo? v7rovpy6
eVtA-e/cTo?
e7rap')(iri
So[7/iaT09 ov]paviov StSdcrfcaXo^ r)tOeoiatv. Kal cro0o9 [fcV yu.e/307r]ecr(Tt BcKdaTroXo^ eTrXero TricrTOf; c^aaat 8e fiupla c^OXa. 10 i)ye^,6at,v ^[vveSpeve t Kal fjLVT]a6eitaT09, efx\izaKL "^aipoiiv '
r]ix€Tepr]
fjueijuvt) fJbev[o
rr)v a-e/jLvrjv (fiLkaSeXcfybv 1 1
have received
much
C
help from Mr.
.
J.
r)fjbar\a .
.
^ira^TrdvTa
o TrlapaKoir^LV dpiarriv
G. C. Anderson, Professor Sanday,
and Professor T. Callander and to them the best restorations are due. Line Perhaps restore only Tai/ra at the beginning, and five I is most uncertain. ;
syllables after xa'pfi"-
.
Fourth Century
in the
1
5
361
TT}\€
e\_K
re Trpoyjota? re Xpccrrov
ixyr^lil^oavv^r]^ ^vrf\fi'q
6-^ dpicrro
20 I
ajcr/iara [/cJo-Xa [(f)p]d(rovcn koX i(rcrofievoi(7[i irvOeaOat,
descx'ibodmth.e. Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1905,
made my copy
the circumstances which
and but
In
unsatisfactory.
1905
had suffered much
it
very delicate
sensitive to
panied on another
saw the
I
and
effects,
p.
349,
1901 defective
inscription again,
My
in the interval.
eyes are not
should be accom-
I
by some persons with sharper eyes
visit
This stone also
for faint lines.
in
ing needs of exploration,
lies far
away from
the press-
and would require two long days
of travelling and one day of work to copy
properly.
it
Such
conditions add immensely to the cost of a single inscription,
The
but this one would reward the expense.
broken down the middle, and on the right and
The two
but complete at top and bottom.
and one
in a
is
hardly see
it
I
is
fair
separate,
Only a
facsimile
would
idea of the state of the text, as
often broken in parts.
have never known an
letters are preserved, yet so
obscure,
entirely
lie
is
sides,
very awkward position so that the copier can
except upside down.
be sufficient to give a the surface
halves
stone left
and
inscription
much
restoration
in
of the is
so
which so
many
meaning remains difficult.
There
seems to be no proper connection between the parts, and thus the restorer has no foundation to work on. Accordingly I
have been forced at
last refuge
The
first
(which that
is
the
of despair
line
is
last to
—that
the hypothesis
the second line
— almost is
the
misplaced.
engraved on the square capital of the stone
shaped
like
lollowing
an ornate
altar).
Then
I
conjecture
second and third hexameters were en-
— XII. The Church of Lycaonia
362
graved on the shaft of the stone, and that the stone-cutter accidentally omitted the fourth hexameter.
first
and the second.
line
his
words on the
error too late, he engraved the omitted
treating face between the
Finding
re-
It is
not a rare thing to find words thus omitted in an inscription
and added
Where
at the side or the end.
the inscription
is
complete, the correct order can easily be detected (though
some strange
errors have been
made
in
publishing inscrip-
tions that contain such misplaced letters or words, because
Here, where
the editor failed to notice the misplacement). the inscription
incomplete, and where there are lacunae
is
both at beginning and end of every in
the middle of the
lines of the
lines,
the difficulty
is
almost insuperable,
hexameters do not correspond
the
especially as
and sometimes also
line,
Elsewhere
engraved text.
I
the
to
have pointed out
more than once that the engraver of such epitaphs generally had a written copy to work from. Thus it comes about that the misplaced
There
is
words here are not exactly a hexameter.
generally a
more than a hexameter
little
each
in
line of the text.
If
we
opening
By
tr>'
to correct the misplacement, the
would be
lines
meaning of the
:
this sign (or stone) I bid the passer hail,
go by
;
me
but do thou show
and taking pleasure
in
my
that Xestor in old times
and
all
who
favour, approaching^
words and learning clearly
was
priest in these lands [a
revered presbyjter, the help of virtuous widows.
A
salutation
the
to
ancient epitaphs
:
it
passers-by
times at the beginning.
from pagan custom
is
a
common
was sometimes placed
Such
feature
at the end,
in
some-
salutations were taken over
into early Christian epitaphs.
In the
present case the use of the salutation must be regarded as a
— Fourth Century
in the
The
sign of comparatively early date.
363
salutation
was
evi-
dently closely connected in construction with the following
on the stone).
line (line 3
The
description of the duties and position of Nestor as
presbyter, and several other points of interest in the sequel,
make
an important document, and
this epitaph
it
is
unfor-
tunate that a good deal of the interpretation has to rest on conjectural restoration
:
that Nestor in ancient times
was
priest in these cultivated
lands, a revered presbyter, helper of virtuous
widows
;
moreover, he (was) the minister of continence, excel-
Province,
Here, as
sat
know
to
among
the governors, and a thousand
this.
previous
the
in
our
and he was a trustworthy judge among
;
men, and he nations
treasure of
heavenly decree
teacher of the
the
young men
chosen
worker,
subordinate
lent
the stress
inscription,
is
laid
strongly on the presbyter's work as a dispenser of charity.
The
work
practical side of the Church's
The
popular estimation.
is
dominant
in the
judicial or disciplinary side of his
work, and the teaching side, are also strongly emphasised in lines 9, 8
and
6.
The
other two more ritualistic or hier-
atic sides of the presbyter's
Hatch
in the
work
(as
enumerated by Dr.
passage quoted above), relating to the sacra-
ments and to benediction, seem to have been much regarded to
be
in
the Lycaonian world
summed up
in
they
;
As
the verb lipevev.
cription " select treasure," that
to his popularity in the
Province
:
ally
be taken, at
The word first sight,
"
deacon
as a
refers rather
Nestor, like in
less
be supposed
to the general des-
vague expression
was well spoken of and well esteemed whole country.
may
Timothy,
Iconium and the
" in line
6 would natur-
parenthetic reference to a
XII. The Church of Lycaonia
364
deacon who was subordinate minister to Nestor have been unable to work tion of the document.
;
but
I
this into a satisfactory interpreta-
take the two expressions 6 8idKovo
I
6 and 6 8iBd
in
the presbyter's work, understanding that the former in its
duties
official
sense but as
not used
defining one side of Nestor's
he was the minister of
:
is
self-restraint,
and the teacher
of the divine ordinance.
We
notice here
same thought
the
that appears in the
opening words of the preceding inscription.
The
priest
was
the helper of virtuous widows, and dispenser of charity.
It
is
important to find that he
and hiereus ^
:
is
described as both presbyter
the two terms are therefore synonymous.
bishop was archiereus (No.
The
and it is probably to the bishop of Nova Isaura that Nestor was a good subordinate worker. As the deacon was a helper and subordinate to the presbyter, so the presbyter
The
37),
was an
assistant to the bishop.
strong expression in line 10 seems to imply that Nes-
tor acted as assessor or associate to the civil officials of the
Province
in
the administration of justice and discipline; and
suggests that very grave powers were entrusted to the presbyters.
Everywhere we are struck with the strength of the
influence
which the Church exercised over
In lines
11-13
we
is
clear that his wife
is
doubtful and
society.
pass to Nestor's domestic relations.
made
difficult
;
the tomb.
The exact
It
restoration
but the meaning seems to be that
Nestor, as he thought of his wife's love and prudence, de-
and then again rejoicing when he
parted sorrowing,
membered her continuous Lines '
14-16 describe at
The term
{letters here
j'epeus is
very
re-
affection.
length the
character of
the
involved in the verb Upevft/, a restoration not certain
faint),
and
in the iem. i6pe(i)4;i/.
all
in the accusative,
The
of Telephus.
Mammeis, daughter
wife,
365
Fourth Century
in the
expressions are
that l(T&iivoraT\ri lepeLOiv is
except
no-
using the relative
tried to explain by verb 7>. In this description she apthe and understanding as Nestor was a pears as a "trusty dispenser of continence,"
minative, which
I
have
Extremely important is the rather " of priestesses ". bold restoration which makes her most holy account of the reading te[p]€ft)i/ seems certain, and, on
minister of continence.
The
only be taken as a feminine termination preceding, this can In that case we should have slip of the engraver for lepeLdv} in the sense of " wife of a a clear example of the use of hiereia documents of the sixth Latin It is certain that in kiereus". were used in century and later presbytera and presbyterissa but no similar example the sense of "wife of a presbyter," has been found as yet hierissa perhaps
A
means
restoration like "
required
:
Lycaonia, except that
in
in
No. 21
the wife of a Christian hiereus.
handmaid of Christ
" 2
seems to be
similar expressions are often found in Lycaonian
epitaphs (see No. 44
The meaning of
f.).
the last lines seems
be that Mammeis, handmaid of Christ, in remembrance, made the tomb and honoured the dead and that certain
to
;
learn. persons will sing beautiful hymns, for posterity also to of service for the last line perhaps refers to some sort
The
or
dead,
ritual
at
celebrated
the grave: in
Phrygian
a
" sends up holy metrical epitaph a relative of the deceased
hymns ".^ In
lines
engraver. 1
The
The
it
.
.
.
is
proof of the carelessness of the
o'lm
fivrj^irj^
not impossible
;
fivrjixT}
re
but the other
is
xapn'
much more
nominative, as restored, seems to point to a verb following:
See Studies
is
preserves the metre.
TTfvaiv 'Irjtrou] also 3
text
" Descendant of priests "
satisfactory, as 2
17, is a clear
16,
suggests
itself.
in the History
of the Eastern Prov.,
p.
226 (Anderson).
d^pa.-
:
The Church of Lycaonia
XII.
366
unmistakably a poetical working up of the formulae
€vvoia<;
and and fivr]fJLT}<; xapcv must not be charged against the composer, but undoubtedly I have supposed that he by a slip against the engraven ^
X^pt'V
;
omitted four supplied to
On
5.
the repetition of fjbvij/xrj'i twice
the
letters in
him was
first
fivtjtir}';,
which
in the
copy
This restores the metre.
/uivijfioaruvij^;.
a stone high up in the front wall of an early Turkish
khan, on the
left
hand
as one enters the
gateway
in the im-
portant village of Suwerek, the ancient Psebila^ or Pegella.
The khan of
it
is
a very fine specimen of Seljuk work, and part
seemed to be a Byzantine church, on one of whose
capitals
was the dedication
period
"The vow
:
building
is
the Churches of
DJiomedes
We notice
is
1
who shone a
among
star
[one hexameter and a half lost
star,"^
all,
the reminiscence of
Homer,
showing that the composer of the
some
education.
But
far
more im-
the unmistakable reference to the Stars of the
Apocalypse.
walked
The
lies here.^
here, first of
like a
here,
lies
God *
epitaph was a person of portant
not of a very early
well worth an architect's careful study.
Nestorios, Presbyter,
"shone
letters
in
of John [and of] his [household]".^
The
in the
Stars were held in the hand of
Him who
midst of the Churches, symbolised by the
Epitaphs often show double, sometimes
See above, p. 138. 3 Other restorations of the missing
(as here), triple
cumulation.
'
above
is
letters after 'laxii/ov are possible
;
but the
the most probable. *
'NeffrSptos TrpeafivTepos ivOdSf kTt? acrriip ts eVfXa.uirec 4v fK\ri(rle(Ttv Beolo.
makes the metre needlessly bad. It was impossible to get which also is upside down. The letters are too faint to permit an impression. Hence Professor T. Callander and I both failed to
The
V before dfolo
close to the stone,
read the middle part.
^The gap ought *4p
As
to be
re-examined
:
the stone
itneKafiirey, Iliad, xix., 381,
is
upside down.
and elsewhere.
in the
The
golden lampstands. Churches.
Fourth Century
Nestorios, then,
Stars
'^,^']
were the Angels of the
was the angel who shone among
the Churches of God.
The verb used by Homer, amoXaynretv is
making
evident purpose of in the
it
for the
in),
the scene alluded to
suit better
Apocalypse.
seems also highly probable that the six-rayed
It
rosette,
common an ornament on Christian gravestones Lycaonia, may have been understood as the Star of the
which in
(to shine forth),
varied in this epitaph to evXaiitreLv (to shine
so
is
The
Church.
on
position so often assigned to the rosette
those stones, balanced symmetrically against a more or less elaborately ornate cross, seems to prove that
it
had a mean-
ing in the symbolic ornamentation of Christian stones.^ is
not at
all
This
inconsistent with the suggestion, No. lo, that
was a developed form of the monogram of
I
it
and X, implying
that Jesus Christ was the Star of the Church.
Rather
it
seems to be implied that the presbyter (bishop) stands to the Church in the same relation as God does, a very similar stage of thought to that which appears Constitutions,
No.
ii.,
2, e.g.y " let
of God
30
:
in
the Apostolic
see the quotations given above
the Bishop be honoured by you
on
in the place
".
This seems to corroborate strongly the view which
have already stated as to the picture
we
of the office of
presbyter given in the Lycaonian inscriptions, and perhaps justifies us in
speaking even more positively and emphatically.
The term presbyter in
those inscriptions
is
the same sense as hiereus and episkopos.
used in very
The
much
presbyter was
was, of course, used also as an ornament on pagan stones practically every Christian symbol was previously employed by pagans, as the cross, the vine-branch, etc. but the Christian symbolism turned those pagan ornamenbe ^
It
;
;
to its
own
purposes.
The Church of Lycaonia
XII.
368
not simply one of a board of elders in the congregation
;
was the head and
The
priest
and
leader of the local
Church.
he
presbyter administered the revenues of the Church, cared
widow and the orphan, and by the deacon his subordinate.
for the poor, the stranger, the
was
assisted in these duties
A
This description applies to the country churches. church had a bishop at
its
head, and there
city
was doubtless a
What
board of presbyters under his presidency.
relation
there was between these presbyters and the board surround-
ing the bishop, cannot be determined from the inscriptions.
But probably the presbyters of the country churches came into the city to
sit
at councils
where the bishop presided.
In each congregation there were deacons and deaconesses,
and subdeacons, also perhaps readers, evangelists, confessors, etc, (the last
very rarely mentioned
^
\.[/^
A
I
rAYKYTATWMOYAAeA 4»W7TAAAAAI0lI \k TYC rAYKYT^T YCMoVTekNMC
8Ac»A»AHKCCYrCNIH
ZWNMNHMHCXAPIN I
IV.
The
the inscriptions).
Nevinne, in the
Laodicea
ArP*»€Yr€N/OCYI0CMA J M oY A/;/'////;c THCAT w
Fig.
6.
in
I,
hills
above
(T. Callander).
Aur. Eugenius, son of Maxi-
mus, raised
to
my
sweetest
brother Palladius and to
my
sweetest children Basilis and
Eugenia
my
in
lifetime
in
remembrance.
9.
above, an early inscription,
specially
is
able on account of the ornamentation.
There
is
remarkhere the
most patent and indubitable intention to employ the monoand P (indicating the name of Christ) for a gram of
X
decorative purpose, symmetrically on each side of a circle over the inscription. This monogram was of later origin
than that of latter,
as
I
I
and
X
(on which see
No.
10).
From
the
believe, arose the Christian use of the six-ra>ed
in the Fourth Century
star or rosette
;
and
is
it
369
sometimes placed on one side of
an epitaph to correspond to a cross on the opposite
The
1 1.
The monogram the
was another decorative
cross with bent arms, swastika,
variety: see No.
of
I
and
X
century, of
third
X
seems probably to belong to
and P
to begin about
while the upright monogrammatic cross
350 A.D. p.
739;
common use De Rossi, /«jm in
Nova
(see Cities Crist.,
^
is
and
300
A.D.,
not earlier than
Bisk, of Pkr.,
ii.,
No. 127; Le Blant, Inscr.
and Manuel,
Chret. Gaule, No. 369,
V.
side.
p. 29).
Isaura {Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1905, p.
172). 7.
Claudia adorned Aur.
Thal[]ais'''
her husband honour-
able oikonomos in remembrance.
Though was an
there
is
ecclesiastic,
able oikonomos
no proof that Claudia's deceased husband yet
it is
highly probable that the honour-
here should be understood in a similar
sense to the oikonomos of No.
4.
One
aspect of the bishop's
or presbyter's duty, which was specially appreciated by the
congregation,
is
emphasised and consecrated to
has been mentioned on No.
The
date
is
early, as
memory
(as
2).
appears from the
name
Claudia,
from the p.seudo-praenomen Aur., from the use
of
the
simpler term honourable (evretfiov) instead of the superlative Ti/xicoraTov (which occurs in
No.
12,
and was stereotyped
before the time of Basil), and from the absence of ecclesiastical character.
with that of Septimia
The
Domna
epitaph (see
No.
bably belongs to the third century.
No. 22 1
is
is
all
overtly
to be ranked along
16),
and, like
it,
pro-
The oikonomissa
in
not earlier than the late fourth century.
An example
at Syracuse dated a.d. 416,
Rom. Quartalschr.,
''There are probably one or two letters lost in this name.
24
1896, p. 48.
XII. The Church of Lycaonia
370 8.
title,
An
unnoticed example of Oikonomos used simply as a
implying probably presbyter or bishop as administrator
of a village church, occurs in the district of Drya, the ex-
treme northern bishopric of Lycaonia (united with Gdamava). Gallikos the oikonomos of the people Plommeis.i It
would be quite contrary
allowable
to analogy,
of usage,^ to take Gallicus here as
possibilities
a slave of the emperor stationed fashion illustrated
and perhaps to the
for
this village (after
in
Laodicea and Zizima
in
Review, Oct., 1905, p. 369). The presbyters mentioned are very numerous. gard to them we note that
The number
in
many
is
With
re-
cases they were married.
of cases where marriage
of wife or children or both
a
Classical
proved by mention
is
so large, that this was evidently
the ordinary custom in the Lycaonian congregations, and the
unmarried presbyters were exceptional. scriptions in
which they are mentioned
early as the end of the third century 9.
Aur. Nestor erected this
I
:
Some of the inmay perhaps be as
e.g.
titles to
—
my
sweetest father
Callimachus, a Presbyter, in remembrance.
This
is
marked
as early (i)
by the formula; (2) by the " titlos," ; (3) by the term
use of Aurelius as a prcenomen
which
is
frequent in inscriptions of the earlier type, and dis-
appears from later epitaphs.
VI.
The
earliest
known
Christian inscription of Lycaonia
probably the following from Isaura Nova, published in
is
Studies in the 1
A rt and History
of the Eastern
Roman
Pro-
Anderson, in Joxirn. of Hell. Studies, 1899, p. 124, No. 136. The symon table and cooking-pot on a portable charcoal fireplace, which
bols, basket
are
shown under the
pagan and Christian time not
later
common on tombstones of the district, have copied many examples. They point to a
inscription, are alike.
I
than the fourth century.
'^Exactor reipublicce Nacolensium, C.I.L., defence.
iti.,
349,
is
hardly a sufficient
in the
vinces, p. 22 is
fif.,
adopted here.
Fourth Century
371
by Miss Ramsay, most of whose commentary This is one of the most interesting Christian
__
^'T^lfjli' £
^
-\\-
I
I
w ^i*^ ggji^lji^^^ <
!
*
;
The Church of Lycaonia
XII.
372
inscriptions that
have as yet been discovered, coming
though at a long
interval, the recently discovered
example of the
Nos.
ff.
1 1
class,
after, i,
and
The ornamentation
the epitaph of Avircius Marcellus. the best
No.
which
is
is
exemplified also by
[Non ?] ilia honoured the blessed papas, the sweetest one and the friend of all.
lo.
Very dear
is
the blessed papas, the friend of
God (Theo-
philus).
In remembrance.
The in 1
stone, a massive rectangular block
5
feet i\ inches
length by 3 feet 9^ inches in height, was discovered in
90 1 on the
hill
on the
left or
western bank of the stream
that flows through the village of Dorla. sides
is
four columns supporting a round arch
The
On
one of the long
an architectural decoration, which takes the form of
pillars
and two side pediments.
supporting the central arch are ornamented with
a pattern in incised
lines,
and above the arch are two branches
The shape of these very much worn. They
with leaves and bunches of grapes. leaves
is
doubtful, as the stone
seem to be
trefoils,
possible to say
but
if so,
the arch
and
:
is
but whether rounded or pointed
they are probably intended
the delicate points have been is
an open book, or rather a
in the central niche
it
worn away.
im-
Below opened
set of tablets
between the columns
is
for vine-leaves,
is
a wreath tied
above with a ribbon, and surrounding the second part of the inscription,
and the
letters
M
X, for
/Lti/?7/x7/?
Each
xa-p^v.
the side pediments has a round boss in the centre
garland hangs from the supporting the representation of a
fish.
pillars,
;
and beneath
All the ornament
is
of
and a it
is
in relief,
with the exception of the ribbons supporting the garlands,
and the
fins
of the
fish,
which are merely incised.
The
"
in the
Fourth Century
larger part ot the epitaph
is
373
inscribed above the ornament,
close to the upper edge of the stone.
The tomb
is
evidently that of a bishop.
the blessed papas (6 fiaKapto^
the
name
the
latter.
or the
1
came
I
90 1, that
third
of the person buried there, probably
title
Judging from the general character of Anatolian
inscriptions, in
In the expression
papas must be either
irairas:),
century,
to the conclusion, in
was not
it
and
that
later
view of the stone
than the second half of the
was the
papas
epitaph shows the remarkable
title.
peculiarity
that
But
this
the
title
supplants the actual name, in imitation of the pagan custom
who became
according to which a priest (like the
principal priests at Eleusis
and
his
of a very early date
;
title.
in various
This peculiarity
and that the stone
to the time of Constantine,
is
hieronymos of the
own name and was
great Anatolian cities) dropped his
known simply by
"
shown
is
is
suggestive
an early one, prior
also
by the
lettering
and by the general character of the epitaph and the ornament.
The
title 7ra7ra
interesting. title
was
It
in this inscription is
extremely
employed much more widely and was graduin use. The use of Papa to indicate the bishop
at first
ally restricted
Roman
in
employed
proves what was before probable, that this
inscriptions begins about A.D. 3CXD,
sixth century
it
is
confined to the Pope.^
and from the Harnack in
Dr.
West Papa was, in early times, used only in Rome, but was there employed as the ordinary term for bishop, either of Rome, Tertullian uses it sarcastically of the or of any other place. Bert. Sitzungsber., 1900, p. 990, points out that in the
1
Heraeus, Archiv. fur latein. Lexicogr.,
Urb. Rom., p. 65.
i.,
p. cxv.
;
157;
xtii.,
Anth. Lat, Epigr., 656, 2
;
De
Rossi, Inscr. Chr.
Caesar, de aet.
tit.
Christ.,
XII.
374
Roman
The Church of Lycaonia
bishop Callistus.
In the
East Harnack thinks
it
was used only in Egypt, and only of the Bishop of Alexandria, so that 6 /xa«a/3to9 TraTTo.? was the recognised
bishop alone, while other Egyptian irariip
bishop
not
but
:
from at
known
was customary
it
6 yita/capto? TraTra? is
also it
title 6 TraTra?
Pseudo-
The
occurs.
found several times during the
and was a recognised
title
Minor during the same
also in Asia
Sanday
Dr.
implies that
in the letter of
of the
This Isauran inscription shows that
Bishop of Alexandria
was used
Alexandrian bishops
for the
Only
least as early as 250.
third century in Egypt,
it
title
have been used of any other Eastern
to
Justin to Zenas and Serenus the
phrase
bishops were styled
In the pre-Nicene period, as he says, the
rjfxoiv.
Trdira'; is
of that
title
quotes
was used
period.
Gregory Thaumaturgus,^ which in the province of
Pontus about
250.
The name Acta
in
TraTra?,
applied to the priest of Malos Galatiae
S. Theodoti,
is
quoted by a writer
xxii., p. 327, as a proof that the
in
Anal.
Boll.,
document was not written
by a contemporary, but belongs to a later age. In view of our inscription this argument falls to the ground, and the use of the term 7rd7ra
by the writer many years ago, and Harnack and others) that the Acta S.
to the view (advocated recently
Theodoti
The
by is
Prof.
a good document of early date.
natural
human
feeling
shown
in the
wording of the
epitaph, "the sweetest one and friend of all" (top yXvKvraTov Kol irdvToav
(f)iKov),
points to an early Christian period
;
the
epithets applied to such persons as bishops afterwards be-
came much more ^
Ep.,
Canon
Rell. Sacr.,
iii.,
i.,
religious
ov ra $pu)fi,ara
256).
and stereotyped
rjfxas
fiapu,
Upf
{v.l,
in
itpdrarf)
character. vdna (Routht
,
Fourth Century
in the
Compare life "
tender
the
{y\vKVT€pov
to his son
who
"dearer than light and
expression,
koX
tt)To
375
applied by Aur. Xanthias
^otj^),
died at the age of seven, in a Christian in-
Rome, dated by the consuls of A.D.
scription of
phrase iravroiv
tXo^ is
The
238.
here used in an inscription which
is
undoubtedly Christian, and such moral sentiments are found
on many Christian tombstones, but they cannot alone be taken as a proof of Christian origin.^
sentiments were inscribed on counterblast to
Christianity
pagan philosophical
;
some
In
cases similar
non-Christian tombs as a these clearly
reaction.^
seems
It
belong to the
most probable
that they were ordinarily Christian, and their occurrence on
pagan stones
a proof of the strong influence which the
is
religion exerted even is
found
in
Cz'tt'es
The
No. 232.
and
altovL
its
Bishoprics of Phrygia,
may
ii.,
perhaps be restored
4*(oa(f)6po^ 6 iravroiv (f)t\o<; fc.r.X.
i^fj.
new
Another example
opponents.
p.
386
f
expression Trdvrwv ^t\o9 occurs in an inscrip-
tion of Tarsus, which
Tw
on
[r]
;
yfrvxv eV]
the inscrip-
tion continues in the ordinary style of epitaphs, though with
some unusual features (published with some difference by Messrs. Heberdey and Wilhelm in Wiener Akad. Denkschriften,
1896, p. 5):
it
is
when the aim was
the reaction,
superior to Christianity on TrdvTcov
1896,
evidently either Christian or of
iXfp
MvXdyo)
is
its
to
show
own
that paganism
linea
At Salonika
probably pagan {Mitth.
was tS>
Inst. Athen,^
p. 98).
©eou
(f)L\o<;
is
reveals the real
The ^Cities
fish,
the
probably a play on Theophilus, and thus
name of the
bishop.
common symbol
of the Christians in the
and Bishoprics of Phrygia, ii., p. 495. Cities and Bishoprics 0/ Phrygia,
''Compare
other Studies, pp. 103-122.
ii.,
p.
506
f.,
and
Paulijie
and
The Church of Lycaonia
XII.
2,'](i
early centuries, passed out of use at a comparatively early
and the same
date,
on
open tablets which appear
true of the
is
This symbol occurs also on several North-
this stone.
Phrygian tombs, which were published
in the Expositor in
1888 and 1905.
The
character of the ornament on this stone also points to
an early date, probably the third century A.D.
It
seems at
sight to be an earlier stage of the elaborate decoration
first
common on
row of
century, a intricate
Byzantine and
Roman
sarcophagi of the fourth
standing in niches, with highly
figures
and elaborate tracery and architectural ornament.
Here we have the semi-architectural schema, without the
human figures. But, as one stone after another is discovered, we see that the schema is a traditional type in Nova Isaura, characteristic of the place,
which
is
likely to
have lasted
centuries, varied, but never essentially changed.
that
it is
But
this
not, taken alone, prove
monument
is
very
much
anything about date.
larger than the other Dorla
monuments, and represents an attempt elaborate the native
tomb which
this
Dorla
:
fact
a simpler stage of the fourth century sarcophagus
would
style
The
for
and yet
are it is
tyije.
New
unknown on any indubitably
to
improve upon and
elements are introduced on of the other stones in
among
the very earliest of
This more ambitious all the examples found in the village. style is a proof that more money, care, and work were spent
on
this stone.
(eiti
It
was the tomb of an exceptional person
er through his
wealth or through his rank), and
it
represented the highest stage of which local art was capable,
ehborating especially
the
the
native
fish,
that
certainly not invented in
from outside.
Now, had
schema by imported widespread symbol,
Nova
additions,
which was
Isaura, but introduced there
this large
and ambitious monument
Fourth Century
in the
been
the fourth century,
built in
of that time
;
it
would probably have
the Gr;eco- Roman forms
shown some of
2)77
most
characteristic
taking into consideration the entire absence of
those characteristic fourth century forms, and the fact that in the
Dorla
among
the earliest,
series
this
has
we must
See on No,
third century.
The ornament
the appearance of being
all
infer that
ii.
scattered liberally over the surface of the
stone contains various elements necessarily borrowed
The
fish
and
is
belongs to the
it
was taken
but none of these are
;
from a formed Grseco-Roman
as a symbol, not as
an
art.
element,
artistic
placed on the tomb to be significant, and not merely
to be ornamental.
Other elements
in the
ornamentation, besides the
almost certainly symbolical.
The
fish,
central pediment indicates that the bishop
was a branch of
the true vine, and the garland symbolises the crown of
The open
tablets, as has
April, 1905, p. 296
f.,
been pointed out
are to
betaken
record of the covenant between
shown ff.,
is
or
and that "the book," which
is
is
as representing the It is
written
in
mentioned
duplicate,
there
derived from Rev.
one
v.
i
in that passage,
document
really a set of double or triple tablets, with a
covenant
life.
in the Expositor,
God and man.
that the idea of the tablets
are
vine branch above the
inside
closed
up,
witnessed and sealed by seven witnesses, the other on the outside open
custom
in
The book Naro
and public (according
to the
usual
Roman
regard to important business documents or
wills).
should be compared with the mosaic inscription of
in Africa
open diploma
:
(Hammam-Lif), instrumenta this inscription
was
in
servi
mosaic
tui,
on an
a
room
in
beside the church, in which were kept the sacred books, i^Rev.
Arch., 1904, p. 36S).
etc.
XII. TAe Church of Lycaonia
2,7^
As
is
shown
Revelation
in this article, the
New Testament
of the
Lycaonian inscriptions
;
which
and John
(Wonderful), the commonest male
is
the one book
often referred to in the
is
is,
next to Paul and Mirus
name
in those inscriptions
during the fourth century.
probable that the six-leaved rosettes are also sym-
It is
The frequency of this rosette on Lycaonian Christian monuments, and the way in which it is sometimes employed,
bolical.
suggest that
gram ;;|<, Nos.
it is
a modification of the early Christian
monoSee
originally representing ^l{r]aovi) X{pLcrT6<;).
6.
5,
Though a bishop
is
mentioned
in this epitaph, the
Isaura never occurs in the Byzantine
lists
has been shown in an article on Lycaonia, published
Austrian /a/ireske/t^, 1904, Part ing towns, Isaura time, but were
that the
ii.,
Nova and Korna, were
merged
in the great
name
of bishoprics. in
It
the
two neighbour-
bishoprics in early
autokephalos bishopric of
Isaura Palaea, called Leontopolis,
some time
after 381,
and
probably at the same time that the name Leontopolis was given to Isaura, namely about 474.
dreaded this loss of independence
Basil himself, Ep. 190, " for
the small states or
villages
which possess an Episcopal seat from ancient times,"
and
order to prevent
in
it
when the
bishopric of Isaura
Palaea was vacant about 374, he wrote to Amphilochius of
Iconium and recommended the nomination of
officials called
new The grave of one of these Alkaran, between Korna and Nova Isaura, is
Trpoia-rdfjbevoi for the
smaller towns or cities before a
bishop was appointed for Isaura. officials at
published in Eastern Studies^ II. 1
Nova
Isaura (Miss
This abbreviation
title in
Nos. 10, 15.
is
p. 29.
Ramsay in Eastern
Studies^ p. 35).
used here and below for the book quoted with fuller
in the
Macer and Oa[s] and
Mammas,
bishop
Fourth Century Anolis(?) friend to
The ornamentation is similar the preceding, but later.
The
^
379
their sister adorned the
all
men.
in subject
more conventional and
and arrangement to therefore probably
object like a net between the columns on the
right apparently represents one of the screens
'MAKt:P0C4
which are
AIAN
Tors) TTACf4'f^0N£rr/<:Ko HON
Fig. II.
mentioned
the
in
preceding
screens at Tyre are described net-fashion
in ject
".-
It
commentary (No. by Eusebius
i)
as being "
:
the
made
might be possible to take the ob-
here portrayed as a net, and to understand that the
bishop
is
indicated symbolically as a fisher of
men
;
but the
architectural character of the ornamentation on the grave-
stones at ^
Nova
The names
are
Isaura, all
faint
and the
skill
of Isaurian masons/
make
and uncertain.
' 8ucTuei>T
*
Their
p. 242.
skill
is
described and proved by Professor Hell in Htrmes, 1908,
XII. The Ckurck of Lycaonia
380 it
one of the wooden
practically certain that
used in the churches
The
latticed screens
here intended.
is
symbol from the arrangement of the
origin of this
Christian church building, taken
in
connection with the
architectural character of the Isauran
scheme of decoration, scheme has the same
makes
it
highly probable that this
We regard
origin.
as probable, therefore, that the typical
it
Isauran decorative scheme on tombstones was suggested
by
som.e tj^pical form of the Lycaonian Church, either the rounded
arch of the apse between the two
way
The
pointed pediments.^
Some
bable.
aisles,
or the triple door-
end with a round arch flanked by two
at the west
perhaps the more pro-
latter is
of the Isauran
monuments show
middle pediment between two round arches be explained as due to similar variety of churches.
The weak
and
;
might
west doorways
in the
point of the theory
a pointed this
is
that
I
cannot
point to any example in the triple church doorways that
remain
;
but these are
all
of
much
tion of round and pointed occurs
Basilika
Therma
Roman
period in Asia Minor
in a
and
;
it
(as
may
The
Roman
Cappadocia, and also
in
pointed out to me)
later date.
alterna-
building at
in theatres
of the
Professor Strzygowski
be quite plausibly supposed
to have characterised the triple doors of early churches."
The
habitual use of
central Asia Minor
wooden screens
in
the churches of
proved with certainty
for the
early fourth century and with probability for the third.
These
screens were
is,
therefore,
made by
wood with a sharp inThe example shown on this
piercing the
strument called a kenteterion.
Compare the Tyrian church door, p. 347, 1. 13, and Eastern Studies, The pagan tomb was a temple, the Christian grave a church. 2 Those who explain the scheme as originated by the interior view of 1
pp.
19-54.
church with apse between is
aisles, will
the
hold that the scheme with pointed middle
due to unintelligent variation of a form whose origin had been forgotten.
in the
monument
Nova
at
Fourth Century
Isaura
381
very simple
is
might be made out of straight wooden staves teseis
of No.
work
but the kcn-
probably imply a more elaborate kind of
i
The importance
work.
and
kind,
in ;
of this fact about the use of wood-
churches appears, when one remembers the
in early
Roman
influence exerted on the development of art in later
times by oriental woodwork, as shown by Strzygowski (see especially his
Rom
oder Onent, a highly suggestive and truly
balinbrechend work, though with the faults that inevitably
belong to a book of the pioneer type).
have found
Wood
in several cases
In later churches
we
stone screens instead of wooden.
was scanty and expensive on the open plateau generboth Laodicea and Nova Isaura were close under
ally; but hills
where
There was
The
an ornament between the left-hand pair
also
of columns, but times.
grew and wood was cheaper.
trees
has been carefully obliterated
it
placed so
crosses
pointed pediments
might pass
in
modern
inconspicuously in the two for
mere ornament among
pagans, while they would be significant to the initiated.
Such was the character of early Christian epitaphs.^ On the later gravestones the symbolism is more patent and unconcealed.
The
use of the screen as a symbol might at
gest a date about 330-350,
when
first
sight sug-
screens are mentioned in
the churches at Laodicea (close at hand) and Tyre. in all probability the
origin,
But
use of screens in churches was of older
and characterised the pre-Diocletian Church as much
The
as the post-Diocletian.
epithet of the bishop
is
not of
the style which was usual in the fourth-century writers, but
of an earlier kind. the third century '
;
Citxt%
The and
concealed crosses strongly suggest
this date agrees well
and Bishoprics of Phrygia,
ii.,
with the nomen-
p. 502.
XII. The Church of Lycaonia
382
The
clature.
rustic symbols,
On
an early character. is
so exactly similar to that of No.
removed from one another
far
sickle, are also
12 (an epitaph which
We incline there-
in date.
fore to assign to the period A.D. 310-330 this
The crown
of
about A.D. 350), that the two cannot
distinctly belongs to
be
mattock and
the other hand the ornamentation
monument.
or garland in the central pediment was doubt-
less also symbolical.
The No.
descriptive epithet " friend to
10),
while
it is
summary
in a sense a
Apostolic Constitutions,
ii.,
20,
all "
(" friend
of
all "
in
of a chapter in the
on the duties of the bishop, be-
longs to an earlier time than the stereotyped formulae of honour
assigned to ecclesiastical
officials in
the writings of the fourth
century authors and in the epitaphs of that period.
used
in the
pagan reaction
Accordingly,
in older Christian use. this epitaph
is
A.D. 303-313,^
older than A.D. 303
;
was
It
and was therefore
we cannot assume that but we can confidently
much later. in Eastern Studies, p. Ramsay Isaura(Miss Nova 12. The most honourable deacon Tabeis, Nanna his mother
believe that
it is
not very
'}^'j).
and Valgius and Lucius his brothers, adorned (him) i(n)
r(emembrance).
There is evidently no long interval between this monument and No. 10. Both were probably made in the same workshop. The screen (represented here in slightly different fashion) and the
The
latter is
bent cross,
are both Christian symbols.
frequent on Isaurian Christian tombstones
385).
The formula of
in the
developed fashion, which was usual
styling the deacon ret,^LQ)raTo<; in
is
(p.
quite
fourth-century
writers such as Basil. 13.
Somewhat
later
than 1
No
See above,
11,
but probably earlier than
p. 375.
in the
No.
12,
Fourth Century
and therefore of the period 290-320,
383 is
the follow-
ing:— "rjtrr »'
'^•"'^'*^-^S^'s?S^?
-/^/
t
>
^i^^£^^^
r^>k>X
N - :;<
1122555 z ^3:<>< > o o^p
<1X^
X
— XII. T^e Church of Lycaonia
'M The to,
epithets here differ from, yet have a distinct analogy
those used of the bishop by Basil of Caesarea about 370
:
the epithets are there quite conventional and stereotyped, and
had therefore already been fixed
Take
time.
for
example
6 Oeo^LXe(TTaTo
perfection," "
"
come
use for a considerable
the most God-beloved Bishop," addressed as " your piety," " your
your God-fearing-ness,"
perfect consideration," all
in
"
"
your divine and most
your comprehension ":
to be used as polite designations
^
these have
and forms of address.
d
kaihay(ETf;
\C
THCkf
KAiTTACHCAPe
^C£~
_c
C
12
-J Fig. 13.
Contrast these forms with the simple direct expression of Nos» 10 and
1 1.
By comparison
with this inscription
we observe
that Nos.
2, 4,
describing the duties of the presbyter, present to us the
free
and unstereotyped stage of expression, out of which
grew the forms used
in Basil's
time
;
and therefore we can
hardly date them later than a.d. 350.
Another example of an early bishop ^
Basil,
(172),
ri
£/. 181 (dated
0eoat0eia
a.d. 374),
ctov (167),
A
ij
r;
is
euAafieio aov (frequent), ^
iv9eos Kai
TeXeioraTTj
itti
Te\ei6rTit
crov (14I),
rf
on the ether hand, is simply "your perfect consideration," ^ rtAeio (ns
presbyter,
Fourth Century
in the
385
Yuruk-Keui, near the base of the Kara Dagh,
14.
Apas son of Kouanzaphees
erected to his brother Indakos,
bishop, just, beloved, in his
and
life-time
for
him-
remembrance.^
in
self,
own
(Symbol.)
(Garland.)
(Leaf.)
(Symbol.)*
(Leaf.)
Nova The bishop
This unpublished inscription, found in 1905 between
Derbe and Barata,
Isaura,
who
is
is
of the early class.
mentioned was indubitably a mere village-
here
bishop (probably under
Barata)
or
')(wp^'Ki
of the
fourth or even the third century. 15
and
Alkaran near Nova Isaura (Miss Ramsay
16.
Studies in the History of the Eastern Provinces^
Domna
Aur(elia)
virginity
sweetest daughter,
and industry
:
who
in
p. 33).
persevered in
her father, Aur(elius) Oresti-
anus, son of Cyrus (honoured her with the sepulchral
monument).
The scheme
See Figure on
of ornament
in this Isauran region (see
which
is
No.
10).
is
are incised, and were added later (doubtless after
in relief
The
artist)
:
the rest of the orna-
bent cross, or swastika, occurs very
frequently on Isaurian Christian gravestones.^
compare No.
On
the dove,
19.
Domna was
Beside the tombstone of Aurelia ^
hold-
words of the epitaph.
also clearly indicated in the
The doves
common
The two doves, one
its
purchase of the stone from the
ment
p. 328.
the architectural type
mouth (Genesis viii. 11), are undoubtedly and would alone be enough to prove the religion,
ing a leaf in symbolical,
is
'Attus ')^ovw^ix
found the SiKe(f> ayaiprjTciS
The misspelling of ayairrjrSs is usual. 2 The "symbols" in this line were defaced they were enclosed within
(wv Ke eavrov
fx.x-
:
and were probably either crosses or six-leaved rosettes. ^ Sterrett, Wolfe Expedition, Nos. 56, 93, 220 and scores of other examples, then unknown to him, have been discovered since.
circles,
;
25
XII.
386
The Church of Lycaonia
epitaph of "[L?] Septimia
Domna,
the sweetest and holiest
The two
wife" of [Aurelius?] Orestes, son of Cyrus,
belonged to a family cemetery far
removed
in
was almost
L ? Septimia Domna
date from one another.
certainly born
about A.D.
Aurelius as a sort of praenomen
stones
and evidently were not very
;
^
the provincials were elevated to
Roman
The
200.
began about
use
A.D. 212,
of
when
by the
citizenship
Emperor Aurelius Caracalla. It lasted about a century. Hence Aurelia Domna may have died about the end of the Her gravethird or the beginning of the fourth century. stone
may
be dated between No. 10 and No.
stereotyped as the
The name
latter,
but
it
12.
It is
not so
wants the freedom of No.
10.
Orestianos perhaps indicates a generation later Septimia, the wife of Orestes, might be by
than Orestes.
marriagetheauntofOrestianos, the father of Aurelia Domna. It is,
however, not impossible that Cyrus had two sons, Orestes
and
Orestianos,'^
Domna
and that Septimia was the aunt of Aurelia
Either supposition would suit the date suggested
by the art, though the than
earlier
religion
the
latter
former.
would tend to make No. 15a
There
It
little
nothing indicative of
on the tombstone of Septimia
family was probably Christian. earlier
is
Domna
;
^
but the
was characteristic of the
period that the religion should not
be obtrusively
mentioned. It
cannot be inferred from the remarkable language of this
epitaph that Aurelia in the church. in the
phrase
"
Domna was
officially a virgin (irapdevo^)
But the Christian character persevering in virginity
".
is
unmistakable
See No. 29
ff.
^Studies in the History of the Eastern Provinces, p. 355. The custom is a Greek fashion, not true to Roman usage. The use of Aurelius as a nomen was, of course, older, and is found in the whole period 160-300 a.d. ^ In that case C>tus would be son of an older Orestes. ^The ornamentation is two rosettes and three leaves.
in the Fourth Centtity
The "industry" which doubtedly
is
3^/
was un-
also attributed to her
feminine arts of spinning and household
in the
work, which are often indicated on gravestones by the proper
implements, distaff and spindle, pots and pans, tripod for supporting them, "
In one inscription these are called the
etc.
works of Athena" {Studies in VII.
orders
The is
distinction
marked
clearly
in
hardly indeed in the earliest
which
may on
the Eastern Prov., p. 70).
between clergy and
laity as separate
Lycaonian
the class,
inscriptions,
but certainly in those
our view be placed soon after the middle of
The popular
the fourth century.
use of the term hiereus to
designate a bishop or presbyter probably marks the general recognition of this distinction between
and the ordinary congregation Laos, to indicate
same
time.^
the
It is
laity,
and the correlative term must have come into use at the ;
;
but not hardened
sense of contrasted orders of society. is
in
The
the
technical
distinction,
The Anatolian inscriptions
in
which either term occurs seem
fifth
century
;
though some
perhaps be as early as the second half of the fourth. fact that the
term hiereus
is
much
placing a large
may The
rarer in these inscriptions
than presbyteros affords an argument that
number of the epitaphs
we have been
right
before A.D. 350.
Further, any inscription which plainly neglects or
of the distinction between priest and laity earlier
how-
older than Basil.
generally to be as late as the
in
and
true that the words were in Christian use
from the beginning
ever,
full
the clergy
is
to
is
ignorant
be dated
than A.D. 350; and inscriptions or documents in which
the occupation of the presbyter
is
mentioned are
likely also
to be earlier than that time. ^
See an inscription of Northern Phrygia, given
p. 261.
in the Expositor, Oct., 1888,
ly
The Chuj'ck of Lycaonia
XII.
388 and
Khan
Zazadin
18.
(Cronin in Journal of Hellenit
Studies, 1902, p. 361).
Two
epitaphs from
an ancient village beside the very
interesting early Turkish
building,
miles north-east of Iconium,
show
two
priests
applied lines
to
hiereis
or
Zazadin Khan, twelve
same metrical form
the
of the
village.
The
were therefore a standing formula for epitaphs of
priests.
Here
a man, priest of great God,
lies
gentleness
who on account
of
gained heavenly glory, snatched hastily
from Church and congregation, having the name Apollinarius [in the other case, Gregory], great glory
of the congregation.
The
formula,
"
here
lies," is
of later type than the epitaphs
which the maker of the tomb
in
is
translation of the Latin hie jacet,
Roman custom
mentioned
Probably no example of
it
in
it is
a mere
and marks the spread
Greek-speaking
in the
;
districts of
of
the East.
Christian Anatolian use can
be safely dated earlier than the fourth century.
One
of the two epitaphs, that of Gregory, has two addi-
tional lines,
worse
in
syntax and expression than the four
stereotyped verses, and hardly intelligible
"A man who
was a care
to
:
perhaps
God through
joyousness;
E[lpidio?]s erected the stele and thus inscribed on
the tomb."
^
Here the older form of epitaph, mentioning the maker of makes itself felt at the end, implying that that In class was not yet forgotten or wholly out of date.
the tomb,
accordance with the principles on which we are working,
it
iRev. H. S. Cronin in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1902, p. 362, No. 126; I should prefer now to restore a proper name at the beginning of the fifth
but
hexameter, E[
common
in
.
.
.]s.
Ljxaonia.
The
lormala, so-anJ-so
avt(TTi}
the deceased,
is
— in the
Fourth Century
would be impossible to place
Now
400 A.D. composed
389
this inscription later
the formula of the
than about
four lines
first
was not
taken from an already stereo-
for Gregory, but
typed epitaph suitable for any priest
and when the com-
;
poser of Gregory's epitaph tried to add something distinctive
the last two lines he sank to a much lower level and became almost unintelligible. The metrical formula, therein
was a rather early composition, perhaps not
fore,
like several
350,
same
others in the
later
than
No,
4,
a
1.
2,
region.^
metrical epitaph, probably contains the verb lepeveu in
which would presuppose the use of the noun hiereus.
we
Lycaonia as
There
far at least as
about 350 A.D.
no
of course,
is,
distinction
difficulty in
between priest and
even older than
this
:
(quoted by Eusebius, Hist.
where the congregation the distinction
same time
it
is
is
Ep.
may
1
A.D.
(A,ao'9) is set
by
21S an expression
vi.,
19,
18)
is
found
over against the bishop
practising
the majority of their daily
Another example of the
19.
in
Eccles.,
At
:
the
certain that priests even late in the fourth
whereby they get teros
and \ao^) was
here latent though not explicit.
century ordinarily lived 198, says, "
supposing that the
laity (tepeu?
the words are taken from the language
Already
of the Septuagint
p.
Thus
can push back the popular use of the term hiereus in
some
trade,
as Basil,
them ply sedentary
bread
crafts,
".
relation of
Hiereus and Presb)-
be quoted
Iconium (Cronin
24).
in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1902, Four rough hexameters.
He was Most High God.
Gourdos, good man, sleeps here like a dove.
among men
priest {hiereus) of the
^For example. No. 25 of the New-Isauran inscriptions published by Miss
Ramsay
in
Eastern Studies,
p. 47.
—
:;
XII. The Church of Lycaonia
390
To him
Trokondas,
memory, doing him honour on
(A Cross
in relief
Trokondas
is
comrade Latin
and Gourdos was
his
Gourdos, perhaps,
mentioned
(oTrawz/)
of the deceased
comes, implies
Tyrannos
his
membrance
it
marks of the
which was engraved
The omission
no proof of
both because this praenomen
is
of the praenomen
diversity in the person
frequently found omitted
in different references to the
because the epitaph of Gourdos
same
name Gourdos
(never ekewhere found)
to have occurred twice
in the case
person,^
hexameter
is in
which proper names were always treated more unusual
earliest class
might very well be twenty or
earlier than the former,
is
of)
in re-
Epigr. Journey, No. 197).
(Sterrett,
on the tomb of Gourdos.
and inserted
tomb
(the
adopted son (or foundling son)
of Lycaonian epitaphs; and
Aur. in the former
The same
another inscription
in
latter epitaph has all the
even forty years
indubitably
Bishop or Presbyter.
Gourdos, a Presbyter, erected
20. Aur.
tomb,
Trokondas was probably a Deacon
inferiority in position.
is
his
on each side of the epitaph.)
called the
but the word, like the
The
and comrade, made
his successor
a stele in
in
The
freely. is
and
verse,
not likely
of a Presbyter and a
The Presbyter and
Hiereus at Iconium during one century.
the Hiereus were assuredly the same person.
The
epitaph of Gourdos
It unites
interesting in several respects.
the old formula with the
mere poetic lines
is
name
variation of "here
the
maker of
old formula at the end
new
lies,"
the tomb.
;
" here sleeps
" is
a
while the concluding
The occurrence
in addition to the later
of the
formula at
the beginning has been regarded above as belonging to the transition period, before the old formula
had been forgotten
'See Studies in the History of th» Eastern Provinces,
p. 355.
;
— ;
in the
Fourth Century
391
and most of the cases where the old and the new are united
seem
are in metrical epitaphs which
to belong to the period
A.D. 340-370.
The comparison found (sometimes
to the in
relief,
given as No.
An
21.
is
suggested by the type
sometimes incised) on many
One example
tombstones of Lycaonia. is
dove
from Isaura Nova
15.
inscription
which must cause some hesitation
Papas and Gaius, sons of Titus Lorentius, to hiereus
and Mania
their
mother
is
their father
hierissa in
remem-
brance.' I
published this at
first
as an ordinary pac]^an inscription
hiereus
and archiereus came into ordinary use
epigraphy as technical Christian terms, able
that here
we have a
laity.
and hierissa seem not to be epitaph.
in
Lycaonian
The bare words
hiereus
keeping with a pagan
In pagan usage a hiereus belonged to the worship
of one deity, and as a rule either the
whom
in
seems more prob-
Christian epitaph involving the
between clergy and
distinction
it
;
have shown that
but, since subsequently published epitaphs
name
of the god to
the hiereus belonged was expressed, or the context or
situation left
no doubt as to what deity and
was attached.
cult the hiereus
At one of the great sanctuaries {Hiera) of supreme priest stood at the head
Anatolia, where a single
of the college of priests as representative of the god,
would be natural and was quite common
to
it
state a date
"in the time when Noumenios was priest" without mentioning in any part of the document the deity or the cult
but the situation and facts in that case
left
no doubt,
for
dating was practised only according to the one supreme priest.
Similarly, '
archiereus
is
often
used absolutely, be-
Laodicea, No. 7 (Athen. Mittheil., 1888,
p. 237).
XII. The Ckujxh of Lycaonia
392 cause
it
was a perfectly
wa"? only
inasmuch as there
distinctive term,
one archiereus
in
the city or
But the use
district.
of the bare terms hiereus and hierissa in an ordinary pagan
epitaph
and
in
a city where there must have been
seems so contrary
Jiierissai
understanding that
Yet
knowledge.
it
priests
difficult of
cannot be admitted with our present
perhaps strange that T. Lorentius
is
it
to
many
custom and
(popular pronunciation of Laurentius)and Mania were priest
and
perhaps a bishop and his
priestess,
wife,
Laodicea
in
not later than about 360 A.D.
The explanation
of these difficulties possibly
inscription belongs either to the
pagan reaction
or to the time of Julian, A.D, 363-365,
stitutions, epitaphs, etc.,
like
pagan It
many
A.D. 303-311,
to
similar
model pagan
in-
on the established Christian usages
and we may suppose that the was
that this
when something
There was then a tendency
occurred.
is
distinction of priest
and
;
laity
other Christian customs caught up by the
revivalists,^
would certainly be impossible to take hierissa
epitaph as indicating a special If the inscription
is
in this
position in the Church.
official
Christian, hierissa can only
mean "wife
This might, perhaps, be best explained as
of a priest".
belonging to a quite early stage, when terminology was not properly settled and understood, and
custom, that priest
and
man and
The
interpretation
tion of Isaura
Nova,
the pagan
wife should hold the offices of high-
high-priestess,'
was
still
however, to have a parallel in No, 22.
when
not forgotten. 4,
1.
1
It
might be defended by an
(Miss
Ramsay
in
seems,
5.
inscrip-
Journal of Hellenic
Studies, 1904, p, 283). 1
On this most
which has never been properly and other Studies, p. 103 ff,
interesting phase of reHgion,
studied, see a paper in Pauline
-See Classical Review, Nov., 1905,
p. 417,
in the
Doxa Oikonomeissa In this case also cated a special
"
improbable that oikonomissa indi-
position in the Church.
official
haps be interpreted
wife of an
the oikonomissa
may have
This epitaph
of the later
is
Nova
as the wife of a Presbyter
No. 8624
but
it
may have been
our purpose.
would go
convent at
a
would perhaps have but
;
its
occurrence
to be taken is
uncertain.
If
by the copy.
it
from
the inscriptions, which
show that
his title in Lycaonia.
is
The Lexicon
once, but the place does not bear on
their wives, never use the far to
it
depends there on a restoration, which
of Stephanus quotes
and
a nunnery.
which probably began
type
quite incorrect and unjustified
ters
But perhaps in
of the Corpus of Greek inscriptions quotes ;
per-
as early as A.D. 400.
Similarly, Presbyterissa
The index
official
may
It
oikonomos "}
been an
about A.D. 360; and there Isaura
393
the revered (ae^vri).
is
it
Fourth Century
See
name many Presby-
term Presbyterissa,
this
a Presbyter's wife did not share 365.
p.
VIII. These cases suggest the question whether Diakonissa in the inscriptions of Lycaonia
wife of a Diakonos, and not an
may mean
simply the
In one case two
official.
sons raise the tomb to their mother Nonna, Diakonissa.^'
Another would probably be a
test case,
but the language
so ungrammatical as to be practically unintelligible.
It
is
is
the epitaph of two persons, styled the excellent (and) blessed (dead), Flavius
Alexander and Amia Diakonissa, belonging
probably to the early 1
fifth.^
Oikonomos
latter part
of the fourth century, or the
Here Alexander and Amia is
used as feminine
(like
Diakonos
for
are certainly husDiakonissa) in the long
metrical epitaph of Nestor the Presbyter and Oikonomos, No.
4.
The
of Nestor is there styled Oikonomos, like her husband. -Anderson in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1899, p. 130, No. 155. ^Anderson, ibid., 1898, p. 126, No. 89.
wife
— XII. The Church of Lycaonia
394 band and
Alexander has no
wife.
official
doubt remains whether the omission lessness
title
;
but the
due merely to help-
is
and inadvertence, the uneducated composer having
a vague idea that the
title
Diakonissa might imply also that
the husband had corresponding rank.
sumed, the case would be conclusive that the
official
But
the husband was communicated to the wife.
probable that Alexander held no
own
deaconess in her
be as-
If that could
office,
title
of
more
it is
and Amia was
right.
Less uncertainty attaches to another case. 23.
Khan
Zazadin
(Cronin
\v\
Journal of Hellenic Studies^
1902, p. 359)-
headman of the
Quintus, son of Heraklios,
Matrona and
his wife
Catillus, all four lie
his
still
an
tomb
here in the
of Anicetus, Basilissa, a pleasing
children
with
and
and the wife
;
diakonos, constructed
infant.^ title,
and we cannot
of Basilissa implied his
official position.
Here the husband Anicetus has no title
must assume that she was deaconess during the
of her husband,
who
held no
official
that marriages were ordinarily entered
we must regard when she made
it
on
as probable that Basilissa
was
apto-Tor,
Basilissa
not is
young
still
the grave.
deaconess was sometimes wife of a person
'
Considering
an early age,
at
24. In confirmation of the previous epitaphs
Church,
life
The tomb was
rank.
evidently erected immediately after his death.
in the
the
tomb along with her only son Nemetorius,
^
suppose that the
We
village,
Anicetus
we may quote
showing that a
who
Laodicea, No. 65
held no office :
&picrTOi.
called SiaKovos, not Sicocdncrira, perhaps for
form diakonos often occurs where no such reason
is
euphony
possible.
;
but the
— Fourth Century
in the
Here
Appas, the Reader
lies
whom
Faustinus), to
younger
(the
these
son of
tall
mother Aurelia Faustina
his
the Deaconess erected this hereon
From
395
examples we must
^
remembrance.
in
generalise the principle
that in Lycaonia diakonissa (or diakonos in feminine) always
denoted an
the Church
official in
cases that occur,
and from the number of
;
we must conclude
that there were deacon-
esses as a rule in every congregation.
An
IX.
Tyriaion
interesting
Here
25.
epitaph
little
lies {sic I)
Heraklius and Patricius and Poly-
karpus Presbyters
:
in
remembrance.
remarkable to find three presbyters
It is
grave.
The
may
reason
at
one occasion gained the
Bish. of Phr.,
300
;
730);
p.
during
be placed A.D.
ii.,
the
we have
point as uncertain.
common
Phrygian "children,
five
lot
of
persecution,
last
hitherto put
There
life "
somewhere
regard the
of course, no reason
is,
near
formula back
initial
we must
it,
and
Cities
:
might perhaps
their death
if so,
would carry the
but, as that
further than
a
in
probably be that they perished
together in a persecution (like the
who
the following from
is
:
Latin formula should not have been imitated
in
why
the
Lycaonia
as early as A.D. 300.
X.
The criterion by which
inscriptions
reveal
against
violator of the
the
their
in
Phrygia
religion
tomb
wanting
in
Lycaonia, where such
^
A then.
letters
Mitthfil.,
\iii.,
p. 254.
€ H are better read thus
:
Read
^
—
is
such form as
almost entirely
is
published by Mr.
avh-/ipf[v] for dj');7ip[S]T)
the formula
curse
imprecations are rarely
One example
appended to epitaphs.
concluding
in .some
God"
*'he shall have to reckon with
many early Christian
— the
is
thus more
t)'pical.
:
the
two
— XII. The Chiirch of Lycaonia
39^
Cronin from the copy of a Greek physician, Mr. Savas Diamantides, ending with the words, "Whosoever shall force
an entrance,
shall give account to
ance of
epitaph
this
northern Lycaonia
in
uncertain
is
;
The exact
proven-
but other examples occur
and there can therefore be no doubt
;
was most immediately under the
that in the region which influence of Iconian
God ".^
Christianity,
several varieties of this
kind of Christianised imprecation were at one time in
The
reason
why
was
it
Lycaonia must be that
far
commoner
in
was an early formula, which passed
it
into disuse in the fourth century. tions, therefore,
use.
Phrygia than
in
which belong as a
The Lycaonian
inscrip-
rule to the fourth century,
some of the Lycaonian epitaphs in which it occurs belong beyond all doubt to that century, proving that
rarely use
it
it
;
lingered on in a sporadic way. 26.
Another example of the curse against
violators of the
tomb is the following from Laodicea, No. 45 The priest (hiereus) of the Trinity, Hesychius, "
faithful
worker
in the
tomb, he
.
.
.
and
if
any one
:
wise, true,
shall lay
another
shall render judicial account to the
living Judge.
The opening formula a priest of the Trinity
and the simple
is
is
of the later class, the allusion to
of the developed ecclesiastical type,
cross at the beginning
is
not early
;
and yet
the concluding expression cannot be placed with any probability later than about A.D. 400, as this originally pagan,
and
in
the strict sense non-Christian, habit of curse seems
to be inconsistent with developed Christian custom,
O^s
Qi^ \6yov, yourn. Hell. Stud., 1902,
1
S^io-ej
-
Allien. Mittheil., irterrbs
ri^ TOfpcf)
taphs
:
ipydrris
KpiTTi
the last
.
xiii., p. ir
.
.
a>,
p. 354.
249, 6 ttjs TpidSos tepvs (!) M[7j]i'6(j)i\os [re
T^ (uvTi \6yov fvSiKov word is doubtful.
which
iro[i]'^[
].
1)
'Hirvxtos (Tophs
a.\r\-
ris 5' erepov e'lrecySiX'jj
Iambics are rare in epi-
— Fourth Century
in the
no
longer
such
set
on
value
the
397 of
inviolability
the
27. at
Another example, probably of the same period, occurs
Laodicei (No. ,
18)
:
son of Valerianus, quaestor, erected the inscription,
while
and
to
still living,
my
any one
my
sweetest wife Flavia Sosanna
Sophronia
foster-child
in
remembrance
:
if
another in (the tomb), he shall give
shall put
account to God, 28.
Here may be given
way
in the
of contrast a developed
Christian form of curse, from a rock in Phrygia near the site
of Leontos Kephalai (see p. 140).
Professor Garstang of Liverpool.
It
It
was copied by
belongs to a later time
and style than the Lycaonian epitaphs.
There
a large
is
cross at the beginning.^
May
he [who disturbs the tomb], and the accomplice privy to the
act,
and
.
hundred and eighteen
The 318
fathers
.
.
have the curse of the three
fathers.
were the bishops present
Council of Nice, A.D. 325
at the tirst
but the use of the curse
;
tinctly later than the holding of the Council.
It is
is
dis-
remark-
able that in Phrv'gia the Christian inscriptions are for the
most part either very early or quite absence of fourth century epitaphs is
found
in the virulence
was carried out
;
marked for this
There
is
with which Diocletian's persecution
Phrygia
in
a
and the reason
late.
{Cities
and Bish.,
ii.,
p.
505).
In
Lycaonia, for some reason or other, probably the difference of character
in
the governor of the Province Pisidia, the
persecution was apparently
XI.
much
less severe (see p. 345).
A small series of inscriptions relates to that interesting
4Trria
.
.
.
The Greek
is
bad and
late.
— XII. The Church of Lycaonia
J98
but enigmatical institution in the early Church, the Parthenoi
One
or Virgins.
of these was found at Drya.^
Matrona (daughter) of Strabo,
Aur.
29.
own
her
to
daughter, a Virgin, Douda, erected in remembrance.
The name Matrona Lycaonian
occurs not infrequently in Christian
inscriptions.
not
It is
keeping with ancient
in
custom that the epithet Parthenos should be added
pagan
I
know nothing
The word must be 30. The following Inn
show
inscription in prose simply to
unmarried;
in
1904)
is
inscription of
died
an opinion.
Laodicea (found at Serai-
late fourth
century
:
who was kind to by name Zoe, whom
laid to rest she
and beauteous in great
a
taken in the ecclesiastical sense.
probably of the
Here has been
Douda
that
to justify such
in
in form,
honour
and to her a tomb was
;
husband and also by
her
Theosebia, very pious
sister,
a
Virgin,
generation of men, for that
is
built
mortals held
all
by her
Varelianos with
memory
of the
the privilege of the
dead.-'
The
of
abbreviation
an
€v\a^{€i) or evXajSieardrrj),
here be taken in term. teristic
1
The
already
stereotyped
proves
that
technical sense
its
prose epithet, " friend of
of Christian
epitaphs,^
as all,"
here
is
The most northern town of Lycaonia. The epitaph
0/ Hell. Studies, 1899, ^
p.
epithet,
" Virgin "
an
must
ecclesiastical
which
is
charac-
transformed is
published
in
for
youni.
121 (Anderson).
ivBdSe KeKriS^vre (piX6$poros ay\aoiJ.op
ovvofxa (Sf) ZoT] T^i* ireprUffKOv airavres
T^
5'
apa Tvv^ov
iSifiai/ ihs ir6cns tjS' afi
OvapiKiavhs avv Qeofff^iT) ev\al3. ixvi)fj.riv
In
1.
requires ^
2 5e it.
aSe\
irapBevif,
avSpHv yeveris, rh yap yepas
iffri
Bavovruv.
was omitted by fault of composer or engraver In 1. i 5 was inserted, but the metre rejects it.
See above,
p. 375.
;
but the metre
— Fourth Century
in the
metrical reasons
mortals
The
the
into
much poorer term
"
kind to
",
date of this inscription
late formula,
is
proved, also, both
and by the shape of the stone, which
observed only
tombs
in the later Christian
stele of the earlier class
top, but
399
:
the
b)I
have
not a simple
it is
with pointed or rounded or square
one with a rude resemblance to a Herm, with
On
cular head springing from broad shoulders.
cir-
the head-
piece is incised an ornament like a six-leaved rosette, which was probably understood by the Christians as an elaboration of the old monogrammatic symbol :: i.e. '/(t/o-oO?) 'K{pi(n6
;
yet the occurrence of the older formula in
3
1.
makes
it
tomb later than 370 or 380, on the prinwhich we have been following. Although the tech-
unsafe to date the ciples
mark
nical
term ev\a^.
yet
cannot be doubted that Basil would have written in
it
in
abbreviation
way; and we may
that
safely
is
a
of lateness,
admit that the usage
have been practised as early as A.D. 375,
may
epigraphy as
in
well as in handwriting.
A
third
31,
is
one of a pair found at Laodicea
:
my
32. Gains Julius Patricius erected to
aunt Orestina,
who
sweetest
remem-
lived in continence,^ in
brance.
Gaius JuLus Patricius erected est brother
Mnesitheos
in
this inscription to
class,
letters are fine
and the
full
from popular use
The widening
is
and good, the formula
Roman name in this
dear-
remembrance.
This pair of inscriptions on one stone
The
my
certainly early. is
of the earlier
seems to have disappeared
region during the fourth century.
of the area of
about 212, by giving every
Roman free
citizenship
man
by Caracalla
a right to the
^^yKparfvaauffj) (Ath, MittheiL, 1888, p. 272).
Compare No.
Roman
16 above.
^
XII. The Chuj'ck of Lycaonia
400 citizenship
tiveness
XI I.
and the
Roman name,
full
destroyed
its
distinc-
and honourable character. It
would not be
word ivKpaTevaa-
safe to regard the
fihr) here as necessarily a proof that Orestina stood apart
from the Orthodox and Catholic Church, or was connected
The
with any definite Enkratite sect or system.
use of the
word evKpa-Tcia twice in the long metrical epitaph of the Presbyter Nestor, quoted below, shows clearly that no extravagant asceticism case the quality
is
is
implied by these terms, for in one
But the
ascribed to the Presbyter's wife.
following hitherto unpublished epitaph found near Laodicea
shows that there was
may
it
in
that city a congregation of sect-
character, probably with
arian
Enkratite tendencies, and
well be that Orestina belonged to that congrega-
tion.
33.
who
Doudousa, daughter of Menneas, son of Gaianos,
became He(gou)menos of the holy and pure Church of God, to Aur. Tata my much beloved daughter and only child erected this tombstone, and of myself in
my
Here beyond less
all
lifetime in
question
of gender) as the
remembrance.
Doudousa
Hegoumenos
is
of unorthodox religious movements, so
"
^
It is
"
whom ii.
are
20)
Church; and the epithet
applied to the Church in which she was a leader
AovSovaa,
[Kf] Ka6apas
6vytiT[rip M]evt'(ov
rov 6(fo)v
Taliavov
f/cATjffe/as, Aiip.
?,
yfLv]afj.eyr]
Tara rp
l{yov)fj.tvos rr/s
ayelas
n-oAviroOeiyordrT) K€ /xoyoyeyfj /xov
Bxryarpl avfffrriffa rriv i(TrT]\riv TavTT)v we eour/js ^axra
ixv7)fxi)s
X^P'"-
The
title
though not marked as an abbreviation (whereas QZ is), can hardly be anything except riyovfxivos the masculine form is remarkable.
Ifxfvos,
for
of
hardly possible to regard a female leader
belonging to the Orthodox
pure
many
Asia Minor, from the lady of Thyatira(Rev.
in
downwards. as
Church
She seems to have been one of those female leaders
of God.
known
described (regard-
of the holy pure
:
Fourth Century
in the
401
seems perhaps to lay more emphasis on the
tendency
ascetic
than the orthodox opinion approved.
The Holy Church
"
of
God "
is
an expression that shows
the fully formed ecclesiastical expression, and can hardly be
dated earlier than the latter part of the fourth century.
employment
first
as a
than A.D. 400, and inscription copied 34. Aurelia
is
common
probably
by Hamilton
Domna
Its
phrase cannot be placed later earlier, for
we
find
in
it
an
{C.I.G., 9268).
erected
my
to
husband
sweetest
Tinoutos, the ver}- pious deacon of the Holy Church
of
The is
God
of the Novatians, in remembrance.
formula
is
used, and the
at least earlier than A.D. 420,
were proscribed.
The prcenomen
of the early type.
name Novatians I
in
when the
sect
and the name
should confidently regard this inscrip-
tion as older than A.D.
340.
In 324-5 Gregory, father of the
35.
Aur.
open use implies a date
more famous Gregory
Nazianzus, was converted from the sect of the Hypsistarii to the
The sect took God alone (^eo?
Orthodox Church.
worship of the Most High to have adored light
and
its
name from
vyfno-To
;
it is
its
said
but to have used neither sacri-
fire,
nor images of God, to have kept the Sabbath and cer-
fice
rules
tain
practised
of
clean and
circumcision.
unclean
Gregory
speaks of a sect Hypsistianoi,
foods, but not
of
Nyssa
who adored
have
to
about
380
the one God,
him Hypsistos or Pantokrator, but not Father.^ Neither sect (if they are two sects, and not one) can be About traced in that precise form outside of Cappadocia. styling
them we have only the untrustworthy account contained in the brief allusions of two of their opponents, whose hatred for ^Contra Eunom., ed. Migne,
No.
vol.
ii.,
I.
26
p.
482
ff.
Pantokrator
is
used in
— The Church of Lycaonia
XII.
402
the Hypsistianoi makes as a
possible that the inscriptions of Iconium
It is
some
regard what they say
difficult to
it
account.
fair
on
light
obscure
this
There
sect.
is
may throw
every probability
that a Cappadocian sect should spread also into Lycaonia, for there
plain
no natural
is
where the
line of
demarcation in the dead
two Provinces
frontier of the
epitaph quoted on
389
p.
may commemorate
At any
bishop of the sect.
rate
it
level
The
lay.
a priest or
probably originated in
circumstances similar to those which produced the Cappa-
docian
Gourdos
sect.
God
the most high
document seems
"
is ^
;
in that epitaph called
" priest
of
but the style and character of the
to permit
no doubt that
it is
Christian and
did not emanate from a half-pagan, half-Jewish eclectic sect,
two Gregories
•such as the
describe.
probable that
It is
their denial of the Christian character of the sect
the result of prejudice and epitaph
is
ill-feeling,
was merely
and that the Iconian
a fairer and safer witness to the character of the
than
Hypsistarii
enemies.
malignant account of ecclesiastical
the
our opinion be not correct, the only
If
native probably
is
Christian circles, where the Cappadocian sect was
have proved the
sect)
was used as a
term, occurring often in the Bible. 36.
A second
^
Ifpfvs diov
[to
rection
made
in
and orthodox "^6.
;
Here
lie
the bones of
and we adjure the Almighty
punish any violator of the tomb?].-
\)<\i(
'C./.G., 9270.
right
But see No.
epitaph partakes of the same character
of the tribes of Israel.
the prudent deacon Paul
God
unknown
typical epithet (which in Cappadocia would
and where the
The God
alter-
that the epitaph originated in ordinary
(where the metre would require
The copy
the Corpus
vi^iicrroio).
of Lukas has ^oiToiy instead of *i/\aji'.
is
probably right.
Compare Nos.
26-28.
The
cor-
— Fourth Century
in the
The
abbreviations
0C
0N
and
for
403
God mark
this as the
product of a more developed thought than most of the epi-
Here the other
taphs of Lycaonia. krator
is
The
used.
typical epithet Panto-
occurrence in two Iconian epitaphs of
the two epithets marking the Cappadocian sect favours the
opinion that both inscriptions originate from a branch of the Hypsistarii in Iconium.
It is
second epitaph originated
in
probable view perhaps
is
the " orthodox
"
"
this
though the most
and were nicknamed Hypsistarii
Christians of the fourth century from
their fondness for that favourite
High
circle,
that a branch of the Jewish Chris-
tians survived in Lycaonia,
by
however possible that
a Jewish
Jewish phrase,
"
the most
they had been so far influenced by surrounding
:
opinion as to abandon circumcision.
XIH. Deve-yuklu
(Sarre, Reise in Kleinasien^ p.
174;
A. E. Mitth. Oest, xix., 31 ff.). 37, Here lies Palladius, p(resbyter ?) and high-priest of God' for us
If the
(and
see
I
more
:
readers, pray for me.^
initial
no other way), the
suited to the bishop,
we have
is
title
high-priest,
which seems
is
of the
XIV. The
is
fifth
Perhaps
given to a presbyter.
here also a trace of some non-Orthodox
concluding formula epitaph
completed as "presbyter"
letter is rightly
sect.
The
of developed Christian style; and the
century or
later.
following epitaph, engraved on the
tomb of
a
physician at Alkaran, near Isaura Nova, probably belongs to the period A.D. 330-350.
metre 38.
:
The
first
the last two are in prose
Here earth contains Aur.
two
lines are in
Priscus,
who was an
excellent
physician during the sixty years of his age. ^?i/To
KOTOMTf noAiiSij
rude
:
7r(pc(7;8uTfpos?) k\ apxi-fp^^s rov
0eoC
rjfjuv
•
And vkvayivw-
XII, The Church of Lycaonia
404 (his
tomb) was erected by
own
consort Alexandria, in honour {Figure, p, 330).^
This inscription tion,
Timotheos and
varied
relief,
from the usual
There are the usual four
architectural scheme.
columns supporting three pediments or arches, which, case, are all rounded.^
the four columns the
common
his
engraved above an elaborate ornamenta-
is
partly incised, partly in
Isauran
his son
a
is
in this
In each of the three spaces between
The
fish.
shell pattern
;
central arch
is
filled
with
the other two contain a doubtful
symbol, perhaps a large fir-cone.
The ornament different
executed
is
from the
in
rude village work, quite
Dorla (Isauran) work,
fine lines of the
and implying the existence of the graphical reasons point to the " "
same
Here the earth contains " is a mere poetic Here lies," the later formula which took the honoured
"
or
" set
up " the deceased.
On
point to a later date.
made
Epi-
The formula
conclusion.
older formula stating that " so-and-so "
model.
latter as
variation of
place of the
the tomb," or
These circumstances
the other hand, the second part
of the physician's epitaph follows the old formula: "his son
and wife and
i}ci&
The
"
up
".
The mixture
of the old and
his long career
quite in the style of Basil,
is
writing to the physician
Humanity
physicians.
is
rightly.
And,
This, at
in
my
life's all
who says,
all
you who
374:
practise as
opinion, to put your science at the
pursuits
is
to decide reasonably
events, seems to be the case
^TiMi at the end: perhaps the beginning of is
formulse,
Eustathius about A.D.
the regular business of
head and front of
space
new
prcenomen Aur., give a date about A.D. 340. praise given in this epitaph to the physician at the
end of in
set
exhausted, and the rest of the stone
is
t«/i^s x"?"'"
^"^
if
^^
and
man's
available
crowded with ornamentation,
so that the concluding letters were never engraved.
-In the ordinary Isauran scheme, the two side pediments are pointed.
—
r Fourth Century
in the
most precious possession, unless
it
be lived in health, and
ent on your
We
painful
life, is
if
405
and not worth
we
for health
living
are depend-
skill " {Epist. 189).^
notice also the emphasis which the ornamentation on
the
tombstone of
The
connection of the physician with religion and his interest
in
are emphasised in Basil's
it
He
on his Christian character.
I'riscus lays
"
two
and
189).
as
were, with two right hands
it
writes
:
limits of philanthropy
your
skill to
In your :
Eustathius (151
letters to
own
case medicine
seen,
is
you enlarge the accepted
by not confining the application of
men's bodies, but by attending also to the cure
of the diseases of their souls
"
The
(£/>u^. 189).^
letter to
the physician Pasinicus (324) also shows on what friendly
terms Basil wrote to
men
how much
of this profession, and
he seems to have esteemed
their educated
view of
life
while
;
he corresponded with Eustathius as a valued and respected on whose sympathy he could
friend
A
39.
rely.^
metrical epitaph found beside Derbe
may
belong to
tomb erected by one of those Christian physicians Thou hast caused sorrow to thy companions {i.e., by thy
the
:
death) and in exceeding degree to thy parents
40.
more Nova
thy
name
The
initial
in a
and
formula of No. 38 appears in a somewhat
and
''
bridge at Dinek Serai {Journ. of Hell. St., 1905,
:— Translation of Mr, Blomfield Jackson.
Uniersuch., •*
;
Herakleon, son of Hermeros, physician.*
elaborate form in another epitaph, found near Isaura
p. 176) 1
is
viii.,
and
list in
a review Anal. Boll.,
While respecting educated physicians,
Basil
See Harnack
in
Texie u.
was not above the
belief in
xii.,
297.
cures by words and charms, provided they were Christian, as the present writer has pointed out in p.
more
detail in the Quarterly
427 (Pauline aud other Studies, p. 380). MM. Radet and Paris in Bull. Corr. Hellen., 1886, •»
Expedition,
p. 28.
Review,
p.
510
;
vol. clxxxvi.,
Sterrett,
Wolfe
XII. The Church of Lycaonia
4o6
Here the bounteous
whom
him
earth, taking
who
tains Papas,
to her
bosom, con-
one among men, and
lived a just
Vanalis, his daughter, honoured with
ment and beauteous
monu-
longing for the dead
muse,
one.
The
marks the two epitaphs
imitation
which
same
period,
proved also by the presence in both of the new
is
formula followed by the
may
the other
XV.
as of the
As one epitaph is Christian, down as also Christian.
old.
confidently be set
Allusions to the words of the Bible are rare in the
epitaphs
.
compare No.
5
and the following.
41. Dikaios, measurer of corn for distribution, raised the
Mouna, after a wedded life of 23 years, months, 20 days, and made (the tomb) for himself
stele to his wife ]
[
And
in his life-time.
who knocks where The
the sarcophagus belongs to
the door stands before
allusion to Revelation
iii.
20,
"Behold,
door and knock," seems indubitable
shows rather
less similarity
;
I
Him
Him. stand at the
though the Greek
than the English.^
It is possible
on the broken ornament of the top a personal name was engraved, and then the first line should be translated " a just that
measurer of
name
in
com
But Dikaiosyne occurs as a woman's
a neighbouring
found as a man's 42.
".
An epitaph
right lines,
is
village,
and Dikaios
name and probably from Suwerek,
important
;
and
criticism or corroboration.
I
if
is
sometimes
so used here.
the restoration be on the
should be glad to
See Fig.
7, p.
elicit
either
330.
Aurelius Alexander [son of Alexander?], hoping in the Rev. iii. 20, kSittu and iirfcrTT}Key (sic) in the composed by an uneducated villager, who made jt($xTcovos the gen. of KS-rrrcav, and remembered badly the words of the New Testament: he spoke Phrygian, not Greek. ^
Kpovco
epitaph
;
and
%(TTr\Ka eVl in
but the latter
is
— ;
Century
in the Potirth
after-life
made This
and
while living and of sound mind,
joy,
for himself
a resting-place
an epitaph of the
is
hope,
The
of the early
is
than
metrical use of crosses
Eastern Provinces,
A.D.
4C0 or
century
in the third
the sym-
compare No. 6 and Studies
:
" slave
of God," ^ovKo^ Oeov,
hi the
the com-
is
Examples occur from about
Byzantine epitaphs.
in
and the use of
style,
p. 90.
XVI. The phrase monest
quite prob-
The ornamentation shows
the fourth.
in
may
formula, apart from
commoner
Aurelius as prcenomen was
remembrance.^
in
and
earliest class,
ably belong to the third century. the Christian
407
Expressions, similar in
earlier to the latest time.
sense but different in word, should be dated in the third or
common
fourth centur)-, before the
The phrase "slave of
Christ,"
The
by a pagan, though so used. Bov\o<;
latter I
The only
evidently,
is,
than
later
more remote from pagan forms
"slave of God," as being
of expression.
form was established.
might quite conceivably be used
cannot quote any case
in
which
it
was
known to me in which marked beyond question by
inscription
XpKTTov occurs,
is
other characteristics as of the developed Byzantine period the
title
"Comes"
occurs,
and
the
detestable
(occurring not in rude village work, but on the
high
officer)
shows that the epitaph
seventh century or even 43.
is
likely to
spelling
tomb of a be of the
later.
At Laodicea, published
Atken. Mittheil., 1885,
in
p. 43.
Athenodorus, house-servant of God, and Aelia Eupatra his wife, while in life (prepared the grave) for themselves,
^
A
better restoration
is
suggested by
very slightly from that in the illustration
Avp
.
'AAe{a>'5f)[oj 5iy], e'XiriVar
my ;
friend Mr.
cp.
i
Pet.
i.
eVl [ryjv rrys liret]TO
^povuiv K\aTtaKfvaaiv ^javTW Koi)xyiT{)[piov IvdaZi]
W. 13
;
C'^rjS
ixvfj/xr)S
R. Paton, differing^ iii.
17
;
x^paL"!
X'^pl^"'
Tit. C'^'"
i.
"""f
2
:
f]"'
XII. The Church of Lycaonia
4o8
The term
might quite
itself
the
" house-servant
commoner
origin
this inscription,
The names,
tomb.
name
which
is
first
refuted
is
expressed
too, are of
therefore
later
class of
maker of
of the
the
an early type, especially the
and we may
;
feel
confident
that the inscription must be as early as the fourth, and
Looking
third, century.
in
by the character of
in the earlier
name
the
of the wife Aelia Eupatra
probably the
in
be taken as a mere refinement of
fairly
mentioning
formula,
Qeov)
{ocKiT'r)
"slave of God," and
but such an opinion
;
God "
of
more
at the style of letters,
and the general impression given by the inscription as a whole, I should be inclined to place it in the third century.
The
strange phrase
"
house-servant of
God "
Oeov)
(ot/ceTi79
might be interpreted by some as a variation of the technical *'
home-born slave of Caesar " {verna
Divus, is
it
6e6
was applied only
But the term
Ccesaris).
to a deceased
emperor
;
and
contrary to an otherwise unbroken rule to speak of a
At
slave of the deified deceased emperor.
the
same time
it
must be noted that many slaves of the emperor occur in epitaphs of Laodicea and the neighbourhood they resided :
there to silver
manage
the estates
and valuable copper and quick-
mines belonging to the emperors
country immediately south of the
that Athenodorus, to indicate his religion,
It is also possible
purposely chose an expression other meaning. '
mountain
in the
city.^
have
I
else:
v
hic^
..e
^vas susceptible
pointed out
^
of an-
that in the
The name Burnt Laodicea evidently arose from the furnaces for smelting Mr. Edwin Whittall pointed out to me that the ancients did not
the copper.
refine the ore (cinnabar) to extract the pure quicksilver, but used
condition as a colour.
because
it
was brought
It
was the
to
red earth of Cappadocia, called
it
in its
raw
7/) SifOTri/c^,
Greece by way of Sinope before the land Trade-
Route to Ephesus came mto use. ^Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia,
ii.,
p. 502.
—
.
Fourth Century
in the
language was often employed
Christian epitaphs
earliest
which could be taken
a pagan sense by the uninitiated.
in
This custom originated
in the
time when
profess Christianity; and after the
the Christians increased in any
more
in
public fashion.
would be the
If
is
long to the second century. class
The
was dangerous
numbers and
district,
my
it
to
influence of
profession was
made
suspicion be correct, this
From
Lycaonian Christian epitaph.
earliest
the names and style there
would
409
why it
no reason
should not be-
According to ordinary rule one
as probably of that date.
it
forms,
companion, servant or slave of
attendant,
Christ (BepaTTCDv Oepairaiva vary between those meanings; also
An
44.
found sporadically
Bov\o<;) are
Tral
example, found
in Isauria,
No. 4
cp.
:
published by Pro-
is
fessor Sterrett {Wolfe Exped., p. 60).
[So-and-so], while
living, faithful
still
slave-boy of [Jesus]
Christ, inscribed the stele for himself.^
45. Copied
Savatra
The
my
by
Lycaonia
in
attendant of Christ, Paulus, the gravestone was set
From
the
same
concluding fragment
I
up by
solemn remembrance to
in
46.
Professor T.
friend,
Callander,
at
:
place and
me
lie
my
tomb, and
in this
young
sister
Maria
her only brother.-
authority
:
it
is
a mere
:
the brothers, attendants of Christ, constructed.^ 47.
A
quaint inscription found in 1908 at
Obruk (perhaps
the site of Congoustos), eight miles east of Perta, concludes
our survey of the Lycaonian Church. ^
[iypa\i\iiv
-
XY
Kaatyvfi[rri]
in
No. ^
iavTw Kai\s
Qipa.T(jov
19. is
'\7)(tov
XpicTTOv -niarSs.
nn[£!]\Of eV T(p5€ rvfx^Cf) «aTa/ci[/t]6
Mapia
/ivTjyUJjy
eivsKa
(T'iixvTts
oXtf
(TTj^ia
Kaaiyvr}TW.
equivalent to comes, subordinate companion.
KaaiyyTiroi XpiffTov depdiruvTes irtv^av.
Se fxoi redder 1]i6eos dcpiiritiv,
like ordaii'
4IO
The Church of Lycaonia
XII.
f Holy Trinity, protect the order of the deacons. Amen.^ This text perhaps indicates some disagreement between the deacons and the higher clergy but other explanations ;
are possible, and point.
publish
I
The tagma
(quoted on
p.
356
in
hope of instruction on the
of the clergy
is
mentioned by Basil
note).
^ayia Tpids, avrr\Ka^ov rov at the beginning
it
rdy/j-ari rSiv ^iaK6vtii(y)
and a large cross below the
•
afiriv.
A
cross is cut
letters.
+ MlK!N6Als/i^
CCnACHCAPE
TWtKEKormN-
NOCHNFNIBiOO
kEeeexHNCo
<{)iANEl
CfNeAa€iCtTt
TBYAArToyrA CrNKATAKTrETft
4>iMotiArAeo£ rE-An:EN"RiJN
a
oYCANECTHCEK To2iETJr\ON
HAWflMrtHHHC
PIN
\ Fig. 14.
and
—Anthropomorphic rosette
330, 368
f.,
Lycaonian gravestone (see p. 399) with cross (monogram) as corresponding decorative elements. See pp. 406
f.
k^
—
INDEX.
—
Luke, 3-101, 220-46 {contd.) Christian Inscriptions Connection with Corinth, 21, 35. Account to God, giving of, 396. Macedonia, 31, 34 ff., 48. Anthropomorphic gravestone, 399, Criticism of method in, 3, 8, 58, 410. Aurelius
as
pseudo-praenomen,
60, 64, 72, 76, 87, 91, 315
Luke
338, 386, 390. Beginning of epigraphy in Central Anatolia, 335. Chronology of, 334 ff., 338, 369. Church of God, 401. Concealment of Christian character shows early period, 381,
408 f. Curse on violator of tomb, 395 Fathers 318 of Nicaea, 397. " Friend of all," 375, 382.
Hellenism
fF.
Method
—
f.
f., 50 f. 256 ff. Trustworthiness of, 4 f., 315
Style, 34, 44. 47
credibility of, 58, 64, 87, 91,
Temptation
315 see Luke gen. Annunciation, 255. Authorities, use of his, 58, 71, 80, ;
in,
Unity of authorship books, 6
in
his
two
f.
see authorities, his Authorities Viper in Malta, 63 ff. We-passages in Acts, 15, 27, 33 ft.,
Use
37
1
35.
f.,
327.
Birth narrative, 49 f., 219, 243-46, 255Character, 31; see Hellenism of. Choice of details, 21. Connection with Antioch, 18, 35, 65-68. ff.,
ff.
Source, Lost Common Source of Matthew and, 71-101. Sources, 34, 38, 49, 55, 63, 73 f., 78 ff., 96 f. Speeches in, are they his composition ? 22, 83.
Luke, 3-101, 220-46
Ephesus, 21
authorities,
238. Paulinisfn of, 12. Physician, 4, 6, 16, 27, 56 Roof of house. 46. Ship, 36.
Christian, 369, 384, 398. Trinity, 396, 410. Women's industry, 387.
— —
in criticism, see Criticism. as a historian, 21, 34, 38.
Omissions from his
Byzantme
Acts, conclusion of, 27. chap. XV., 28, 60 f., 313
15, 255.
—
ff.
of
ff.,
roof, 46.
and Hierosolyma, 51, 76. John, relation to, 29 f. Mark in Luke, 39 ff., 71. Marvellous in, 8-10, 65, 251-59.
Salutations on gravestones, 362. Slave of Christ, of God, 338, 365,
growth
see
Inexactnesses and inconsistencies in, alleged, 24 ff., 28 f. Jerusalem, 76.
Here lies," 337, 338. 388. Holy Church of God, 401. Reckoning with God, 396.
407
10
of,
House and
«'
Titles,
;
gen.
I
(411)
of
f-
Women
.
m,
13,
30
f.
—
— Index
412
Miscellaneous {continued)
Miscellaneous
—
Arabs could not conquer Asia Minor, 114 f. 180 1. Asia and Europe, contact of, ,
roads
of,
— — dividing
107
—
116, 181
of,
105
Water
179, 18S, 193, 348. warriors, 209
ff.
contrast of coast and
in-
Paul, St.— Acts XV. and Gal. ii., 28, 60 f., 313. Architectural metaphors, 294 ff. Athletics, 288-94. Citizen rights, 25.
terior, 113.
Aulokrene fountain, 108. Bull-god, 209. Clothes, philosophy of, 175. Coinage, origin of, 125. Commerce, methods in Asia, 125. Criticism, true, seeks excellences, not defects. 260. Crusades, influence on Europe,
Development and growth, idea
125.
Epistle
—
to
its
Germans do not read Hawkins and Hobart, 6. Dr. Sanday on, 261 fF.
—
to,
ff.
relation to Paul's epistles,
326
in literature,
265. First person singular, its use in exposition, 265. German Method, value of, 263.
Hebrews, relation
304, 309 ff.
i-ii, 28, 60 f., 313. in teaching of Jesne,
ii.,
— origin
Earrings worn by men, 206.
of,
287 f. Ephesian Address, 22,
Galatians
Greek alphabet, entrance
ff,
f.
ff.
line in, 112
Egoism not Egotism
ff.
185 f. engineering. 129, 154, 164,
art,
Women
105 ff., 143. Asia Minor, situation
—
Tekmoreioi, 197. Tetrapyrgia, 187. Turkish conquest of Asia Minor,
Agriculture, 179-98. directed by religion, 197. Alphabet, see Greek. Anthropomorphism, 251.
96.
Hellenism
of, 15,
Language
of,
285-98. 219, 285 ff. Luke, his physician, 27. Metaphors, 285-98. Military metaphors, 294, 297.
Name,
53
f.,
76.
Quotations from Deut.
xxxii.,
i,
to Asia
Quoted in inscription ? 407. Minor, 123. Roman citizenship, 25. Hieroglyphics, Hittite or Anatometaphors, 297 f. lian, 127 f., 159 f. Saul and Paul, 53 f., 76. Hired labour despised, 221 f. Veiling of women, 175. Huda-verdi, 132, 163 ff. Width of education, 285. Judaism, freer in first century than later, 263. Religion, Christian Khans, 185 ff. Landscape of the plateau, 131. Acts, credibility of, 22, 28, 60 i., Legend, nature of, 100. 87. Libation, 208. Archiereus, 391, 403. Anatolian languages destroyed Lycaonia, organisation of, 332 f.
—
Monotheism, origin
Morning
of, 277.
b}',
Nomadisation, 116, 181
Nomads, 180
f.
Old Testament 262, 277
;
ff.,
275
f.
in Syria, 275.
criticism,
76
f.,
ff.
Organisation of Lycaonia, 332
f.
in Bible, 251. birth Aristocratic of Church leaders, 187, 341. Asceticism, 400. Birth of Christ, date of^ 235, 243, 246. Bishop of Laodiceia, Lycaonia, fourth century, 153 f.
m
Pelta, 349.
Semitic conception of God, 12 250-55. 280 f.
146.
Anthropomorphism
star, crescent, 232.
f.,
Bishops, 350-60, 368, 385.
Index
—
Religion, Christian {continued) Book or tablets as symbol, 377. Byzantine art, 145. Church, 143.
—
deterioration in, 161 f. Chorepiscopus, 356 f. Chronology of Gospels, 221-46. Church architecture, 339, 346 IT., 366.
— as sepulchral monument, 156, 165. — as a defensive power, 157. — door on gravestones. See gravestone. — Imperial contribution expenses — the centre 346. of social to
of,
life,
153 ff., 348, 364. Churches, thousand and one, at Barata, 155
413
Religion, Christian {continued)
Italian pilgrims, 316 f. Jerusalen. Church of, division in, ,
313 ff. Jews, relation to earliest Christians abroad, 317 ft'. John the Baptist, 227 flf., 232.
Kingdom
of God, 85.
Latm and Greek Church, trast of,
ff.
Clergy and laity, 387 f. Concealment of Christianity, 381, 408.
144
Laity. See Clergy. Leaders, separate class congregation, 313.
of, in
Legend, nature oi, 100. " Light of the World," 231.
Deacons, 363, 410.
Lycaonia, of,
342
ff.,
Dove, symbol 385, 389. Elohim, Jehovah, 76. Epistle to Hebrews, 301-28. of,
athletics in, 289, 291.-
one
Christian in foiuth century, 152. Mark and the type of a Gospel,
82
397-
con-
f.
Continuity of pagan ideas, 133, 136, 138, 158 ff. Diakonissa, 393 ff. Diocletian, persecution
—
Herald, 233. Heretics, 400 f. Hiereus, 355, 365, 387 f. Hierissa, 391 ff. Hospitality, 154, 354. Hypsistarii, Hypsistiani, 401 ff. Industry of women mentioned on gravestones, 387. Inscriptions of Lycaonia, 150 ff., 331-410.
ff.
Martyrs, 395.
Matthew, 4-101, 221-46. Logia of, 80. Messenger of God, 13, 255.
—
Epitaphs, 272 H., 331-410. Evangelists in church, 368. Fig-tree, 227. Freedom in the teaching of Jesus,
Ministry of Christ, length of, 234. Miraculous element in, 8 f., 65,
92 rf. Genealogical expression 253 f-
disciples, 89 ft". Morning star, 230-46.
Gospels,
I
in Bible,
later
?
14,
life
of.
internal evidence alone, 75. Grass, sitting on the, 228 f. Gravestone symbolises a church, and the tomb is a church, 380, also 328, 330, 371, 376, 379, 383. Greek language spread by, 146. Hegoumenoi. See Leaders.
x
at
the
by
time
Nineteenth and twentieth century
-10 1, 219-46.
— elements 32. — metaphors from and nature, 219. — trustworthiness 32, 87, i-ioi, 219-65. — sources not recoverable from in
251-59-
Misunderstood
view, contrast Official
titles,
of,
9
f.
growth
of,
369,^
384, 398-
Oikonomos, 358, 369 f., 393. Otkonomissa, 393. Open-air life, eft'ect of, 223 ff. Ornament, 367 f., 370 ff., 376 f., 378 f., 385. 399, 404, 410. Orthodox Church, 143. its alliance with the Empire, 147. the Church of the people in fourth century, 152.
pagan
survivals in, 159
164, 174.
f.,
—
—
—
Index
414
Religion, Christian {continued) Pantokrator, 339 f., 401 f. Papas, 373
feeling.
ff.
365,
Presbyterian, 358. Presbyters, 351-65, 367, 370, 403. Q, 71-100. of of knowledge source Christ's teaching, 85, 97 f. date of, 81-89, 97 1. Reinvigorated the Roman Em-
— —
406
directed agriculture, 197.
Birth and death, 205. Bull god, 209. Confession, 178. Continuity of religious awe, see
Permanence. Divine nature as feminine, 130 beneficence of, 132.
of
John,
233, 378,
f.
f-
Domestication of animals through religion, 130.
Ephesian
priest,
212
f.
priest, 201-13.
in, see Mothergoddess. Grave as temple and church, 140,
Feminine element
ib5-
— as a holy place, 173 High-places, 159 f. Huda-verdi, 132, 163
f.
ff.
Star, 230-46.
Megabyzos, 213.
Subdeacons, 356, 368.
Mother-goddess, 130
Symbolism
Permanence of religious awe,
—
in Bible, 250-59.
in art, 375 f. Tabernacles, feast of, 235-43. Teaching of Jesus misunderstood
by His
disciples
89 ff., 240 ff. Tekmoreioi, 197
in
His
life,
f.
Temptation, the, 256
ff.
Transfiguration, 237-43. Trinity, 396, 410. Unified the Empire, 148. Virgins, 386, 398 f. Verbal criticism, 59 ff., 262. Water supply at churches, 348. Writing, early use of, 98 f.
Religion, Mohammedan Accepted old religious sites, 132, 133, 138. 175Art, 1S5 f.
f.
on mountain peaks, 136.
Eunuch
144.
Sabbatical year, 236. Screens in churches, 347 f., 379 ff. Soldiers, 342 ff. Spread of Christianity, lines of,
134
——
Asian influence on Greece, 128.
f.
Revelation
ff.
Anatolian religion, 171-214.
Physicians, 403 ff. Pilgrims to Jerusalem, 317 presbyterissa, Presbytera,
pire,
Religion, Pagan, 17 1-2 15
Amazons, 200
f.
Permanence of religious See Pagan Religion.
392
—
f.,
203
136, 138, 140, 159, 164 i97» 336Priest-king, 211.-
ff.
f.,
133, 174,
Religion the model and type of earthly life, 205. Sepulchral religion, 140. Virgin-Mother goddess, 134.
Roman Empire with Church, 147.
Alliance
the
Orthodox
Emperor contributes
to building of church, 346. Hellenism, its place in, 143. Lycaonia Pro/ince, 332. Mines, 408.
Reinvigorated
by
Christianity,
144.
Brotherhoods, an ancient institu-
Relation to Hellenism, 143. Slaves of the Emperor, 408. Three Eparchise, Province
tion, 155. Mosque built
332, 353^ Unity of the Empire, religious,
Bektash Dervishes, 155.
.
twice at Tyana, 114.
148.
of,
—
NAMES. I.
Christian
and
I.
Christian
and
II.
—
Biblical—
Historical
—
Biblical {cont.) (coni.) Mary, Virgin, 13, 63, Augustus, 317. Agabus, 25, 253. Amphilochius, 151, 349, Barbarossa, Kaiser, 131, 133 f., 197. Matthew, 4-101, 221-46. 166 f. 356, 378Maximilian, St., 343. Bismarck, 9. Anthousa, 353 note. Michael, 158. Apollos, 301. Caracalla, Aurelius, 386, Athanasius, Bishop of Mnason, 19. 399Naaman, 20. Claudius, 319. Tarsus, 353 note. Nathanael, 226 f. Constantine, 151. Augustine, 12. of Croesus, no, 215. Bishop Avircius Marcellus, 341, Nicholas, Myra, 123. Cyrus the Persian, no. 350, 372. Nicodemus, 223. Diocletian, 152 ft'., 338, Barnabas, 20, 301. Basil, 151 ff., 187, 354, Origen, 234, 310 f. 342 f., 353 ^^ote, 397. Diogenes, Governor of 356,378,384.387.389. Papias, 80 f. Pisidia, 344. Paulinus, Bishop of 404 f., 411. Tyre, 346. Dodanim, 254. Cailistus, 374. Clement (Alex.), 234 note. Peter, 55, 81 ff., 90, 237, Domitilla, 273. Domitian, 312. (Rome), 310. 240, 407. Phocas, St., 121, 123. Elishah, 254. Cornelius, ig.
m,
—
Cyriacus, presbyter, 356. Elias, 237.
Eusebius, 18, 65 f., 342 note, 345 ff., 379, 389. Eutychus, 65. Gabriel, 255. Gregory, 401. of Nazianzus, 151, 401. of Nyssa, 151, 187, 401.
— — — Thaumaturgus, 374.
Hermas, 355. Ignatius, 24, 293, 355. Jairus, 58. James, 240. John, 24, 133, 220-241. Baptist, 227 f., 230 ff. Longinus, presbyter.
—
Lye,
356.
Eumenes, 187. Galerius, 345.
Polycarp, 354. Pseudo-Justin, 374. Publius, 16. Stephen, 82 ff. TertuUian, 373.
Godfrey, 107. Hadrian, Emperor, 133. Harun-al-Rashid, 114.
Theodoret, 313. Herod, 244. Theodotus, St., 374. Herodotus, 125, 215. Theophilus, Bishop, 375. Homer, 367. Timothy, 288, 323, 363. Ibrahim Pasha, 33 note. Titus, 17 f., 272, 287 f., Javan, sons of, 254,
Joannes Cinnamus, 180. John Comnenus, 181 note.
407.
Trophimus, 35. Tychicus, 35. Zacharias, 49 II.
Josephus, 67, 317. Julian, 392. Justinian, 133, 138,
f.
Historical
Kiamil Pasha, 194.
Aeschylus, 11.
Kittim, 254. Licinius, 343
Agamemnon,
124. Agrippa, 322, 326.
Manlius Consul, 108. Manuel, no, 181 note, Maximian, 351. Maximin, 342 f., 345 f,,
Alexander the Great, 107,
Mammas,
Malachi, 233. Tribune, 156. Maria, 409,
Al-Mamun, 114. Anna Comnena,
Mark, 4-101, 221-46.
Aristides, 67.
126.
(41 5)
f.
Lucretius, 24.
180. I
368.
— Index
4i6 Historical
II.
{cont^j
Memluk
III.
—
Nearchos, 65. Nicetas of Khonai, 180. Sir Isaac,
220
Gibbon,
Porphyry, 280 note. Semiramis, Mounds 206 note.
of,
Suetonius, 319. Tacitus, 274 note. Tarkuattes, Priest King, 160.
Empress, 345.
Valerian, 353. Valerius Diogenes, 344. Verina, Empress, 138.
III.
f.
Modern Scho-
lars
Allen, 96 note.
Anderson, J. G. C, 360 note, 370 note, 393. Arnold, Matthew, 309. Bachofen, 204. Bell, Miss Gertrude, 155, 159- 197Bell, Mr., 244. Blass, Prof., 36, 47, 63.
Blomfield Jackson, Rev., 405 note, Calder, W. M., 153 note, 341. 350Callander, Prof. T., 360, 366 note, 368, 409. Carruthers, Mr. W., F.R.S., 223.
Chantre, 209 note. H. Cronin, Rev.
388
note, 181.
305 note, 342 note, 373. Hastings, Dr., 130 note, 177, 205 note. Hatch, Dr., 351, 354, 363.
Hawkins, Sir J., 5 f. Headlam, Principal, 287 note.
Tarshish, 254.
Xenophon, 119
no
Grenfell, 67. Hamilton, 401. Harnack, Prof. A., 1-68,
Philo, 294. Plutarch, 1S7.
Valeria,
Garstang, Prof., 397. Gelzer, 204.
Emperor, 338.
S.,
394, 396. Cumont, Prof., 353. Delitzsch, 322, 324. De Rossi, 369, 373 note. f.,
Diamantides, Savas, 396. Dindorf, 67.
Doughty Wylie,Mrs., 174. Driver, Dr., 279. Foucart, 128.
III.
Modern Scholars {cont.)
Plummer,
—
Dr., 237.
Radet, M., 125, 405 note.
Ramsay, Miss,
note. f.
Pindar, 11. Philip,
—
lars (ionf.) Frankel, 68. Gardner, Prof. P., 125
Sultans, 117.
Newton,
Modern Scho-
175, 336, 371, 378, 3S2, 392. Reichel, Dr., 160. Reinach, A. J., 198 note. Theodore, 118 note. ,
—
Renan, 277. Sanday, Prof. W., 13, 98, 249-65, 318, 360, 374. Sarre, 1S7, 403. Sayce, 160. Schiirer, g. Sloman, A., 64 note. Smith, Cecil, 201, 212. Prof. G. A., 269-81.
— —
Heberdey, 375. Robertson, 77, 262, Hera£us, 373 riote, 374. 269. Hobart, 5 ff., 225. Souter, Prof. A., 18 note, Hogarth, 113 note, 201. 2-TiHoll, Prof., 146 note, Steinmann, 264. 151 note, 356 note, 379 Sterrett, Prof., 385 note, note. 390, 405 note, 409 Hook, Bryan, 64. Strzygowski, Prof., 380. Howorth, Sir H., 181. Thomas, Rev. Gritfith, Howson, Dean, 285-89. 287.
Humann,
Tissot, 256. Trail, Prof. J.
203.
W. H., G4. Usener, 353 note. 305 note.
Hunt,
67. Jiilicher, 264. Keil, 349.
Kenyon, 244. Knowling, R.
Van Soden,
Waddington,
68,
273,
274 note. Weinel, 264. Korte, A., 124. Weiss, Bernard, 55. Layard, 232. Wellhausen, 46. Le Blant, 369. Lewis, W. M., 302 ff., Westcott, 301 note, 302, 306 note, 307, 310 note, 324 ff. Lightfoot, 297, 305, 327. 311 f.,3i3«o^«,3i6«o/e. McGiffert, Prof. A. C, White, Rev. Dr., of Marsovan, 253. 5, 26, 303 ff. Mr. Edwin, Mackinlay, Colonel, 219- Whittall, 408 note. 46. Wiegand, Dr., 347. Maspero, 209 note. Milligan, Dr. G., 303, Wilhelm, 375. Wilkinson, 72 note, 97 307, 324-
Mommsen,
J., 17.
144.
note.
Moulton, Prof. J. H., 51, Wilson, Sir Charles, 202, 60 note, 244 note, 245. 203, 207.
Newton, Sir C., 212. Pa ton, W. R., 407 note. Perrot. G., 203, 204 note, 20D ff., 212, 214. Pfleideier, 305 note.
Wincicler, 127 note. (Ephesus), 133.
Wood
Wordsworth, Bishop, 311 note.
Wright, A. A. G., 273.
— Index IV. Pagan
Gods-
Achilles Pontarches, 121
—
V. Places {cont) Bagdad Railway, 138, 188.
f.
Apollo, 108, 167, 216. Archigallos, 207. Artemis, 197 f., 201. Ashtaroth, 232.
Athena, 108.
—
41
works
of,
387.
Atys, 211. Bacchus, 211. Cybele, 207, Dipylon, 198.
Barata, 150 note, 155 ff., XVL, Plates 385 ;
XVII., XX. Basilika Therma, 380. Bin-Bir-Kilisse. See Barata. Black Sea, 105. Boghaz-Keui, 127, 201 ff., 212 f., 215.
(conf.)
—
Hermon, Mount,
ff.
243.
Hitrapolis, 109.
Hierosolyma, 51, 53, 76, 335-
Hirakla, Castle
of,
172,
193-
Holy Land, 269-81. Huda-verdi, 132, 173 ff. Bulladann, 192. 206 Caesarea of Cappadocia, Ibriz, 171, 193,
Bulgurlar, 172 note.
Helena, 121. Heracleids, 68. Heracles. 179, 211. Hermaphrodite, 206.
Hermes,
V. Places
Galilee, 40, 42, 239, 241 Gennesaret, 44. Halys, 215. Hauran, 272. Herakleia, 172.
114. 154. 357Csesarea Philippi, 239. Caesarea, Stratonis, 19,
13.
Ida, Trojan, 119.
320 ff. Capernaum,
Ipta Meter, 215.
Plate
;
XXI.
Iconium, 151 f., 331 356, 363. 402 f. Isaura Nova
f.,
Dorla, 335. 352, 360, 370. 372,
40.
or
Kronos, 280. Lityerses, 108. Marsyas, 108,
Cappadocia, 153, 204, 376 f., 378 f., 385, 404 f. Isaura Palaea, 378. 401 f., 408 note. Jerusalem, 19, 25, 42, 51, Caspian, 105. Caucasus, 105. 53, 76, 81, 223, 238 ff., Celaenae, 107 f. 253. 320. Cilician Gates, 109 note, Jordan, 227, 236.
Mother goddess, 206. Omphale, 211.
Comana,
Iris, 13.
Istar, 232.
Janus, 198.
115. 139. 172 210.
Pta, 215. Sabos, 211.
f-,
186.
Congoustos, 410.
V. Places
Akioenos, 137. Alexandria, 122, 374. Alkaran, 352, 360, 378,
Khadyn-Khan, 129. Khasbia, 209.
Dindymos, 119.
Laodicea,
—
Lake,
107.
Ancyra, 67. Anthios, 140. Antioch, Pisidian, no, Plate XH. 134, 341 Antioch, SjTian, 18 ff., ;
131 i
Dagh,
160.
Korna, 378. Kybistra, 172, 153 335,
398, 407
f.,
331
370,
381,
f.
Laodicea, burnt, 408 note. Leontopolis, 378. Leontos Kephalai, 140, 397 ; Plate X. Lerna, 179. Limnai, 197. Lycus, 107 ff. Lystra, 65, 216, 335.
ff.
Eregli, 172.
62, 66.
Kizil
note,
Serai, 405. See Isaura. Dorla. Dorylaion, 107, i66. Drya, 370. Egypt, 231, 236, 374. Eleusis, 373. Emir-Ghiazi, 209. Ephesus, -21 ff., 119,
note.
Anti-Taurus, 114. Argos, 179. Aries, Council of, 344. Aurokra, 108 f.
20.
Platea 140 ; XIIL, XVIII., XIX. Derbe, 335, 385, 405. Deve-yuklu, 403.
Dinek, 360.
403.
Salt
Damascus,
vEolic, 124.
Deghile,
172.
Amanus, 117 Anava, the
Cyprus, 19, 122, 134.
Cyme,
Achaia, 21 ff., 35. Ak-Giol, White Lake,
;
XIV., XV. Kara-Hissar-Afion, 137, 140; Plate IV. Kases, Kasis, 209. Keramon Agora, 120,
Constantinople, 116. Corinth, 21 f., 309. Crimea, 121.
Tekmoreian, 198. Venus, 232. Zeus, II, 168.
Judaea, 42, 244. Kara-Bunar, 189 note. Kara-Dagh, 163 Plates
Eski-Sheher, 107. Euyuk, 205 ff. Frahtin, 205. Galatia, 23, 27.
27
Macedonia, 23, 34 ff". Maden-Sheher. See Barata.
Maeander, 107 Plate
II.
ff.,
119;
;
Index
4i8 V. Places
{cojit.)
—
V. Places
{cont.)
—
V, Places
Marsyas, 107.
Pessinus, 211. Philadelphia, 157.
Tabor, 243.
Melitene, 114.
Philippi, 27, 34, 46.
Tarsus,
Malta, 64.
Mesopotamia, no,
194.
Miletus, 347. Mindana, 356. Mount of Olives, 223. Mycenje, 139. Myra, 122.
Naro
Galatic, 48.
Asian, 48, 335. Upper, 67 f.
Plommeis, 370. Prymnessos, 67.
in Africa, 377.
Pteria, 214. Puteoli, 3x7.
Nemrud,
397Nikopolis, 138. Obrimas, 107. Obruk, 409.
— — —
Pisidia, 397.
Nazareth, 40, 236. 232. Nevinne, 368. Nice, Council
Phrygia, 395.
Rome, of,
349,
23.
Salonika, 375. Sarus, 172. Seleucia, 353 note. Serai-Inn, 39S.
{cont.)
—
Syria, 107. 114,
120,
293,
375.
Taurus, 106, 112 ff.,
ff.,
115
137-
Temnos, Therma,
119. 108.
See Ba-
silika.
Thessalonica, 35. Thyatira, 233, 400. Tomb of Midas, 139 f. Plate VIII. Trapesus, 120. Troas, 27, 34 f., 48, 65.
Tyana, 172. Tyre, 25, 346
ff., 379, 381 Tyriaion, 395. Sinethandos, 331 note. Ushak, igi. Sinope, 121, 408 note. Oxyrynchos, 67. Sivri-Hissar, 138; Plate Verinopolis, Panhormos, 186. 138, 331 note. V. Palestine, 44, 46, 188, Yuruk-Keui, 385. 229, 243 f., 269-81, 292, Smyrna, 191, 195. Stymphalos, 179. Zazadin Khan, 388, 394; 317Plate Plate XXIII. Sultan Dagh, Paphlagonia, 117. 140; Zizima, 370. XII. Pegella, 138, 331 note, Suwerek, 366, 406. Perga, 134.
Pergamos, 68.
Syracuse, 369 note.
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