Egypt Moses

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EGYPT THE BOOKS OF MOSES, OB

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THE BO'JKS OF MOSES ILLUSTRATED BY THE MONUMENTS OF EGYPT :

«

V

-:

WITH AN APPENDIX.

DR..^E. W.

"^HENGSTENBERG,

PROFESSOR OF THEOL. AT BERLIN.

FROM THE GERMAN

f^Y ox

B. D. C.

|§p;SiDENT,

ROBBINS,

THEOL. SEM., ANDOVEE.

NEW-YORK: ROBERT CARTER 1850.

&

BROTHERS.

PREFACE.

The

recent interest in the subject of Egyptian antiquities

began with the publication of the works of CJiampollion the younger, about twenty years ago.

Since his

rfieath,

which

occurred in 1832, these researches have been prosecuted with

much

zeal,

by several of his scholars and other

guished archaeologists. professors

Two of the learned men

distin-

of Holland,

Reuvens and Leemans, have made important con-

tributions to the subject, derived in part from the treasures of

The

the

Leyden Museum.

lini,

professor of oriental languages and antiquities at Pisa,

are of the Wghest value.

accompanied Champollion

results of the labors of Rosel-

In 1829, in

the

he and his brother

scientific

expedition to

Egypt, which was undertaken under the joint auspices of the

governments of France and Tuscany. Champollion, fore his death,

committed

to

him the honorable

just beoffice

of

bringing before the world the result of their associated labors

and

studies.

lini,

which

folio,

The is

first

part of the great

entitled, " I monumenti

segnati

della

Spedizione

dell'

cany,

Through it

is

at

Pisa, in

Egitto e della Nubia di-

scientifico-letteraria

Egitto, distribuiti in ordine di materie, trati."

work of Rosel-

yet incomplete, appeared in 1832,

the liberality of the

toscana

interpretati

ed

in

illus-

Grand Duke of Tus-

brought out in the highest style of typography.

PREFACE.

IV

It consists

of a series of treatises which embrace the most

important results of the investigations into the history and civil institutions

of the ancient Pharaoh-dynasties under the

Pagan, Greek and

work

are

Roman

The

dominion.

as rich as the plan

is

researches relating to the languages,

in

history of

the

published in

grammar,

in

arts

Rome,

contents of the

comprehensive.

It

the valley of the Nile.

and

Rosellini

in 1837, in quarto, a valuable

entitled, "

abounds

civil history,

Egyptian

Elementae Linguae Egyptiacae, vulgo

Copticae."

In this interesting

field

of research, several Englishmen

Among these are Dr. Young,

have acquired high distinction.

Major Felix, Lord Prudhoe and Sir Gardner Wilkinson. Dr.

Young

shares with Champollion the honor of having

indicated the right

To

language.

method of deciphering the hieroglyphical

Mr. Wilkinson

justly belongs the

which he has himself bestowed on

man

encomium

"He

Rosellini.

is

a

of erudition and a gentleman, and one whose enthusi-

astic endeavors, stimulated

by great perseverance, are tem-

pered by judgment, and that modesty which

is

Egypt are contained

in nine

volumes, namely, *'A general

View of Egypt, and Topography of Thebes," edition

was published

in

history," in

two

edition of the

works are

many

full

arts,

two

series

vols, (a

their private

manufactures, religion,

series of three first

in

1843) and " Manners and Cus-

toms of the ancient Egyptians, including government, laws,

the character-

Mr. Wilkinson's principal works on

of real merit."

istic

new

first

volumes

in each.

was published

in

life,

and early

A

1842.

second

These

of most valuable materials, accompanied with

fine illustrations.

They everywhere

exhibit that cau-

PREFACE. tion,

V

sound judgment, modesty and enthusiasm, which greatly

At

delight the reader.

same time, the arrangement

the

improvement, while the

suscepnble of

style

is

somewhat

is

heavy, and wanting in precision and scholar-like finish. is

delightful to observe the reverence with

It

which the author

regards the sacred volume, and the gratification which every

undoubted

illustration

of

its

has now, for the fourth time,

He

authenticity affords him.

we

believe, taken

up

his

abode

in Egypt.

Another distinguished investigator studies

is

He published,

Prussia.

" Palaeographie

am

these

to

fascinating

Naumburg

in

in 1834, a prize dissertation entitled

als Mittel fiir die

Sanscrit nachgewiesen."

and then

in

Dr. Richard Lepsius, a native of

Sprachforschung zunachst

His studies led him

to

Rome, where he was appointed one of

Turin

the two

corresponding secretaries of the Archaeological Institute there.

In 1842, Dr. Lepsius was sent to Egypt by the Prussian government, in connection with a number of other learned men.

He

is

reaping " a rich harvest on this earliest scene of the

history of

pond will

mankind."

If the results of the expedition corres-

to the promises of the

commencement, much new

light

be thrown on the ancient condition of Egypt.

These researches derive

special importance from the light

which they cast upon the Old Testament records, especially

upon the Mosaic

history.

most valuable proof lie in

is

An

incidental, undesigned, but

thus drawn from witnesses that cannot

favor of the trustworthiness of those records. " Paintings,

numerous and fect as

if

truth of

beautiful

beyond conception,

as fresh

and per-

finished only yesterday," exhibit before our eyes the

what the Hebrew lawgiver wrote, almost

five

thou-

PREFACE.

VI

sand years ago.

The

faith thus rests, not

authenticity of the

documents of our

on manuscripts and written records alone,

but the hardest and most enduring substances in nature have

added their unsuspecting testimony. " Egyptian history and the manners of the most ancient nations," Mr. Wilkinson remarks,

''

cannot but be interesting

to every one, and so intimately connected are they with the

scriptural accounts of the Israelites

and the events of suc-

ceeding ages relative to Judea, that the

name of Egypt need

only to be mentioned to recal the early impressions

we have

received from the study of the Bible." It

is

the object of the present volume to collect and apply

by these and numerous other authors

the results obtained

as far as they relate to the

Books of Moses.

been done before the appearance of

Even

the most recent

ficient in this respect.

this

German commentators

They have

scarcely

This had not

work

in

1840.

are sadly de-

made any advance

upon the works of Spencer and Le Clerc, who wrote more than a century ago.

Some

of this volume, Dr. E.

W.

of the other works of the author

Hengstenberg, are too well known

in this country to render a statement of his general qualifica-

tions for the It

work which he has here undertaken necessary.

may, however, be proper

to say that

he has made the Penta-

teuch a subject of special study, and probably no one

Germany

elsewhere has devoted more attention to that

or

interesting, but too

ume.

much

neglected portion of the sacred vol-

His situation as Professor

to the rich

in

collection

Museum, and

Berlin also gave him access

of Egyptian antiquities in the Berlin

the reader

made good use of

at

is left

to

his advantages.

judge whether he has not

PREFACE.

The form translation. inal

of the work has been somewhat changed in the

The

volume were Nearly

page.

vii

all

references to authorities, which in the origin the text, are

a very few cases notes, which to the size than

thrown

to the

bottom of the

of the italic headings have been inserted. it

In

was thought would add more

value of the volume to an English reader,

have been omitted or abridged.

In one instance a long note

from another untranslated work of the author has been inserted in the text.

The

very few notes at the end have

been added by the translator.

It

was

his intention to insert

many more but they have been unavoidably omitted.

The

translator

is

under great obligations to Prof. H. B.

Hackett of Newton Theological Seminary, who consented to listen to a large part of the

ed, and

of the

make such

German language

and assistance has

manuscript before

also

suggested.

Much

Sept. 1843.

was

print-

valuable advice

been received from Professor B. B.

Edwards of Andover Theological Seminary. Mdover,

it

corrections as his accurate knowledge

CONTENTS

NEGATIVE PART. Pago.

Material used for Building in Egypt,

3 7

The Animals

of Egypt and the Pentateuch, Use of Animal Food in Egypt, Winds of Egypt,

8 12

Cultivation of the Vine in Egypt,

18 19

Origin of Civilization in Egypt,

Use of Iron

in

Egypt,

POSITIVE PART. CHAPTER

1.

The History of Joseph. Gen. chaps, xxxvii

Joseph carried to Egypt and sold

—

xl.

...

to Potiphar,

Joseph's Exaltation,

.... ... .... ....

Joseph's Temptation and the Morals of the Egyptians,

.

.

The Dream of the Chief Baker of Pharaoh, Pharaoh's Dream and the Magicians of Egypt, The Hair and Beard how worn in Egypt,

—

Dress and Ornaments of the Egyptians, The Marriage of Joseph, Joseph collects the Produce of the Seven Years of Plenty,

Famine

in

...

Egypt and the adjoining Countries,

Joseph, his Brethren, and the Egyptians,

The Practice of Divining by Cups, The Arrival of Jacob and his Family ment in Goshen,

sit at

23 24 25 27

28 30 31

32 34

35

an Entertainment, 37 38

in Egypt,

and

their Settle-

39

X

CONTENTS.

References of the Pentateuch to the Geographical Features of

Egypt.

The Land

of Goshen,

Location of Pharaoh's Treasure-Cities

The March of the Israehtes from Raamses " Between Migdol and the Sea," History of Joseph

42 47 56

— Pithom and Raamses, Red

to the

Sea,

.

60

— Continued.

Kings and Priests, the Possessors of the Land Embalming, Lamentation for the Dead, etc

CHAPTER

in

Egypt,

.

62 70

IL

— VII.

Exodus, Chapters I

The Fears of Pharaoh and his Severity to the Israelites, Use of the Papyrus and Bitumen in Egypt, The Daughter of Pharaoh finds the Child, Moses, The Israelites directed to borrow of the Egyptians Ornaments, etc.,

79

Moses's Rod,

88

.... ... .

Writing,

much

.....

practised in Egypt,

Preparation of Stone for Inscriptions,

The Bastinado, The Shoterim of

86 87 83

89 91

02 the Israelites, the

same

as the

modern Sheikh 92

el-Beled,

The Duties of the Shoterim, The Arrogance of the Pharaohs,

CHAPTER

93

.94 III.

The Signs and Wonders in Egypt.

The Connection

of the Supernatural with the Natural in the

Plagues of Egypt,

96

Moses's Rod changed to a Serpent,

The The The The The The

First

Plague— the Water

100

of Egypt changed to Blood,

—

.

106

Second Plague the Frogs, Third Plague— the c 35 Gnats,

114

Fourth Plague— the

116

115

,

Fifth

Sixth

Flies,

Plague— the Destruction of the Animals Plague— the Boils,

in

Egypt,

119 119

CONTENTS. The The The The

XI

Seventh Plague— the Tempest, Eighth Plague— the Locusts, Ninth Plague— the Darkness, Tenth Plague— the Death of the Pirst-born of the Egyptians,

CHAPTER Exodus^ Chapters

121

124 125

128

IV.

XIV

The

and XV. 132

Military Force of the Egyptians, Musical Instruments among the Egyptians, .

CHAPTER The Materials and Arts employed in

136

V. the Construction

of the

Tabernacle and Priests' Garments. Cultivation of the Arts

The Art The Art Skill in

among

the Egyptians

and

of Cuttihg-and Setting precious Stones, of Purifying and

Working Metals,

140

Israelites,

141

... .

.

143 145

Carving Wood,

....

Use of Leather, Spinning, Weaving, and Embroidery, Preparation and Use of Unguents,

CHAPTER Egyptian References in

150

VI.

.... ...

Law among the Egyptians and Israelites, The Stuff and Color of the Priests' Garments, Urim and Thummim, The Cherubim and Sphinxes, The Figure and Significance of the Sphinxes, The Cherubim their Form and Import,

—

Leviticus, chap. xvi. Azazel,

Numbers, chap,

xix.,

of the Books

the Religious Institutions

of Moses.

152 153

158 161

.... ...... .

.

.

......

Laws with Reference to Food, The Institution of the holy Women, The Nazarites,

146 147

.........

162 165 168 184

192

196 202

CONTENTS.

Xll

CHAPTER

VII.

Miscellaneous Passages.

The Genealogical Table in Gen. x., Abraham and Sarah in Egypt Gen.

—

xii.,

....

Genesis 13:10,

Exodus

The

212 214

20: 25,

•

Golden

Festival of the 17: 7,

208

Calf, etc.

Exodus

xxxii.

and Lev. 215

•

.

214

Prohibition of Marriage between near Relatives. Lev. xviii.,

218

Defilement with Animals

219

Lev.

18: 23.

Exod.

22: 18, etc..

10— 12,

Leviticus 24:

220

Numbers 11: 4, The Grass (helbeh), n^l-n, '/ The Fish, The Cucumber,

221

224

.

.

Melons,

220

e^h-t::?!;*,

224

225

.

Onions,

225

The Garlic, Numbers 17:

226

226 227

2,

Deuteronomy

6:

The Diseases

of

9 and

11: 20,

Egypt

severe. Deut. 7: 15. 28: 27, 35,60. Exod.

227

15:26, Cultivation of the

Land

Deuteronomy 17: 16, Kind Treatment of the

in

Egypt and

Palestine. Deut. 11: 10, 11,

Israelites

by Individual Egyptians. Deut. 235

23: 8 (7),

Deuteronomy

229 234

236

23: 12, 13,

Threshing with Oxen. Deut.

25: 4

Deuteronomy Deuteronomy

20seq.

237

28: 56, 5: 15. 4: 20. 6:

7: 8, etc.,

...

237 238

APPENDIX. Manctho and I.

II.

Manetho, The Hycsos of Manetho,

Notes,

the Hycsos.

241

260 280

!

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

NEGATIVE PART. It

is

incumbent on

us,

first,

negative part of our

in the

inquiry, to disprove the pretended " mistakes

and inaccu-

racies" of the author of the Pentateuch, in relation to Egypt.

By

these, as has

lately

been asserted, he has betrayed, that

he lived out of Egypt and long

after the

time of Moses.

Material used for Building in Egypt.

The

author, says von

Boh

1

e n,*

comes under strong

cion of having transferred to the valley of the Nile,

from upper Asia with

hewn

;

as,

suspi-

many things

the Egyptians were accustomed to build

stone, and the great buildings of brick, Ex. 1: 14,

instead of being Egyptian, seem rather to have been bor-

rowed from Babylonia.

We things.

can scarcely trust our own eyes, when we read such Is

it

possible that any one,

who undertakes

ment upon the Pentateuch, and even ventures author of ignorance in relation to Egyptian

to

affairs,

can show

himself grossly uninformed in these same things, and assertions first

whose incorrectness

is

conclusively

good compendium ^

Einleitung zur Genesis, S.

LV.

com-

to accuse its

make

shown by the

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

X

In a case like the one before us, any one would

read

" Building

:

common

brick was very

with

first

of

all

There we

have recourse to O. Miiller's Archaeologia.*

in

Egypt.

Private edifices were indeed generally of this material."

we examine

If

mid of

brick,

But we are

further,

which

is

Herodotust

probably

still

mentions a pyra-

standing.|

overwhelmed with proofs of the abunwe turn to those who, dur-

literally

dant use of brick in Egypt, when

ing the present century, have explored the Egyptian

ments.

Champo

1 i

1

of crude brick at Sais, and a temple of brick

R

at

Wady

Haifa.

1|

"Ruins of great brick buildings are found Walls of astonishing height and thickof Egypt.

o s e 11 i n i^ says

in all parts

monu-

o n§, for example, speaks of a tomb built

:

ness are preserved to the present time,

circumvallation of Sais;

as, for

example, the

whole pyramids, as those of

also

Dashoor, and a great number of the ruins of monuments, both great and small." brick,

baked

Egypt, both

gardens and

W

il

in the sun, for public

k inson** says: "

was universal

in

The

and private buildings.

granaries,

sacred

use of crude

upper and lower Enclosures of

encompassing the and towns, dwelling-

circuits

courts of temples, walls of fortifications

houses and tombs, in short, all but the temples themselves, were of crude brick." The same author shows that building with brick was practised even in very early times, since the bricks themselves, both in

Memphis, Egypt

often

§ II

1i

**

Vol.

the neighborhood of

who

ruled

in that early age.

* § 296. X

Thebes and

bear the names of the monarchs

t

See liahr upon the passage.

2. 136.

Mannert Geog.

10. 1.

S. 444, 67.

In den Briefen aus Aeg. S. 14 der. Deutsch. Uebers. S. 83.

monumenti dell' Egitto e della Nubia, II. 2. p. 249. Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians. London,

I

II.

p.

Jt(i.

1S42.

ANIMALS OF THE PENTATEUCH.

The Animals of Egypt and

The

author, remarks

the Pentateuch.

Bohlen

v.

3

further in the passage

referred to, supposes the existence of camels and

The

Egypt. sons,*

is

of his

own

receive

follows; "

as

in

ascribes to

allegation, as fully stated by

The

his rea-

narrator mentions the animals

native land, a part of which

Abraham could

47:17.

Gen. 45:23.

Egypt.

asses in

him with

him no horses which were native

to

not

He

Ex. 9:3.

Egypt, as

the relator indeed is aware, Gen. 41: 43. 47: 17; but, on the other hand, he mentions sheep, which are found in the marsh lands of Egypt as seldom as camels (hence these are denied to the country by the ancient writers)

last

asses,

which were specially odious

to the Egyptians

and

on ac-

count of their color." It is said in

entreated

the passage designated

Abraham

"

:

well for her sake

;

And he [Pharaoh] and he had sheep,

and oxen, and he-asses, and men servants, and maid vants,

We

inquire,

why

first,

presents.

Even

cumstance

is

not

ser-

and she-asses, and camels."

v.

the horse

Bohlen

accounted

for,

know how abundant

is

not also

among

the

dares not assert that this cir-

by supposing that the author did

horses were in Egypt.

In the enu-

meration of the animals of the Egyptians, in Gen. 47: 17, horses stand is

first,

Ex.

also in

9: 3.

The

rearing of horses

considered in the Pentateuch as so peculiar to Egypt, that

Deut. 17: 16,

in

itish

it is

represented as possible, that an Israel-

king, merely from love to the horse, might wish to lead

back the people

to Egypt.

If

now

the reason

why

horses

are not mentioned cannot be found on the part of the giver, it

must be found with the

were not yet

in use

receiver.

among

It

appears that horses

the Israelites, either in peace or

war, at the time of Joshua and the Judgest. * S. 163, t

See

J.

They were

upon Gen. 12: 16. D. Michaelis, Mosaic Laws. Eng. Trans. Vol.

II. p.

434

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

4

commonly used

tirst

in

But

the time of the kings.

the

if

horse was not yet used by the Israelites, at the time of Joshua

and the Judges, much

less

was

it

surely in the age of the

Pentateuch, when the main object, which the keeping of horses subserved in Egypt, did not exist.*

why

the reason

If

now

this

is

the horse does not appear in the enumeration

of the presents,

it is

entirely in favor of the true historical

character and Mosaic origin of the narration.

If

it

owed

its

origin to the poetic tradition of the time of the kings, horses

would certainly have been mentioned, since we cannot suppose that the time of the introduction of them was accurately

known, and

still

less that the tiction

was so carefully managed

sake of maintaining historical consistency.

for the

need not stop with merely the present passage. tateuch

But we The Pen-

other places continually implies that in the ancient

in

times with which

it is

concerned, there were no horses among " Moses," says i-

M

the patriarchs and their descendants. ch a e

1

i

" repeatedly describes to us the riches of the Pa-

s,

triarchs, as consisting of their

herds,

among which, while we

oxen, sheep, goats, camels and asses are enumerated,

The tabernacle was drawn by oxen in the desert. Num. 7: 3. That a great number of horses could not be conveniently kept in Egypt, These facts, according to mois implied in Deut. 17: IG.

never once find horses mentioned."!

dern views respecting the Pentateuch, are entirely inexplica-

They compel

ble.

us at least to the assumption, that the

composition of the narration precedes the time of the com-

mencement of

the

kingdom, while

at

the

same time

the

attempts to refer the substance of the history in the books *

monuments of Egypt. Lonmonuments we learn that horses were

Taylor's Illust. of the Bible from the

don,

Ifi'iS.

p. 5.

"From

the

used exclusively [more accurately, preeminently] in war, especially for

drawing

chariots, in

which the most distinguished Egyptian war-

liors rode to battle." t

Mich. Mos. Laws. Eng. Trans. Vol. IL

20: 14.

5i4:

35. 26: 14. 30: 41. 32: 6, 8, 15, 16,

p. 436.

Compare Gen.

ANIMALS OF EGYPT AND THE PENTATEUCH.

5

of Joshua and Judges to later times, have also a formidable obstacle in the apparently trivial circumstance, that in them the horse

mind

is

Let

not represented as in use.

here, that

vi'e

nowhere

find

be borne in

it

a historical notice of the

time of the introduction of horses, that they were in bability introduced gradually,

probably

know

that

and that the

which a scholar of the

many

laborious comparison of

all

pro-

Israelites did not

by a

last century,

made

scattered passages, has

entirely certain. It

has occurred to no one before

that there

were

asses in

Egypt.

v.

Bohlen

speak of the hatred of the Egyptians to that

it

How,

existed there.*

been sacrificed to Typhon.

also,

this animal,

could they otherwise have

clean in Egypt, yet they were kept.f

rich trappings, individual

is

for

—

riding

who

imply

Swine too were considered un~

He

—we

find

and she-asses ap-

The

pear in great numbers on the monuments.

commonly used

to deny,

All of the authors

former were them represented with

the latter as beasts of burden. I

A

single

represented on the monuments, as having 760

of them, which

makes

it

evident that they were very nu-

merous.§

The assertion that sheej) were not found in Egypt, every modern manual of Geography confutes. Ukert]! says, "Sheep are found in great numbers in Egypt. Their wool is

an important article of trade, and their flesh

common which comes upon

often mention the sheep of Egypt. t

is

the most

Ancient authors

the table."^

According

to

H e r o d o-

u s,** rams were considered sacred by the Thebans, and *

Co-npare the passage in Schmidt, de sacerd. et

sacrif.

t

Herod.

Taylor, pp.

§ II

2. 47, 48.

Wilkinson, Vol.

Schmidt,

p. 269.

t

p. 283. 6, 7.

III. p. 34.

Nordhalfte von Afrika, S. 169.

H Compare, on rearing sheep in Egypt, Girard t.

Aeg.

17. p. 129 seq. ** 2. 41 and 2. 42.

1*

in the Description,

t

:

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

6

sheep wer^ sacrificed by the inhabitants of the Mendesian

nome

Plutarch

in the Delta.

and according to

flesh of sheep,

duced

their

young twice

says, the Lycopolites ate the

D

i

odor u

a year and

in

s*, the

sheep pro-

were twice shorn.

Sheep appear on the monuments often and in great numbers. Large herds of them were kept especially in the neighborhood of Memphis. Sometimes the flocks consisted of more than

two thousand.

That the camel

existed in ancient

Egypt

ble from the analogy of the present time.l

is

indeed probaIt is

acknow-

Jedged that they have not yet been found delineated on the

monuments,^ except those scattered traces which Minutothinks that he discovered on the obelisks of Luxor. But

1 i

II

this

circumstance,

at

most, only proves that camels were not

very abundant in Egypt, and even that not with entire cer-

The Pentateuch

tainty.

itself also

intimates the

same

thing,

since in the passage under consideration, camels are mentioned

last,

and in chap. 45: 23, not

at all.

A

multitude of

objects which can be demonstrated to have existed *

1.

t

See Wilk. Vol.

ing to

m

among

36 and 87.

whom

II. p.

the treading

368.

down

Champollion, Briefe, S. 51, accordof the ground by rams

is

represented

the grottoes of Beni Hassan, 53.

Girard in the Description, t. 17. p. 128, says X Ukert, S. 160. " The camels which are used in SaKd for the transportation of all kinds of freight, unless

sent by water upon the Nile or upon the and strength to those in Lower Egypt. The raising of these animals is one of the chief employments of the Arabs who dwell upon the borders of the valley of Egypt. They furnish the markets of different provinces with them. The camels which are used for the transportation of th« harvest do not always belong to the husbandman. He hires them as he needs them. During the remainder of the year, he makes use of the ass. There is no land-owner who does not possess several asses," etc. According to t. 15, p. 215 of tlie Descr. the camels of the Delta are less valued than those of the provinces which border upon the desert. it is

canals, are inferior in size

§

Wilk.

I.

p.

351.

II

Reise, S. 203.

USE OP ANIMAL FOOD. the ancient Egyptians

the

are wanting in their paintings.

numerous hunting scenes,

not seen, although

which

common

7 In

example, the wild boar

a native of Egypt.

is

it

for

in the deserts of

The

is

wild ass,

Thebaid,

is also not met Egypt had in so great abundance, do not appear, while "geese are repeatedly is

Even

with.*

fowls and pigeons, which

Of

introduced."?

other objects which, although they cer-

tainly existed, are not found

upon the monuments, the same

author speaks, on page 254, Vol. Ill, with which compare too what

is

said

on page 344 of the same Vol. concerning

the great deficiency of the

monuments.

Use of Animal

"The

author," says

Gen. 43: 16,

in

v.

Food

in

Egypt.

Bohlen,|

"represents Joseph,

most manifest opposition to the sacredness

In his commentary]! it is of beasts to prepare flesh for food." " The Egyptians partake, at most, of consecrated flesh-

said

:

offerings,

whom

and the higher castes, especially the

priests with

Joseph was connected by marriage, abstain entirely

from animal food." to foreign shepherds

Further

:§

"The

hatred of this people

founded on the inviolableness of ani-

is

mals, especially of neat cattle, goats and sheep (the author forgets

he has denied the existence of these animals

in

Egypt), which were killed by the shepherds, but accounted sacred by the Egyptians."

Our astonishment

at

the condition of our great critic's

knowledge of Egypt is here again not a little increased, and the credulity, with which so many use such an author's work on India as good authority, becomes, after the successive developments of his ignorance, unaccountable to us. No one before

v.

Boh

1

e n

has ever thought of asserting that the

Egyptians abstain from *

Wilk.

X

S.

II

LV.

S. 399.

III. p. 21.

all

The

animal food. t

Wilk.

§

S. 397,

contrary

p. 35.

upon Gen.

43: 16.

is

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

8 found in

works of acknowledged authority,

all

example, says

for

**

:

Oxen

commonly used

are

AndBeck:t "The

ferings."

for food

and

of-

Egyptians abstain from the

of several animals, some of them sacred, as the cow,

flesh

and some of them otherwise,

Herodotus According

How

as from swine's flesh."

can any one doubt that the Egyptians ate

also

when

flesh,

alone furnishes abundant proof of the fact?

cows

to 2. 18,

were sacred among

only, not oxen,

the Egyptians; in 2. 168, the quantity of the flesh of oxen

received daily, by each Egyptian warrior,

cording to

habitants of Elephantine 2. 37,

day

where

at

from animal food.

is

Egyptian priests receive each

Even P o r p h

large portion of flesh. |

a

Ac^

mentioned.

but the most important passage

;

said that the

it is

merely says, that

is

even crocodile's flesh was eaten by the in-

2. 69,

y

r

y§ himself

certain times the Egyptian priests abstain

In this state of things

we

scarcely need

upon the monuments,

to take the trouble to mention, that

kitchen scenes and the delineation of

feasts,

in

animal food ap-

pears in abundance.il

The Winds of Egypt.

"The

author,"

we read

further in

v.

Bohlen,^] "misphenomena of

takes so materially with regard to the natural

the country, that he transfers there the scorching east

of Palestine," Gen. 41: 6,

Red Sea

as

produced by

this

same wind.

tary** on the passage above referred there

is

a cool and refreshing east

In den Ideen, Aegypten, S. 170.

t

In d.T Weltgeschichtp, 1,1. S. 7G3.

Kal

y.(}tojv

(ivto}V nal x?j%'tojv

In his

to, it

is

commen-

said.

When

wind along the Arabian

"

X

wind

and represents the ebb in the

-rrXi'^xf-ug

ti

txdotiu yiverm ttoXXw

7/ui^tg f-xnoTT/e. §

In Schmidt,

V S. LVI.

J).

62.

II

Wilk. Vol.

** S. 381.

II.

p.

3G8.

^

WINDS OF EGYPT.

9

Gulf in Egypt, it is cut off from the Nile by the eastern mountain range, the Mokattam, and cannot even press in,

much

less

error

lar

On

then scorch the ears of corn.*

the south which

it is

found

is

in

is

the contrary,

A

the hot wind in Egypt.t

simi-

Ex. 1^. 13, where the locusts should

be represented as coming with the south wind out of Nubia.

We ears,

will first examine Gen. 41: 6,1 where the seven thin and " blasted with the east wind," are mentioned.

The

quotation from

be proved, that there

Abdo is

no

1

1

a

east

t i

p

by which

h,

wind

in

That author himself shows§

clusive.

tend to be understood as speaking of

"For

Egyptians chose

this

for

said to

not con-

is

that he does not in-

all

of Egypt, and par-

which we are here concerned,

ticularly not of the part with

the Delta:

it is

Egypt,

reason

without doubt the

ancient

Memphis

the residence of their kings,

and the places which like Memphis are most remote from the eastern mountains."

seldom a wind directly from But there is oftentimes a southeast wind, which is precisely the one to produce the effects which are here ascribed to the east wind and besides, it blows commonly at the time in which these things are understood to have taken place, before the corn harvest, which in It is

conceded, that there

the east or west in Egypt.

is

||

;

Egypt

is

in

March and

Ukert**

April.

thus sums up the accounts of

with regard to the east wind

:

modern

travellers

" In the spring the south wind

oftentimes springs up towards the south-east, increasing to a

whirlwind, etc.

The

heat then seems insupportable, although

the thermometer does not always rise very high.

wind

is

called Merisi, the south-east, Asiab or

The

south

Chamsin.

As

long as the south-east wind continues, doors and windows *

Abdollatiph, p. 16.

I

Compare verses

De

Hasselquist, 254.

23, 27 of the

f

Abdollatiph, p. 19.

same chap.

Sacy.

§

P. 5.

TI

Nordmeier calend. Aeg. oecon.

||

p. 29.

RUppell

in

Ukert, S. 113.

** S, 111,

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

10

are closed, but the fine dust penetrates everywhere

every-

;

warp and crack. The thermometer rises suddenly from 16 20 degrees up to 30, 36, and even 38 degrees of Reaumer. This wind works deThe grass withers so that it enstruction upon everything. tirely perishes, if this wind blows long." V o n e y* says " The south and south-east wind produce thing dries up

;

wooden

vessels

—

:

1

no dew, since they come from the African and Arabian

But the north and west winds bring the evapora-

deserts.

Mediterranean

tions of the east, the

become sometimes

they

to

Egypt.

In

March

due south and the south-west winds

the south-

Then

prevail.

westerly and sometimes northerly

and easterly."

That D'^'lj?,

wind

this south-east

which commonly

here designated by the word,

is

signifies, east

wind,

is

not surprising,

Hebrews had terms only for the four principal winds, and besides, if a more accurate designation had been

since the

possible,

it

would

still

have been entirely unsuitable here

But we can even quote

relating a dream.

a

traveller

in

who

does not scruple to designate the south-east as merely the east. anslebt says: " From Easter to Pentecost is the

W

most stormy part of the year;

So much upon Gen. with Ex.

xvi, since

for the

Red

during this time, from the

wind commonly blows,

Sea, from the east."

We

41: 6.

do not trouble ourselves

the assertion, that the east wind

is

not

the appropriate one, depends upon the arbitrary supposition, that the passage of the

ebb

There

tide.

is

Red Sea

took place

time of the

at the

now remaining

therefore

to

us only

Ex. 10: 13.

V.

Boh

1

en

is

not the

first

who

has thought the mention-

ing of the east wind here a suspicious circumstance. ch a

r tj,

as long ago as his time,

this place signify the south

D"*"!)^

B o-

must

in

wind, since the east wind could

*

Voyage En Syrio

t

In Paulus Rciscn Th. III. p. 18.

et in

supposed that

Egyple,

t. 1.

pp. 54, 55. X

Hicroz.

3.

p. 287.

;

H

WINDS OF EGYPT.

bring locusts hither only out of Arabia, while the south wind would bring them from Ethiopia, which produces them in far Eichhorn* says: "Since the locusts, greater numbers.

from blind

always move from south to north, without

instinct,

ever turning to the east or west, their swarms never

come

out of Arabia to Egypt, but always from Ethiopia." It is certain,

neither used

without argument, that the author has here

Q'^'ij^

with the signification of south wind, nor

named

inadvertently

the east, where the south should be

but that, on the contrary, with clear knowledge of the natural relations

of Egypt, he meant to say, that the locusts

"And

This

Arabian Gulf.

hither from the east, from the

is

came clear

Lord turned a mighty, strong west wind, which took away the locusts, and cast them into The west wind, which is expressly reprethe Red Sea." from verse 19:

the

sented as the opposite of

back It

a"'1p^, carries

the locusts directly

whence they came.

to the region

cannot, therefore, be asserted that the author betrays

which belongs

himself, and incautiously transfers a condition

But

to Palestine to Egypt.

possibly

come

it is

Egypt from the

to

yet asked, east,

Can

the locusts

from beyond the Ara-

bian Gulf?

The argument which Eichhorn

urges against

the locusts always travel from south to north,

C r e d n e r,t who stantiates the

in his

east

this, that

not tenable.

commentary on Joel decidedly sub-

correctness of the statement in our passage,

has shown that they

no objection

is

come with

every wind.

to this opinion, that the

must pass the Arabian Gulf.

that the flight of the locusts

is

For

It

also

can be

swarm coming from

Credne

rj:

successfully made, not merely

over smaller channels, as the Straits of Gibraltar, the

Sea,§

etc.,

the

has shown,

Red

but over larger bodies of water, as the Mediterra-

*

De Aeg. anno

§

Niebuhr remarks

mirabili, p. 26. that, the

over the Arabian Gulf in

its

t

S. 286.

+

wind drives the swarms of

broadest part. Beschr. S. 169.

S. 288.

the locusts

b

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

12

nean Sea, this fails

in case they are favored

As soon

by the wind.

as

them, changing to a storm, or when a calm suc-

ceeds, the whole numberless sea, just as

swarm

precipitated into the

is

here occurred after the locusts had accom-

it

work of the Lord upon the Egyptians. come from the east not less than from the south, and that the sea is no hindrance to plished the If

it

is

true, that the locusts

them, and

if

is

it

principal places, tain that they

A

Nubia.

further settled that Arabia

come from

is

it

also cer-

there to Egypt not less than from

single case of this kind, a plague of locusts of

peculiar severity, which is

one of the

is

where the locusts are found,

came from

upon Egypt,

the east

described by a Syrian writer, the continuator of

he

r

aeu

s :*

came from

"In

B

a r-

1774 (1463, A. D.) many locustsThey advanced even to Egypt, de-

the year

the east.

stroyed the crops," etc.

The Cultivation of the Vine

in

Egypt.

Ignorance of the condition of Egypt

is

also said to appear

in the

dream of the chief butler of Pharaoh. t

to this, V.

Bohlenf

remarks:

"An

In reference

important specification

of time for the late origin of the narrative,

is

contained here

dream of the butler, in which the existence of the vine Egypt is implied. For, after Psamaticus, consequently

in the in

just

about the time of Josiah, had

its

cultivation

commenced,

in a small degree,

which

time of the ripening of the grape

at the

find entrance only at for

a

first

is

overflowed,

The Egyptians

points.

been

low country,

used

Herodotus land. Among the

drink a kind of beer, in speaking of which,

explicitly adds that

no vines grow

orthodox Egyptians ^ In t

some few

and could, in

dem neuen

Gen.

it

is

in

the

considered as the

Repert. von Paulus, Th.

40: 10, scq.

I.

S. 67.

}

S. 373.

blood of Ty-

CULTIVATION OF THE VINE.

They

phon.

did not drink

it,

says Plutarch, before the time

of Psamaticus, and they also did not offer

T u c h*

shares with

Boh

v.

13

I

it

in sacrifice."

unbounded regard

e n

every disconnected saying of Plutarch, which,

view the whole character of

He

poor foundation. tioned, has

this writer,

to the

we take

for

into

appears to have very author before men-

also, as well as the

no regard

if

information which the

ments have furnished, since the beginning of

monu-

this century,

upon the question concerning the cultivation of the vine in He does not even seem to have noticed that which Egypt. Heeren has adduced from the Description of the French scholars.! sis,

In vindication of the author of the book of Gene-

he assumes that there

is

no mention made of wine

in the

passage, but of drinking the newly expressed, unfermented,

The

unintoxicating juice of the grape.

procedure described

supposes an evasion, consequently the con-

in the chapter

tinued existence of the prohibition of wine, and an observthis prohibition and it is an escape from a difficulty which besides him, Rosen mueller has also borrowed c h a e i s,| for whom it was exceedingly confrom J. D.

ance of

;

M

1

i

venient, but yet culty.

to

It rests

what passes

it is

nothing more than an escape from

upon the in

fact that

dreaming, and

count that the words,

'^

I

diffi-

one does not pay attention it

does not take into ac-

took the grapes and pressed them

into Pharaoh's cup," if they are separated from their connection with the dream,

the royal sides, the at court,

drink,

show

a procedure in the preparation of

which has nowhere

else

any analogy.

Be-

employment of cup-bearer, as a distinguished office could scarcely exist, where the drink and its pre-

paration are so extraordinarily simple

—

the latter such as is

elsewhere practised only by children.

Still

further, if the

passage in Plutarch be allowed to have any force,

dem Comm.

*

In

X

Mos. Laws, Vol.

zur Genesis, S. 513.

2

III. p. 120.

t

we cannot

Ideen, Aegypt. S. 362.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

14

this explanation free ourselves

even by

For,

from difRculty.

according to Plutarch, wine was considered by the Egyptians as the blood of Typhon, inasmuch as it was the product of the vine, and not in consequence of

its

having previously

undergone a fermentation. the accounts of ancient authors permit us not to

Even

doubt, that from the most ancient times, the vine was cul-

Herodotus

tivated in Egypt.

among

which are placed

the things

lock offered to

Isis,

many ways

in

contributes

to him, dried grapes appear

Thus, according

to this proof.

in the

body of the bul-

The

together with bread, honey, etc.*

grapes can only have reference to the domestic culture of

Also the identification of Osiris with Bacchus in

the vine.

Herodotust

is

an argument

of the cultiva-"

for the origin

Bacchus and wine stood, at least according to the popular idea which is all that is here imD o d o r u s,f in like manportant, in indissoluble union. lion of the vine in Egypt.

i

ner, not only asserts the identity of Osiris and Bacchus, but also expressly attributes to Osiris the discovery of the art of

" But

cultivating the vine.§

it is

said that he

the vine near Nysa, and after having

management of

its

and taught other

fruit,

men

first

made

discovered

first

acquired

use of wine himself,

the planting of the vine-stock, the

gathering of the grapes, the drinking of wine, and

But the authority of

servation." sufficient

to

tion of the vine Plinthinus.||

longer *

much

"Quae

was

II

2.

itself

Further, acthe

cultiva-

discovered in the Egyptian city

But these passages of ancient authors have no we have upon the monu-

pertinent," remarks Creuzer,

this

Comm.

1. p.

115,

"ad

fru-

cultas," etc.

42 and 144.

Compare

II. p.

Athenaeus,

pre-

its

of

is

interest for us, since

menta invenla vitesque t

first

in

Diodorus

Plutarch.

outweigh that of

Hellanicus

cording to

the

in

skill

t

In Book

I.

chap. 11.

and other passages quoted

119 seq. 1.432,72.

in

§

1.

Jablonski,

15.

Opusc

•

CULTIVATION OF THE VINE. ments a testimony

Egypt

more

far

for the origin

sure,

and

of the culture of the vine in

How

sufficient in itself.

Herodotus*

assertion of

15

little

agrees with these was

that re-

first

marked in the Description.! Since then, the proofs from the monuments for the cultivation of the vine have very much

may now,

multiplied, and the fact

Ch a mpoll ion's and

W

i 1

k

n

i

s

since the appearance of

Works

Letters and the

o n, be considered as

of

Rosell in

i

According

fully settled.

Champollion there are found in the grottoes of Beni Hassan, " representations of the culture of the vine, the vin-

to

tage, the bearing

two kinds of

away and the stripping off of the grapes, moved merely by the strength

presses, the one

of the arms, the other by mechanical power, the putting up of the wine in bottles or cellar, the

jars, the transportation

into the

Rose

preparation of boiled wine,"| etc.

1 1

i

n i§

has a separate section on grape gathering and the art of

making wine. "Numerous," says he, ''are the representations in the tombs, which relate to the cultivation of the vine, and these are found, not merely in the tombs of

and some

the time of the 18th

but also in those which belong " The described to the time of the most ancient dynasties." pictures,"!!

later dynasties,

it is

said,

" show more decidedly than any ancient

written testimony, that in Egypt, even in the most ancient times, the vine

was cultivated and wine made."

In the in-

scriptions of the time of the Pharaohs, at least seven different

kinds of wine are represented,

among which

the wine of

is

* 2. 77. t

T.

6.

p. 124. ed.

Fancret.

It is there said

:

"

Among the nume-

Tous details given by Herodotus concerning the diet of the Egyptians, this is

Our

found: As they have not the vine, they drink beer

(2.

77)

paintings prove, conclusively, that the Egyptians cultivated the

vine,

and

also

made wine.

Many

critics

have previously remarked,

that this observation of Herodotus wants accuracy." ±

S. 51.

§

Vol.

n.

1. p.

365 et seq.

||

Page 373.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OP MOSES.

16

Lower Egypt and the wine of Upper Egypt.* Wilkinsonf gives the engraving and description of an Egyptian vineyard, and the different kinds of labor bestowed on

it.

a paintingi from Thebes, boys are seen frightening

the birds from the grape clusters.

In one from Beni Hassan,

the kids appear which are allowed to browse

The

after the vintage.

by

Rose

1 1

i

n

can be found

i

in

and

substance of what

Wilkinson,

T ay

1

In

away

is

upon the vines communicated

with the necessary plates,

o r.§

assertion of Herodotus, that there is in Egypt no must be considered as an entire mistake. The attempt made first by Dupuy|| and L archer,^ finally also by

The

vine,

Bahr, nesses

to rescue his authority, without disparaging the wit-

who

of the cultivation of the vine

attest the existence

Herodotus

Egypt, by saying that

in ancient

speaks only

of a part of Egypt, the cultivated part, has been already set aside as inadmissible

byRosellini.

''Certainly," says

he,**

"Herodotus

there

could the vine be cultivated, and most certainly was

speaks only of

The remainder was The many representations on

cultivated.

offerings,

the to

swamp."tt

monuments of winethe gods, show how

on the assertion of P u

little

reliance

that

before the time of Psamaticus wine

is

Egypt, but only

either desert or

which the kings present to be placed

fertile

1

was neither

*

Page 377.

t

Vol. 11. p. 143 et seq.

{

Page 149.

§

Page 48

II

In the

Mem.

de

H Upon Herod. It

Even Bahr

2.

1'

Acad.

d. Inscr.

p. 333.

says, in

**

t.

a r c h,

offered

et seq.

31. Hist. p. 20.

Page 374.

remarking upon the words,

OTreQO/uivtjV u^TyvTtTov otx^ovot,

t

6l fiev ttsqI Ti}v

beginning of C. 77. B. II: " Est enim Aegyptus ad Nili utramque ripam sita per aliquot dierum in the

itinera fcrtilis frugibusque colendis apta,

quam

rustici incolae habi-

tant; quae sequuntur regiones pastorum potius sunt atque

neque frugum capaces."

See also Heeren, S. 146

ff.

nomadum

CULTIVATION OF THE VINE,

17

This is one of those numerous which the Egyptians attempt to give astonished foreigners an idea of the nobility and piety of their

nor made use of as drink.* fabrications, by

Even

ancestors.

Herodotus

does not think of anything

If wine had been considered as the blood of

at all like this.

Typhon, how could

be explained, that even in his time,

it

the priests received a regular allowance of wine.t

Their

practice would surely have corresponded to their theology,

if

indeed the kings and the people had been led astray by Grecian customs.

When

V.

Bo hi en

the vine could not have

asserts, that

found entrance into Egypt, except

at

some

account of the inundation, we can against

chaud among

who

others,

that

the

Delta

And when

Egypt

Ha

D.

M

i

c h a e

1

i-

in i

s

entirely overflowed, we, in op-

months of the wine-harvest, position to him, refer to

J.

M

August and September, the

in

is

on

points,

says, vines flourish in

the water like water-plants.f alleges,

hw

this refer to

r t

m a n n,§

according to

whom

the grape-gathering takes place in part even in July, and

is

finished in August, while the inundation, as a general thing,

does not begin until the end of August, and never before the

middle of that month.|[ *

According to Wilwho, unable to walk from excess in drinking, are carried home from a feast by servants. For proof, that the prohibition of wine and other intoxicating drinks

Comp. Ros.

kinson,

p.

168,

S. 376.

men

Wilk.

II. p.

164 et seq.

are seen in the sculptures

who were to perform the service of the sanctuary, in Lev. 10, V. 8 seq., was not inappropriate among a people who had come from Egypt, where both wine and other intoxicating drinks to the priests

were much loved, see Wilk. Vol. t

Comp.

+

T.

7,

III. p.

172 seq.

2. 37.

der Correspondenz aus

dem

concerning the cultivation of the vine

Orient, p. 12.

in the Delta,

Compare

ten, S. 187. §

See passage above referred

IT

Page

118.

2*

to.

||

also

Hartmann, Aegyp-

Page 214

— 15.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OP MOSES.

18

We

add here, in conclusion, an explanation from Egyptian

antiquity, of

some

objections, which, although they have not

yet been, easily might be

made

to the credibility of the

Pen-

tateuch.

The Origin of Civilization It

in

Egypt.

has often been confidently affirmed in modern times,

and civilization descended from Ethiopia

that colonization

down

the Nile to Egypt.

From

this

view one can hardly

avoid a certain suspicion of the notices respecting Egypt in

Already, in Abraham's time,

the Pentateuch. seat, not

Lower Egypt, whither

Numbers

in the Delta appears in

13: 23, as

Zoan

or Tanis

one of the oldest

Egypt.

cities in

sibility, as

is

its

inadmisappears,

even when we the account.

for

is

entirely hypothetical,

the present leave the Pentateuch, out of

From

Herodotus, who*

antiquity arises a distinguished witness,

derives the civilization of Ethiopia from

the deserters from the

moderns, J o

and

now more and more acknowledged,

this position

m

army of Psamaticus.

Among

the

dt has most thoroughly confuted this po" Nubia," he remarks, " consists almost entirely of

sition.

barren rocks.

man can

a

r

Such

a land, where the most urgent wants of

only be supplied with the utmost exertion,

the cradle of the fine

French

find the

colonization and civilization could

scarcely, at that time, have been carried.

But

we

of a, but of the flourishing Egyptian kingdom in

travellers

arts.

is

not

Accordingly the majority of

have not embraced the opinion, that the arts

have descended further and further from the mountains of " So soon as I received information of the true Ethiopia." character of the antiquities of Nubia,

when

I in the pictures

* 2. 30.

In the Doscript. of the Scholars who accompanied the French t Expedition into Egypt, t. 9. p. 163 et seq.

THE USE OF IRON.

l^f

and sculptures saw the same objects which are represented on the monuments of Thebes, it was clear to me, that most of the monuments of Nubia are

and by no means served different in the

as

far later

models

for

than those of Thebes,

The

them.

climate

is

two lands, the productions of the vegetable

kingdom are not the same, the most distinguished plants which the Egyptian artists have so often represented, the

—

lotus, the papyrus, the vine, etc., are not

found in this high

The

region, and the reed and the date tree but seldom.

already

arts,

and

cultivated

perfected,

have been

could

brought to these shores, but their inhabitants could not have transplanted the arts, for which their

son*

represents the

country offered no

Lower

natural type, to the shores of the

hypothesis of the

Wilkin-

Nile."

of culture

origin

by modern investigations. which remain in Ethiopia are not

in Ethiopia as entirely exploded

The

specimens of

art

merely inferior in conception to those of Egypt, but bear far stamp of originality. He thinks it probable, though

less the

not demonstrable, that civilization was carried from Thebes to

He

Lower Egypt.

declines, however, the task of defend-

ing this hypothesis with those almost as

upon the

if this

who oppose

him.

It

seems

asserted probability were founded entirely

a misconception, namely,

monuments of Upper Egypt,

upon the circumstance

that

consequence of their

situ-

in

ation, are in a far better state of preservation than those of

Lower Egypt, where even

We

part obliterated. sider that a thing,

the traces of

them are

much too readily which now appears noble are

for the

most

disposed to conin the ruins,

was

originally the most noble and ancient.

The Use of Iron

One

further difficulty

cain was the father of

all

:

in

Egypt.

according to Gen. 4: 22, Tubalforgers of brass and iron.

* Vol.

I. p. 4.

Against

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

20

the working of iron so early, the ancient Egyptians,

might be argued, that among

it

implements

all

common

in

pons, household-furniture, instruments, were

use,

wea-

made of cop-

But, on the other hand, tin. *'The constant employment of bronze arms and implements is not a sufficient argument against their knowledge of iron, since we find the Greeks and Romans made the same things of bronze long after the

per hardened by an alloy of

Wilkinson*

period

when

remarks:

that the art of

use of brass

From

was universally known."

iron

proficiency in metallurgy in Egypt,

it

The

working iron was unknown.

(it

extensive

not to be overlooked that also in our pas-

is

sage brass occupies the

first

place) must be

it is

on account

first

of the greater ease of procuring and working

author! says, that

the great

cannot be supposed,

it.

The same

scarcely supposable, that without tem-

pered iron the hieroglyphics could have been cut deep into

But there

hard granite and basaltic rocks.

argument

for the

do t u s,f who,

is

a yet stronger

use of iron in ancient Egypt from

how

after relating

Hero-

great an expense the sup-

Cheops occasioned, must have been the sum

port of the laborers on the Pyramids of

remarks

:

"

How immense,

therefore,

which was expended on the iron with which they worked," unquestionably implying that the Egyptians, even in this early age,

made

axes, which, if

By

own

use of iron as they did in his

the sculptures in Thebes,

W

i 1

k n i

we may judge from

s

their color,

these remarks, the other passages]

*

Vol. 111. 245.

i

Book

Compare

time.

Upon

o n§ also found battle-

also 246.

|

were of

steel.

of the Pentateuch, t

Vol.

I. p.

60.

2. 124.

Compare, concerning other probable indications § Vol. I. p. 324. of the existence of iron on the sculptures of the early Pharaohs, Vol. and concerning the use of iron generally in 111. p. 247 (241 5,5)

—

;

ancient Egypt, Rosellini, II

Num.

35: 16.

Deut.

II. 2. p. 3: 11.

301 seq.

4: 10.

27: 5.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES. in

21

which iron implements are mentioned, are vindicated same time with those which have been noticed.

at

the

The problem of our we hope, conclusively

negative part

nishes no evidence against the

much

is

is

solved.*

We

have,

proved, that Egyptian antiquity fur-

already gained.

Were

Books of Moses.

By

this,

the Pentateuch really, what

according to the views of modern criticism

it

evidence would necessarily appear against

since the events

narrated, so

The

must

be, such

transpired on Egyptian ground.

negative part, therefore, acquires no inconsiderable po-

sitive

to

many of them,

it,

importance.

inquire

favor of the

It

now

belongs to us, in the positive part,

what evidence Egyptian antiquity furnishes

in

Books of Moses.

* We have reserved the consideration of some objections which might seem appropriate here, for the positive portion of our work, because, in the cases referred to, the positive element predominated

over the negative.

POSITIVE PART CHAPTER

I.

THE HISTORY OF JOSEPH.— Gen. Joseph carried to

According to

chandize, and they

sell

who

in

Egypt with mer-

An argument

Egypt.

for the

commencement of trade by caravans with Egypt

nished by the

fact,

that the king

Amun-m-gori

16th dynasty, erected a station in the

mand

sold by his brothers

is

are going to

him

XXXVH— XL.

sold to Potiphar.

to chap, xxxvii, Joseph

an Arabian caravan

early

Egypt and

Chaps.

Wady

II.,

is fur-

of the

Jasoos, to

com-

the wells which furnish water for those passing through

the desert.*

The same

author shows that slaves were pro-

cured by the Egyptians, not only

war, but also by pur-

in

chase.!

The

master of Joseph, chap. 37: 36,

is

designated as Poti-

phar, the eunuch of Pharaoh, chief of the body-guard rally, the

not be

executioners).

The

meant.

court-officer.

A

term

eunuch in

this

But the transferred

(lite-

in the literal sense can-

place

is

equivalent to

signification

rests

upon

the employments in which real eunuchs engaged,| and thus it

follows from this designation of Potiphar, that there were,

in the opinion of the author,

Bohlen

V.

asserts,

*

Wilkinson, Vol.

t

Herod.

8.

105

TTiariog eivexa rt^g

I.

that pp. 45

eunuchs, even in Egypt.#

it

and

46.

%

Vol.

I.

pp. 403

naQO. xoiai ^aq^aqoioi xifxuoibQoi elot Tcdoyjg, tOyv avoqywjv.

:

Now

cannot be proved, that there

oi

and

4.

evvovxot,

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

24

were eunuchs

Egypt, and that the author

in

justly sus-

is

pected of transferring that, which belonged to the court,

Rose Men

to 1

li

n

i*

But

Hebrew

removed by what says of the existence of eunuchs in Egypt.

Egypt.

suspicion

this

is

are sometimes represented, he remarks, on the Egyptian

monuments with evident marks of chest and stomach, which in this hot climate.

is

fulness, especially of the

unusual among the Egyptians

Their complexion

is

almost a

medium

between the brown and yellow by which men and women These marks are generally distinguished from one another.

The employments of these They are repeatedly

are characteristic of eunuchs.

men

are also in favor of this opinion.

represented as attendants of the

and

finally as servants,

duties of household

who

women, then

as musicians,

are entrusted with the important^

management. It is evident from H e r oEgypt had a guard who in addi-

d ot ust, that the kings of tion to the regular

parate salary. the

income of the

soldier, also received a se-

In the paintings of marches and battles on

monuments, these royal guards are commonly seen

employed

in protecting the person of the king,

tinguished by a peculiar dress and weapons.^ reign of the Ptolemies,

who

in general

to be

and are

dis-

During the

adhered to the usages

of the ancient Egyptians, the office of the

body-guard§ was a very important one.

commander of They possessed

the the

confidence of the king, and were often employed in the most

important business transactions.

||

Finally, the superintend-

ence of executions belonged to the most distinguished of the military cast.1]

Joseph's Exaltation.

AcCT)rding to chap. 39: 4 and 5, Potiphar placed Joseph over his house and over * Vol. 11.3. p. X II

Ros.

II. 3. p.

Comp.

all

his substance,

and the Lord

132 seq.

t

201.

§ aQXiGOJjuttTOfpv^a^.

Roscllini, p. 202.

li

2. 168.

p. 273.

THE OFFICE OF STEWARD

IN EGYPT.

blessed him, for the sake of Joseph, in

the house and in the tion,

man who was

a

which he had

all

Joseph had

field.

in

also, after his exalta-

A

over his house.*

characteristic Egyptian trait!

25

"Among

peculiar and

the objects of

til-

Rosellini, "which are porEgyptian tombs, we often see a steward, who

lage and husbandry," says

trayed in the

makes

takes account and is

a

registry of the harvest before

" In

deposited in the store-house."

Ahmar,

the office of a steward with

a

all its

tomb

Kum

at

apparatus

is

it

el

repre-

two scribes appear with all their preparations for writing, and there are three rows of volumes, the account sented

;

and household books of the steward,"

The same

etc.f

au-

tomb at Beni many others which ex-

thor remarks in reference to a painting in a

Hassan: "In

this scene, as also in

hibit the internal

ments in his

economy of

for writing,

—

man

a house, a

carrying imple-

the pen over his ear, the tablet or paper

hand, and the writing table under his arm,

scription, this

Compare

either fol-

to the in-

the overseer of the slaves or the steward.

is

also

—

According

lows or goes before the servants."^

the

Egyptian steward

representation in

in his

Wilkinson

of

art

employment, " overlooking the tillage

ofthelands."§

Josephs Temptation and the Morals of the Egyptians.

With impudent shamelessness duce Joseph.

How

II

Potiphar's wife seeks to se-

great the corruption of manners with

reference to the marriage relation was

appears from

Herodotu s,^

time before a

woman

among

the Egyptians,

whose account L a r c h e r ha& compared with the one under consideration. The wife of one of the oldest kings was untrue to him. It was a long

* X

II

Gen.

could be found

43: 16, 19. 44: 1.

who was

t

II. 1. p. 329,

II. p. 403, 4.

§

II. p. 136.

Chap, xxxix.

TF

2. 111.

3

faithful to her

\

4»

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

26

And when one

husband.

was,

at last,

found, the king took

From such

her without hesitation for himself

a state of

morals, the Biblical narrative can easily be conceived to be

The

natural.

evidence of the monuments

women.

favorable to the Egyptian

is

also not very

Thus, they are repre-

sented, as addicted to excess in drinking wine, as even be-

coming so much intoxicated

as to be unable to stand or

walk

alone, or " to carry their liquor discreetly."*

Potiphar's wife avails herself of the opportunity

husband and the

men

rest of the

and Joseph had come

in to

when

perform some duty.t

It

has lately

been affirmed, that an error against Egyptian customs

V.

detected.

'*

:

distinguished separately, and

ment,"

here

much

come

as

into the presence

harem ;" and T u c h reThe narrator abandons the representation of a

women,

of the

is

says: " Since eunuchs are supposed

Joseph could not so

to exist,

marks

Bo hi en

her

of the house were gone out,

etc.

less

still

into the

women

Egyptian, in whose house the

common

descends to a

The

however,

error,

guilty of inadvertently

here,

lies

side of the author, but on that of his transferring

live

domestic establishnot on the

critics.

that

They

are

which universally

which the author avoids, and

prevails in the East to Egypt,

thereby exhibits his knowledge of the condition of the Egyp-

According

tians.

lived

under

the

to

far less

monuments, the women

in

Egypt

than in the East, or even in

restraint,

Greece.

The

delineations of Egyptian social intercourse are espe-

cially appropriate here.

T ay

1

o r,§ collecting in few words

the results as they are, without reference to our passage,

says:

"In some entertainments, we

tlemen of

them social

a party in

different

find the ladies

rooms; but

and gen-

in others,

we

find

same apartment, mingling together with all the freedom of modern Europeans. The children were

in

the

*

Compare Wilkinson,

X

See Uie proof in Wilk. Vol.

Vol. II.

p.

167.

II. p.

389.

t

Conip.

§ p. 171.

v. 11.

MANNER OF BEARING BURDENS. allowed the same liberty as the shut up in the harem, as

is

now

women;

27

instead of being

usual in the East, they were

introduced into company, and were permitted to

mother or on the

father's

by the

sit

knee."

The Dream of the Chief Baker of Pharaoh, According

to chap. 40: 16, the chief baker, in his

carries three wicker

commodities on

baskets with

his head.

various

choice

Similar woven baskets,

the circumstance that the three are placed one

dream, baker's

flat

(which

upon another

here implies) and open, for carrying grapes and other are found represented on the

The

monuments.*

ing was carried to a high degree of perfection

Rosellini

Egyptians.

art

fruits,

of bak-

among

the

says, after describing the kitchen

scenes upon the tomb of Remeses IV. at Biban el Moluk: " From all these representations, it is clear that the Egyptians

were accustomed ble, as

we

to prepare

see the very

many

kinds of pastry for the ta-

same kinds spread out upon the

altars

and tables which are represented in the tombs. They made even bread in many and various forms. These articles are found in the tombs kneaded from barley or wheat, in the

form of a

star, a triangle, a disk,

But the custom o{ carrying on characteristic of Egypt, and

marked, as

and other such

the

it is

head so

is

much

like things. "f

most peculiar and the

more

to be re-

mentioned incidentally, and the author does

it is

not characterize

Herodotusf

it

as

a

custom peculiar

to the Egyptians.

mentions the habit of bearing burdens on the

head by the men, as one by which the Egyptians are distin** Men bear burdens on tinguished from all other people :

their heads, and *

Wilk.

t

Vol. II. 2.

II.

2. 35.

their shoulders."

Examples of

151—2. p.

464.

ent kinds of pastry, X

women on Compare

etc., in

the representation of these differ-

Wilkinson, Vol.

II. p.

385.

t

:

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

28 this

To

custom are frequently found upon the monuments.*

be sure, the monuments also show, what

argument, that

tlie

evident without

is

custom was not universal.

Pharaolis Dream and the Magicians of Egypt. In the account of Pharaoh's dream, chap. 41

we

are

struck with the use of the word

first

Nile-grass,

— an Egyptian word

for

The symbol

exclusively Egyptian.

cow

of the

Upon

In

an Egyptian thing.

the next place, the seven poor and the seven

our attention.

seq.,

1

:

^^^^ {Achoo),

fat

kine attract

very peculiar and

is

the signification of this symbol

we have two important passages, one from P u t a r c h :| **They consider the cow as the image of Isis and the earth," The other is found in CI ethe symbol of them.§ i. e. m e n s :|| " The cow is the symbol of the earth itself and its 1

cultivation,

Now,

and of food."

the symbol of fruitfulness,

it

therefore, since the

cow

is

appears entirely natural, that

the difference of the year in respect to fruitfulness

sented by the different condition of the kine years were denoted by lean kine.

It is

—

was repre-

that unfruitful

scarcely conceivable

that a foreign inventor should have confined himself so closely

The circumstance

Egyptian symbols.

to the peculiar

the kine

come up

has reference to the fact that Egypt owes

* p.

Compare drawings

385,

all

its fertility

and that famine succeeds as soon as

this stream,

where a man

that

out of the Nile, the fat and also the lean,

is

in

Wilkinson, Vol.

II. p.

151

to

it fails.

— 2 and Vol.

III.

carrying bread or cakes to the oven upon a long

board. t

Costaz in the Dcscr.

II. p. X

In

\

liovv

liJlhr

upon

y(i()

Manet vacca

G.

p. 138.

Wilk.

as above.

Rosellini,

llerod. 2. 41. y.al yi^v voftCCovai, upon which Bilhr signum procreatricisque naturae symbolum.

"JaiSoe eixova

Isidis

Strom. B. V. II

t.

453.

p. 671. Potter.

THE MAGICIANS

PRIESTS,

According of Egypt and

Pharaoh

to chap. 41: 8, all

the wise

men

"

calls

all

29

the magicians

may

thereof," that they

inter-

These same magiEx. 7: 11: "Then Pharaoh called

which he

pret his dream, by

IN EGYPT.

cians appear also in

is

troubled.

men and the sorcerers ; and they also, the magicians of Egypt, did in like manner by their enchantments ;" and they

the wise

are also represented in Ex. 8: 3, 14, 15

the

as

wise

men

—

(7, 18, 19.) 9: 11,

nation, the possessors of secret

of the

arts.

Now we whom

to

find

Egyptian antiquity, an order of persons,

in

this is entirely appropriate,

The

to the magicians.

priests

which

here ascribed

is

had a double

office,

the prac-

worship of the gods, and the pursuit of that which in

tical

Egypt was accounted

as

The

wisdom.

first

belonged to the

so-called prophets, the second to the holy scribes, /egoygnfi'

These

(xaxuq.

last

were the learned men of the nation

;

as in

the Pentateuch, they are called wise men, so the classical writers

named them sages*

explanation and aid in

all

common knowledge and

of

These men were

applied to for

things which lay beyond the circle

Thus,

action.

in severe cases

of

sickness, for example, along with the physician a holy scribe

was called, who from a book and astrological signs determined whether recovery was possible.! The interpretation of dreams, and also divination belonged to the order of the holy scribes.j: selves to

In times of pestilence, they applied them-

magic

arts

A

to avert the disease.^

passage in

furnishes a peculiarly interesting parallel to the

Lucianll

accounts of the Pentateuch concerning the practice of magic arts

:

"

There was with us

in the vessel, a

one of the holy scribes, wonderful sorts of

all

*

Compare

von Rosetta, t

Egyptian knowledge.

It

man

of Memphis,

wisdom and

was

Jablonski, Panth. Proll. p. 31 seq. S. 122,

Drumann,

§ S.

in

Drumann,

fF.

S. 129.

130.

3*

skilled in

said of him, that he

t

S- 130.

11

In Jablonski,

p. 95.

Inschrift

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

30

had lived twenty-three years

in

subterranean sanctuaries, and

had been there instructed

that he

—

The Hair and Beard

When

Joseph

Boh

V.

1

lioiv

called before

is

Even

chap. 41: 14.

en, must,

in

magic by

Isis."*

worn in Egypt.

Pharaoh he shaves himself,

the most prejudiced, as for example, in

incidental notice, recognize a

this

Even

purely Egyptian custom.

H erodotu st

mentions

it

among the distinguishing peculiarities of the Egyptians, that they commonly were shaved, but in mourning they allowed

The

the beard to grow.|

"

presentation.

So

sculptures also agree with this re-

particular," says

W

kin

i 1

they on this point, that to have neglected

s

was

it

o n,§ " were a subject of-

reproach and ridicule; and whenever they intended to con-

vey the idea of a

man

of low condition, or a slovenly person,

him with a beard." *' Although forsame author, '* who were brought to

the artists represented

the

eigners," says

Egypt

we

as slaves

||

had beards on

their arrival in the country,

soon as they were employed in the service of

find that as

this civilized people, they

were obliged

to

conform

to the

cleanly habits of their masters; their beards and head were

According

shaved; and they adopted a close cap."

eel

1

i

n

to

Ro-

the priests shaved not the beard only, but also the

ill

head; and others,

accustomed

to

if

they did not shave

with a razor, were

it

wear the hair very short

;

the abundant and

long hair which often covers the head of the tigures on the

monuments was probably *

"Ervybv

rifiiv

false

like our

wigs.

The same

avfinXiojv MeftqiloTjg avyjQ, zojv isqwv yQnfiuaxiojv^

&avfidoiog ti,v oo(fi'av yal Tyv iraiSalav iraaav iiSojg t?}^ u4iyi'nTiov tXtyaro Se T(tia xal tXnooiv fxaytvtLV naiStvufAtvog t

Chap.

§

Vol. HI. p. 357.

IT

Vol.

I.

2.

'Sii.

2. p.

fv roig uSvroig viroyaioig wx7/x^V«t,

I'tt]

tno T^g'IaiSogt

486 seq.

II

See Balir upon III. p. a58.

this passage, S. 5.58.

NECKLACES, ETC.

BYSSUS

31

author remarks, that this was considered, by the neighboring

and especially by the Asiatics, as a peculiar and

nations,

distinguishing characteristic of the Egyptians.*

Dress and Ornaments of the Egyptians,

According

to

chap. 41: 42, Pharaoh put upon Joseph at

the time of his advancement, his signet-ring, and arrayed

him in garments of byssus, and put the gold chain (the artishows that it was done in reference to a custom common

cle

such

in is

a case)

delay upon rily to

it.

As

about his neck.

not peculiar to Egypt, but

the gift of the seal-ring

common

in the East,

we do not

But the garments of byssus belong necessa-

Garments of

the naturalizing of Joseph.

the vegetable kingdom, linen

cloth from

and cotton, were considered

by the Egyptians as pure and holy, and were in high es-

among them

timation

ing to

Herodotus,

;

the priests wore these only, accord-

2. 37,

where the term linen

And

tion to woollen includes also cotton. t

were the most valued garments. woollen garments which

rest of the Egyptians, these

Herodotus

in opposi-

even among the

"They wear

says:

are ever newly washed, "| and the woollen garments

they

commonly wore

for outer

garments were thrown

the putting on of the necklace, the

Hassan,

many

II

monu-

In the tombs of Beni

ments furnish abundant explanation. in his

off as

In reference to the third

soon as they entered the temple.§

mark of distinction,

which

slaves are represented, each of

whom

has in

hand something which belonors to the dress or orna-

ments of

his master.

The

first

carries

one of the necklaces

with which the neck and breast of persons of high rank are generally adv)rned. * Vol. II. 2. p t

§ II

Heiod.

2. 37.

Herod

2. 81,

Rosellini,

U.

Over

395.

and Heeren 2. p. 4C4.

it

stands t

:

Necklace of Gold. Heeren,

in the passage

p. 133.

above referred

to.

At

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

32

Beni Hassan there is also a similar representation in another tomb of a noble Egyptian.* By the form of the necklace,

remarked,! the distinction of individuals

it is

mon

regard to

in

Men

rank and dignity was probably denoted.

of the com-

order seldom wear such ornaments, while the pictures

of the kings and the great are always adorned with them.f

The remark

of

v.

Boh en

upon Gen. 41:42:

1

however scarcely necessary

to

"It

is

mention that these objects of

luxury, especially polished stones, belong to a later time,"

has interest only as

it

shows how

far the investigations

Rationalists, in reference to the Pentateuch,

It is

now

far too late for

of the

short of the

respecting Egyptian

present advanced state of knowledge antiquity.

fall

such remarks.

The Marriage of Joseph According

to chap. 41: 45,

Pharaoh gives

nath, the daughter of Potiphera the priest of

to Joseph,

On,

Ase-

in marriage.

The name Potiphera, Petephra, he who belongs to the sun, is very common on the Egyptian monuments. § This name is

especially appropriate

the priest of

for

Since Pharaoh evidently intended by

power bestowed on Joseph upon this

account

first,

:

that the

very important position, high-priest of

points

are

On was

will

a firm basis,

it

is

implied in

and secondly, that among them the the most distinguished.

The

was:

"The

Both these

following words of

show how conspicuous the

high-priests in general

or Heliopolis.

Egyptian high-priests occupied a

confirmed by history.

Heerenll

On

this act to establish the

station

of the

priesthood belonging to

each temple were again organized among themselves with the *

Ros.

II. 2. p.

412.

t

Ros.

II. 2.

420.

See concerning the necklaces of the Egyptians, which in like manner also pertained to the costume of the gods, Wilkinson, Vol. II. p. 215 and Vol. III. p. 375—6 with the plate, 401) M. +

§

Rosellini,

I.

l.p. 117.

||

S. 128.

33

PRIESTS OF ON.

They had

greatest exactness.

was

hereditary.

also

It

whose

a high-priest,

office

scarcely necessary to mention,

is

that the stations of the high-priests in the principal cities in

Egypt were

first

They were

and highest.

manner he-

a

in

stood by the side of the kings, and en-

who

reditary princes,

joyed almost the same prerogatives.

Their Egyptian

Piromis, was, according to the explanation of

He

odo

r

title, t

u

s,*

equivalent to the noble and good {xaXog vMya^og) ; which however does not refer perhaps to moral character, but to nobility

of descent.

When

The

persons of the State."

tus,

passage of

B a h rt

among

all

the Egyptians,) shows, that

the Egyptian colleges of priests, the one at

took the precedence

;

On

at

kinson

says:

is

On

r

first

o d o-

The

On was

great antiquity of religious

also attested by the

"During

among

or Heliopolis

consequently the high-priest of

most distinguished.

worship

He

on

priests of Heliopolis are described as

(where the

2. 3,

the most learned

the

in the temples.

Their statues were placed

they are intj;oduced into history, they appear as the

Wil(whom he

monuments.

the reign of Osirtasen

makes contemporary with Moses), the temple of Heliopolis was either founded or received additions, and one of the obelisks bearing his

name

which they had

attests the skill to

attained in the difficult art of sculpturing granite."|

V.

Boh

1

e n has attempted to

this account,

which accords

the state of affairs in Egypt. priests," says he, " with

make

in so

"

out a contradiction in

remarkable a manner with

An

alliance of intolerant

a foreign shepherd

posed to the character of the Egyptians."§

is

entirely op-

But the connec-

* 2. 143. t Videntur fuisse tria omnino potiora Aeg. sacerdotum collegia Memphiticum, Thebaicum et Heliopolitanum, in quibus Heliopolitae primum locum obtinuerunt, si quidem vera retulit Strabo, 1. 17. p. 1158 D., solis templum una cum aedibus sacerdotum accurate describens

et pluribus de illorum doctrina et disciplina disserens. t

Vol.

I. p.

44.

§

p. 388.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

34

command

tion took place in obedience to the

On

and the high-priest of

since according to the result of

Pharaohs themselves

modern

investigations, the

times were invested with the high-

dignity,* and

est sacerdotal

external

at all

of the king,

the less dared to disobey the king,

consequently possessed not an

authority merely, over the priesthood.

saction assumes an entirely different aspect sider that Joseph did not

The

tran-

when we con-

by any means marry the daughter

of the high-priest while a foreign shepherd, but after he had

been

own

an Egyptian name,

Chap. 43: 32 shows,

etc.

had formally withdrawn from the community of

that Joseph his

by the king, had assumed the Egyptian

fully naturalized

dress, taken

people, and connected himself with the Egyptians.

In the circumstance that

this is

represented as necessary, as

Pharaoh believed it important to give the position of Joseph by a union with the

well as in the fact that

a firm basis to

daughter of the high-priest of On, we plainly recognize the traces of that Egyptian intolerance, to perceive here,

to have very

and which

much

in

increased.

which

later

To

v.

Bohlen

fails

times certainly appears

this

we

shall

have occa-

sion hereafter to advert.

Joseph

The

collects the

Produce of the Seven Years of Plenty.

labors of Joseph described in

chap. 41: 48, 49, in

building store-houses, are placed vividly before us in the

monuments, which show how common In a tomb at Elethya a man is represented whose business it evidently was to take account of the number of bushels which another man acting under him measures. The inscription is as follows: The

paintings upon the

the store-house was in ancient Egypt.

Then

writer or registrar of bushels, Thutnofrc.

transportation of the grain. it

in

sacks and carry *

it

Leemans,

From

to the store-houses. lettre to

follows the

the measurer others take

Mr. Salvolini,

In the tomb of

p. 14.

FERTILITY OF EGYPT AND PALESTINE.

Amenemhe

Beni Hassan, there

at

store-house, before

whose door

ready winnowed.

The measurer

pour

large heap of grain, a bushel

fills

into the uniform sacks of those

it

corn-magazine.

to the

the painting of a great

is

lies a

store-house and lay

The

carriers

down the sacks This

ready to receive the corn.

35

who

go

carry the grain

to the door of the

before an officer is

al-

order to

in

who stands

the overseer of the store-

Near by stands the bushel with which it is measured At the side of the windows there are characters which indicate the quantity of Compare with the mass which is deposited in the magazine. house.

and the registrar who takes the account.

the clause,* "Until he

this

By

these paintings, light

Ex.

is

left

also

numbering,"

11: **And they [the Israelites] built

1:

in verse 49.

thrown upon the remark

in

Pharaoh

for

treasure-cities, "f

Famine

The

in

Egypt and

the adjoining Countries.

declaration that famine seized at the

Egypt and the adjoining country, appears

same time upon

at first

cious, and indeed with reference to this also,

v.

view suspi-

Boh

1

e n| has

very confidently charged the author with ignorance of the natural condition of Egypt.

The

climate and tillage of Egypt do

not stand in even the most remote connection with Palestine.

In Egypt

fertility

depends, not as in Palestine, on the rains, but

on the overflowing of the Nile. But on a closer examination the suspicion changes into its direct opposite.

entirely

The

account of the author

* Rosellini, t

IL

According

to

p.

is

shown

to

be entirely

in ac-

324 seq,

Champollion, Briefe, S. 228, the wide halls of the

great palace at Thebes, which are surrounded by large colonnades,

all

have the name Manosk^ according to the Egyptian inscription, i.e. the place of the harvest, and hence is derived, the place where corn is

measured.

X

S. 421.

Is this

Manosk probably

the

same

as the

Hebrew,

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

36

cordance with natural phenomena, and the reproach of

''ig-

norance respecting the country of Egypt" comes back upon

him who made the accusation. Had the autlior known Egypt only by hearsay, he would probably have written in the manner that v. B o h e n demands of him. The fruitful1

ness of Egypt depends,

true, upon the inundations of the But these are occasioned, as even Herodotus knew, by the tropical rains which fall upon the Abyssinian mountains.* These rains have the same origin with those it is

Nile.

in Palestine.

'*

the Nile owes

its

It

is

now decided,"

L e P e r e,t

says

" that

increase to the violent rains which proceed

from the clouds that are formed upon the Mediterranean Sea, and carried so far by the winds, which annually at

same time blow from the

nearly the

north.

There

are

no^

wanting also other examples of years of dearth which were

common cr z

i|

i

to

Egypt with the adjoining countries.

Thus

M a-

describes a famine which took place in Egypt, on ac-

count of a deficiency in the increase of the Nile of the Hejra 444, which

at

the

in the

year

same time extended over

Syria and even to Bagdad.

But

Boh

v.

author's

**

I

e n goes so far as even to impute

it

he represents a famine as coming upon this country

The

overflowing of the Nile never

even without

it,

And

etc.

yet there

at all.

to take place alto-

fails

gether, or for several years in succession, and the Delta ful

to the

ignorance of the natural condition of Egypt," that

is

is fruit-

scarcely a land on

the earth in which famine has raged, so often and so terribly as

same Egypt, or

in this

a land that so very

measures which Joseph adopted

fur

much needs

the

the preservation of the

Macrizi could write a whole volume on the faThe swelling of the Nile a few feet above Egypt Partior below what is necessary proves alike destructive.^ people.

mines

in

* Rilter t

§

!

Erdk.

1.

In Quatromrrp,

Le

S. 835.

Mem,

s.

I'

Fere, Dcscr. 18. p. 573.

Eg.

t

Dcscr.

t.

2. p.

t.

313.

7. p.

576.

INSTANCES OF FAMINE IN EGYPT.

37

cular instances of famine which history has handed

down

to

and the accounts of them are worthy of

us, are truly horrible,

notice also, inasmuch as they present the services of Joseph in

behalf of Egypt in their true thus: "In

Abdo

light.

569 (1199)

the year

1

1

a

t

p h* relates

i

the height of the flood was

The consequence was

a ter-

rible

famine accompanied by indescribable enormities.

Pa-

rents

consumed

small almost without example.

common paring

their children,

article of food

was

flesh

in fact a very

they contrived various ways of preit

and heard

spoken of as an

it

Man-catching became a regular business.

indifferent affair.

The

;

They spoke of

it.

human

greater part of the population were swept

In the following year

also, the

away by death.

inundation did not reach the

proper height, and only the low lands were overflowed.

much

Also

of that which was inundated could not be sown for

want of laborers and seed, much was destroyed by worms

which devoured the seed corn

;

seed which

also of the

escaped this destruction, a great part produced only meagre

Compare with

shoots which perished."

M ac

r

i

was not

z at

i

f has given an account of the less severe

all

in chap. 41: 6.

famine

than that of 596.

account the

this

"thin ears and blasted with the east wind,"

in

The

457, which

calif himself

nearly perished with hunger.

Josephj his Brethren

and

the

Egyptians sit

at

an

Entertainment.

According

to chap. 43: 32, at the entertainment to

Joseph invited tians, while

his

brethren, they sat apart from the

The author " Because the Egyp-

Joseph was again separated from both.

shows the reason of this tians

which Egyp-

in the

remark

:

might not eat bread with the Hebrews,

De

*

Page 332

t

In Quatremere,

seq.

t.

Sacy. 2. p.

4

401 seq.

for that is

aa

38

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

Herodotus*

abomination to the Egyptians."

marks, that the Egyptians abstained from

all

also re-

familiar inter-

course with foreigners, since these were unclean to them,

which were

especially because they slew and ate the animals

among the Egyptians. " Therefore (since the Egyphonor much the cow) no Egyptian man or woman will

sacred tians

kiss a

Greek upon the mouth, they

also use

no knife or fork

or kettle of a Greek, and will not even eat any flesh of a clean

beastf

The

has been cut up with a Grecian knife."

if it

circumstance that Joseph eats separately from the other

Egyptians

is

strictly in

of rank, and the

spirit

accordance with the great difference of caste which prevailed

among

the

Egyptians. It

appears from chap. 43: 33, that the brothers of Joseph

sat before

him

at the

table, while

according to patriarchal

practice they were accustomed to recline.|

appears from

It

the sculptures, that the Egyptians also were in the habit of sitting

used

at

table,

one of the guests their

although they had couches.§ In a painting in

sleeping.

for

sits

upon

a stool,

Rosel

which

in

i

1

Sofas were i,|| " each

n

accordance with

custom took the place of the couch."

The Practice of Divining by Cups.

The

steward of Joseph, chap. 44: 5, in order to magnify

the value of the cup which his brothers were said to have stolen, designates

blichus,

in his

it

as that out of

practice of divining by cups.^ *

J a m-

That

this

superstition, as

2.41.

this passage it may be inferred with how much propriety Bohlen has asserted, that the Egyptians abstained from all animal

t

V.

which he divineth.

book on Egyptian mysteries, mentions the

From

food. X

11

See chap. Ros.

18: 4, " rest yourselves."

II. 2. p.

439, T. 79.

§

Wilk.

H 3 Part,

2. p. 201. § 14. p. 68.

A SCENE FROM BENI HASSAN.

39

many others, has continued even to modern times, is shown by a remarkable passage in Nor den's Travels.* When the author with his companions had arrived at Derri, well as

the most remote extremity of Egypt, or rather in Nubia,

where they were able

from a perilous

to deliver themselves

condition only through great presence of mind, they sent one

of their company to a malicious and powerful Arab, to threat-

He

en him.

you

are.

I

are from

There

answered them

**

:

I

know what

sort of people

my cup and found in it that you whom one of our prophets has said

have consulted

a people of

:

come Franks under every kind of pretence to spy land. They will bring hither with them a great mul-

will

out the

titude of their country-men, to conquer the country and to

destroy

all

of the people."

The Arrival of Jacob and

Family

his

in

Egypt, and

their

Settlement in Goshen.

A

remarkable parallel to the description of the

Jacob's family in Egypt, chap, a

tomb

They is

at

Beni Hassan

:

'*

carry their goods with

written over

them

an Egyptian scribe, to a person in

in

who

strangers"

who

them upon

asses.

hieroglyphics.

arrive in Egypt.t

The number 37 The first figure is

presents an account of their arrival

a sitting posture, the

one of the principal

arrival of

furnished by a scene in

xlvi, is

officers

owner of the tomb and

The

of the reigning Pharaoh. |

next, likewise an Egyptian, ushers

them

into

his

presence,

and two of the strangers advance, bringing presents, the wild goat and the gazelle, probably as productions of their country.

Four men with bows and clubs *

Vol. 111. p. 68. Edit. Langles, quoted from Burder in

Alt. u. t

•:

follow leading an

Neu. Morgenl. Th.

Wilkinson, Vol.

Comp.

II. p.

I.

ass,

Rosenm.

S. 212.

296 and

7,

and

on

plate.

the phrase, "Princes of Pharaoh," in chap. 12: 15.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

40

which there are two children boy and four women.

whom

one of

carries

in panniers,

accompanied by a

men,

Last, another ass laden and two a

bow and

club, and the other a lyre,

which he plays with the plectrum. " All the men have beards, contrary to the custom of the Egyptians, although very general in

the East at that period, and represented in their sculp-

Some

tures as a peculiarity of foreign uncivilized nations."

believe that this painting has a direct reference to the arrival

of Jacob with his family in Egypt.

kinson*

pears in the inscription, makes the

On

the contrary,

Wi

1-

remarks, the expression, "captives," which ap-

number of

it

probable that they are of

prisoners so frequently occurring,

who were

taken captive by the Egyptians during their wars in Asia.

But in his more recent work, he considers this circumstance^ " The contemptuous expressions," he as no longer decisive. says, "

common among

the Egyptians in speaking of for-

eigners, might account for the use of this word." it

In

fact,

speaks very decidedly against the idea of their being pri-

soners, that they are armed. t *

Egypt and Thebes,

Whether

this painting has a

p. 26.

who

speaks at length on this representation, in a separate section, Vol. III. 1. p. 48 seq., " Concerning a picture of the t

Rosellini,

tombs

Beni Hassan, representing some foreign slaves which are

of

sent by king Osirtasen siders

it

II. as

a present to a military chieftain," con-

certain, that these individuals are captives, since they are so

But even the inscription, when it is and certain significance, gives no suppoit to this opinion, since the epithet, captives, as Wilkinson supposes, may be adequately accounted for by the pompous style of the Egyptians, and their disdainful arrogance, which would not allow them to speak of foreigners except in connection with victory and captivity. At any rate, the picture is more to be relied on than the inscription, and designated in the inscription.

allowed to hnve

its

just

in this, in addition to the fact that

they are armed, which has already

been mentioned, tlie circumstance, that the persons delineated bring gifts and play on musical instriiments, things which captives are not and cannot be found represented as doing on the Egyptian monuments,

is

decisive.

HATRED OF SHEPHERDS

IN EGYPT.

41

direct reference to the Israelites will of course ever remain

problematical, but

it is

at

any rate very noticeable, as

nishes proof that emigration with

women and

fur-

it

children, into

the Egyptian State, and formal admission, took place even

more

in very ancient times, or

correctly yet, in these times.

Joseph charges his brothers, chap. 46: 34, that they

shall

say to Pharaoh, that they are shepherds, in order that they

may

obtain a residence apart from the Egyptians in the land " For," adds the author, "every shepherd is an

of Goshen.

The monuments

abomination to the Egyptians."

even

now

furnish abundant evidence of this hatred of the Egyptians to

The

shepherds.

each other

artists

of Upper and Lower Egypt vie with

in caricaturing

them.*

In proportion as the cul-

was the more unconditionally the foundation of the Egyptian State, the idea of coarseness and barbarism was united with the idea of a shepherd among the

tivation of the land

Egyptians.!

The

region in which the Israelites received their residence,

the land of Goshen,

is designated. Gen. 47: 6, II, as the hesi This statement has occasioned interpreters some perplexity, but it is justified by what Wilkinson,

of the land.

without reference to this passage, says of the nature of this eastern district: "It

no

soil

is

may

better suited

not be irrelevant to observe, that

many kinds of produce than

to

irrigated edge of the desert,

(it is

mingled with sand,) even before

generally it is

the

composed of lime

covered by the

fertiliz-

ing deposit of the inundation. "|

Since the reference of the Pentateuch to the geographical relations of

Egypt are most numerous

under consideration,

it

will

in

them the subject of a connected examination * t

Wilk.

Wilk.

in this place.

II. p. ]6.

Concerning the causes of

cially Rosellini, X

now we make

the chapters

appear proper that

I. p.

I. 1. p.

178

222.

4*

this hatred of the

seq., also

Heeren,

Egyptians, see espe-

S. 149.

42

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

The

bearing and importance of these separate notices can be

correctly understood only

when thus seen

in connection.

REFERENCES OF THE PENTATEUCH TO THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES OF EGYPT. The Land of Goshen.

The

references of the Pentateuch to the geographical fea-

tures of Egypt, as

we should

naturally expect in a book of

sacred history, are neither numerous nor particular; yet •enough of these references exist to show that

its

author pos-

sessed an accurate knowledge of the topography of the country to

which he

alludes.

And

the

and undesigned these notices

more

scattered, incidental

more certain is the author's knowledge was of

are, the

proof which they afford, that the

no secondary character, was not laboriously produced

for the

occasion, but on the contrary, natural, acquired from his

own

personal observation, and was such as to preserve him from

every mistake, without the necessity of his being constantly

on

his guard.

Let us direct our attention, o^ the land of Goshen.

first,

to

He nowhere

what the author says gives a direct and mi-

But it is evisome other cause than his ignorance, since he communicates in reference to it, a great number of separate circumstances which, although some of them appear at first view to be entirely at variance with each other, are yet found to be entirely consistent when nute account of the situation of this land.

dent that

this

must be referred

to

applied to a particular district.

Tlie land of Goshen appears, on the one hand, as the eastern

border-land of Egypt.

Thus

it

is

said.

Gen. 46: 28

:

"And

he [Jacob] sent Judah before him unto Joseph, to direct his face unto Goshen."

That Jacob should send Judah before

-

THE LAND OF GOSHEN.

43

him, to receive from Joseph the necessary orders ception of those entering the country, a

borders a wandering tribe

is

This account

accord-

well-organized kingdom, whose

ance with the regulations of moniously.

for the re-

entirely in

is

not permitted to pass uncere-

also agrees accurately with the in-

formation furnished on this point by the Egyptian monuments.* That Jacob did not obtain the orders of Joseph until he was We come at Goshen, shows that this was the border-land. " And Joseph came to the same result also from chap. 47; 1 :

and

Pharaoh, and

told

come out of

My

said,

It is

This

the matter

Thy for

;

Egyptians;"

was

laid before the

by Gen. 46: 34

also confirmed

is

:

"

And

servant's trade hath been about cattle

our youth even until

Goshen

brethren are

most natural that they should remain

in the border-province until

shall say,

my

the land of Canaan, and behold they are in the

land of Goshen."

king.

father and

now

—

that ye

every shepherd

dwell in the land of

abomination unto the

passage can only be explained on the

this

for

supposition that

may

an

is

ye

— from

Goshen

is

a

frontier province,

which could

be assigned to the Israelites without placing them in close contact with the Egyptians,

who

hated their manner of

life.

Finally, the circumstance, that the Israelites under Moses,

had assembled

after they

at

the principal

town of the land,

had reached in two days the confines of the Arabian desert, points to

On

Goshen

as the eastern boundary.

Goshen appears again

the other handy

neighborhood of the chief 45: 10:

"And

this chief city

Thus

in

Gen.

for the

same reason.

*

See remarks upon Gen.

t

So

xlvi. p.

also in chap. 46: 28, 29.

the prinexpressly

of Egypt, just as the suris mentioned by Yet the necessary data for

of no one of the reigning Pharaohs

Moses, and

as lying in the

me" (to Joseph who dwelt in The Pentateuch nowhere

Egypt ).t

mentions which was

name

Egypt.

thou shalt dwell in the land of Goshen, and

thou shalt be near to cipal city of

city of

39 seq.

44

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

designating this city are found.

been situated

Lower Egypt,

in

must

It

at

any rate have

appears in the Penta-

for this

teuch generally as the seat of the Egyptian king.

Num.

remarkable passage, seven years before

Zoan of Egypt,"

or Tanis, and at the

son

why

the

same time

parison, implies,

first,

is

Egyptian

points us directly to

plainly

Zoan

shows that the

rea-

was one of the oldest

it

held the

it

and stood

cities,

with the Israelites.

named by way of com-

here directly

that

Secondly, that

^gyp^-*

But the was built

anything rather than in his ignorance con-

in

That Zoan

it.

"And Hebron

author did not mention the chief city by name,

can be sought cerning

13: 23":

first

cities in

rank among the

in the

most important connection

Hebron, the

city of the patriarchs, could

be made more conspicuous only by a comparison with the chief city of Egypt, arrogant and proud of

its antiquity, and was no motive for such a comparison, except with a which by its arrogance had excited the jealousy of the

there city

Israelites.

The

Zoan

designation,

more than that the was the chief city.

What

is

here only intimated

affirmed in Ps. 78: 12, 43; where his

wonders

**

in

of Egypt, which means

Egypt, also indicates that this

city lay in

said,

it is

Zoan."

the field of

is

expressly

Moses performed

In accordance with

the foregoing intimations, which bring us into the neighbor-

hood of the chief

city,

Nile, Ex. 2: 3, and

at

was accustomed lived in

Moses

exposed on the bank of the

is

the place where the king's daughter

to bathe,

v.

5,

and the mother of the child

the immediate vicinity,

abundance,

Num.

den of herbs, Deut. 11:

They had

v. 8.

11: 5; they watered

their

in

10.

Further, the land of Goshen, on the one hand, as a pasture-ground.

fish

land as a gar-

So

is

described

the passage above referred to. Gen. 46: 34, and also in chap. 47: 4 " They said moreover in

:

*

That Tanis already existed

appears from th« Vol.

I. p. 6.

in

monuments yet

Rosellini,

I. 2. p.

68.

the time of

existing

Remesos the Great,

among

its

ruins.

Wilk.

THE LAND OF GOSHEN.

To

unto Pharaoh,

sojourn in the land are

no pasture for the land of Canaan

servants have

sore in

45

;

novi^

we come

for thy

;

flocks; for the famine

their

therefore

we pray

thee

is

let

thy servants dwell in the land of Goshen."

On

the other hand, the land of

Goshen appears

the most fruitful regions of Egypt, chap. 47: 6 best of the land

Also

make

"In

the

thy father and brethren to dwell."

of the same chap.

in verse 11

one of

as :

:

"And

he gave them a

possession in the land of Egypt, in the best of the land, in

the land of Rameses."

The

Israelites

employed themselves

in agriculture, Deut. 11: 10, and obtained in rich abundance,

Num.

the products which Egypt,

11: 5,

Nile, afforded

its

fertilized

by the

inhabitants.

All these circumstances harmonize, and the different points,

they

discrepant as

we

may seem,

find their application,

when

upon the land of Goshen as the region east of the Tanitic arm of the Nile as far as the Isthmus of Suez or the Goshen then border of the Arabian desert, Ex. 18: 20. fix

comprised a tract of country very various

A

in its nature.

was a barren land, suitable only for the pasYet it also had very fruitful districts, so turage of cattle. that it combined in itself the peculiarities of Arabia and

great part of

Egypt.

To

it

it

belonged a part of the land on the eastern

shore of the Tanitic branch of the Nile ;* also the whole of the Pelusiac branch with both

its

banks, which as late as in the

time of Alexander the Great was navigable fleet

pressed into Egypt,

—but

is

now

—through

almost entirely

it

his

filled

up with the sand of the desert, while the Tanitic arm, being further removed from the desert, has sustained itself better.t

Between two branches of the Pelusiac canal lies the island Mycephoris, which in ancient times was inhabited by the Calasiries, *

or

On which

a part of the military caste.

Of

this

island

see Ritter also, Afrika, S. 827.

See Malus, Memoire sur 1' etat ancien et moderne des provinces Orientales de la basse Egypte, Descr. 18. 2. p. 18, t

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

46

Ritter* plain

full

says:

"At

time

this present

a well cultivated

it is

" Gene-

of great palm-groves and opulent villages."

rally," continues the same author, " the country here

no means barren everywhere.

;

the water of the canal diffuses

Thus

modern

little

rounded by rich palm-groves, which to recent

is

by

blessings

there lies upon the canal about fifteen

miles below Bustah, the

known

its

Geographers, but

riance of vegetation which

European garden. "t

So

is

makes

in

Heyeh,

sur-

almost entirely un-

its

vicinity

is

a luxu-

the country appear like a

even

it

village

is

now

with this region,

notwithstanding the great bogs and sand heaps which have

been here formed

in the

course of a hundred years.|

in the interior of the ancient land of

Goshen, there

large tract of land good for tillage, and fruitful. for

is

Even still

There

a

is,

example, a valley which stretches through the whole

breadth of this province from west to east, and in which, as

we

shall hereafter see, the ancient chief city

This

lay.

tract of land,

of this province

from the ancient Babastis on the

Pelusiac arm of the Nile even to the entrance of the *

S. 824.

+

Ritter, S. 834.

t

Comp. Deut.

Prokesch,

und Kleinasien, Th. 2

(In.

11: 10,

"as a garden of herbs."

den Erinnerungen aus Aegypton

S. 130,) says

:

" There

not better dispense with the arts of civihzed

them

Wady

is

no country that canthan Egypt. By

life,

can be made a paradise, and without them a desert.

During modern Greek, Arabian, Mameluke and Turkish dominion, when, with the exception of some short intervals, nothing was done for the country, the inhabitants lived upon the inheritance which descended from the flourishing century under the Pharaohs, Ptolemies and Romans, It is no merit to them that desert and morass have not swallowed up all of their arable land. The canals and dykes existed and still exist on such a foundation and in so great numbers, that a thousand years would not be sufficient to make of Egypt wljat the country between the cataracts is at this day. The tillable land of Egypt has by degrees decreased in quantity, as the public works of the ancients have gradually crumbled, until half its it

the century of

extent has gone, but the remainder

nance

is

for a people proportionally less

yet sufficient to furnish suste-

than formerly."

THE TREASURE-CITIES, PITHOM AND RAAMSES. Tumilat,

according to

is,

and

cultivation,

is

Le Pe re,*

now under

annually overflowed by the Nile.

Wady Tumilat

great part of

even

is

susceptible of cultivation,!

accurately delineated upon the chart of

R

i 1

1

e

r's

full

Also a

and likewise the eastern part of the valley which Atlas of

47

Geography, the tract

is

very

Lower Egypt in the from Ras el Wady to

Serapeum, furnishes not merely pasture grounds, but

also

land suitable for cultivation.! It is certain, that

the Pentateuch in

dently undesigned, which

the intimations, evi-

gives of the position and nature

it

of the land of Goshen in the most disconnected passages,

always consistent with series of passages,

it

itself, as, for

is

example, in one whole

alludes to the fact, that the Israelites

dwelt upon the Nile, and in another, that they dwelt in a bor-

This

der-land in the direction of Arabia.

cumstance

that

all its

the land are substantiated by actual

most distant reference ble, if the

fact, as also the cir-

allusions to the position and nature of

geography without the

imaginary land, are not explica-

to an

author was dependent on uncertain reports for his

information.

On

the contrary, the whole serves to impress

us with the conviction, that he, as would be the case with

Moses, wrote from personal observation, with the freedom

and confidence of one to

whom

cated comes naturally and of

who

has not obtained

it

for a

its

communi-

the information

own

accord, and from one

proposed object.

The Location of Pharaoh's Treasure-Cities, Pithom and Raamses.

We for

go

further.

Pharaoh

In Ex.

treasure-cities,

1:

11

it

is

said; "

And

they built

Pithom and Raamses."

can be no doubt that in the view of the author, these * t

Memoire sur le canal des deux mers, in the Descr. I Le Pere, p. 121. Le Fere, p. 117.

t.

There cities,

11. p. 116.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

48 upon whose labor, ral to

fortifications

were situated

the Israelites were compelled to

in the land of

Goshen.

most natu-

It is

suppose that the Israelites built where according to the

foregoing account they dwelt; moreover

all

cluded, since one of these cities, Raamses,

is

doubt

is

pre-

afterwards re-

presented as the place of rendezvous from which the Israelites

tion

commenced their departure from the now is, whether these cities really

The

land. lay in

ques-

the land of

Goshen, or did the author probably, out of the number of the names of Egyptian cities known to him, take two at random ? Before

we answer

these questions,

we remark,

that even

the circumstance that the author represents the king of Egypt as building treasure-cities in the land of

Goshen,

in favor

is

of his knowledge of Egypt, or rather of his credibility as a

Nowhere

historian.

are the treasure-cities

than precisely there.

Seventy understood, directly,

walled

2 Chron.

8:

the

3

—

That they were

for they translate the

The same

cities.

6,

**

in

place,

even the

Hebrew word here

thing

is

evident from

according to which they were placed in

particularly insecure

designated as

more

fortijicd,

fenced

border land

cities,

(Hamath),

and are

with walls and gates and bars."

store-cities are spoken of in conBut that such walled cities provided with stores of provisions were nowhere more needed than on the eastern boundary of Egypt, is indeed evident from the

Compare

II: 12,

where the

nection with castles.

circumstance, writers, just

military

that

upon

according to the this border, the

accounts of profane

most exposed of

power of the Egyptians was concentrated.

clear from

Herodotus,"

the whole military force of

says

Heeren,*

all,

the

''It is

"that almost

Egypt was stationed

in

Lower

Egypt; four and a half districts within the Delta were possessed by the Hermotybies, and twelve others by the Calasiries.

On

the contrary, only one district was possessed by *

S. 37.

THE TREASURE-CITIES, PITHOM AND RAAMSES each of these

in all

Middle and Upper Egypt, namely the

Chemmis and Thebes."

of

trict

side of the Tanitic

Of

R

arm of the Nile,

dis-

the land on the east " This i 1 1 e r* says :

believed to be the land of the ancient Calasiries

is

49

who were

here to guard the ancient ports of Egypt against irruptions

from Asia."t

We cities

will

now endeavor to determine the position of the two With regard to the first, this can be determin-

named.

ed without

difficulty.

be denied by no one, that

It will

within the land of Goshen.

Pithom

is

it

lay

incontestibly, and by

Patumos of H e r o d oSpeaking of the canal which connected the Nile with

universal admission, identical with the t

u

s-l

Red

the into

it

Sea, this author says

from the Nile.

It

began

"

:

The

a little

near the Arabian city Patumos, but

tis,

Red

into the

The

t

Sea."!!

According

to this,

it

city

Bubas-

discharged

Patumos was

itself

situ-

declarations of ancient writers with regard to the chief sta-

tions of the military caste in Egypt, are of

when

no small importance respec-

They show how

ting another passage of the Pentateuch. it is,

water was admitted

above the

appropriate

the author in Ex. xiv, represents the Egyptian host as ready

forthwith to pursue after the Israelites, and as able to overtake them " In Mosaic times," says Heeren, S. 37, " the miliin a short time. tary caste

first

make

their appearance in

ness with which the Pharaoh

my

who

Lower Egypt.

The sudden-

then ruled could assemble the

ar-

with which he pursued the Israelites in their Exodus, shows dis-

tinctly

enough, that the Egyptian military caste must have had their

head-quarters in just the same region in which Herodotus places

them."

Book 2. c. 158. W^Hxzai ds ano xov NeiXov ro vSwq

t

ig

avrr^v rinrat §e xaTi'usQd's

okiyov Bov^dariog noXtog^ naQo, Jldrovfiov xriv AQa^iriv ttoXcv X£i §£ is TTJv eQvd'Qrjv d'dXaaaav.

a point after

example.

'jtoXiog,

and

Larcher wishes

reject the §e after ioexst-

Bahr, on the contrary, says

:

ial-

arbitrarily to place

Lange follows

his

Quidni enim Herodoto dicere

ductum esse canalem paulo supra Bubastin urbem, juxta Patumon, Arabiae urbem (quam sc. urbem praeterfluat), ab ea autem haud procul in mare exire. But Bahr has not been able to entirely licuit:

5

50

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

ated on the east side of the Pelusiac

arm of the Nile, not

far

from the entrance of the canal which unites the Nile with the

Red

The

Sea,* in the Arabian part of Egypt. t

Antonini

rarium

furnishes a further

Thum

which

is

Pithora.

The

n

scarcely be doubted that the identical with

Egyptian

Patumos and

article.i:

Now

Abu

ItineIt

can

mentioned

is

merely the

is

Thum was twelve Roman miles whose ruins are found in the region

this

distant from Heroopolis,||

of the present

limitation.

Keisheid.

appropriate, if with the scholars

All these designations are

who accompanied

French AbbaTumilat, where there was

Expedition we place Pithom on the

Wady

seh, at the entrance of the

site

the

of the present

times a strong military post.

at all

Let us now seek to determine the location of Raamses.

That

the author supposed

it

lay in

Goshen we have,

in addi-

tion to the general reasons already referred to, a particular

one.

It is said in

Gen. 47: 11

'*

:

And

Joseph gave them a

possession in the land of Egypt, in the best of the land, in the

land of Rameses."

The same

land which

is

everywhere

in

the preceding and succeeding context called the land of Gofree himself

comes

From

from the error of Larcher.

his inclination towards

baud procul. HeroPatumos is situated near the place where the canal discharges itself into the Red Sea. According to him, Patumos lay rather, near the commencement of the canal it began above Bubastis and near Patumos, and ended in the it

tlie

entirely

arbitrary addition of, ab ea

dotus gives no such information as this

:

:

lied Sea. * If

the passage from Herodotus

is

correctly understood, Patumos,

situated near the beginning of the canal, cannot be identical with

Heroopolis, as

Compare

is

erroneously asserted by some.

upon the passage Arabiaedicitur urbs, quod omnes Aegypti urbes a Nilo Arabiam versus sitae hoc nomine vulgo aft

ficiuntur.

Btlhr

The Seventy

:

translate

')^pi,

in

Gen.

45: 10,

by

Qa^ta^j just as Herodotus calls Patumos an Arabian city. \ II

Champollion I'Egypte sous Itin.

Ant.

Ics

Pharaons

t.

2. p. 58.

FsatfA,

'^-

THE TREASURE-CITIES, PITHOM AND RAAMSES. shen,

is

here designated as the land of Rameses, or the land

whose chief city *

51

According

this passage

is

is

to the

Rameses common

;*

and

this is entirely in accord-

Rameses in But

opinion, the so called land

not the same as the city Raamses in Ex. 1,11.

is relied upon in favor of this difference, (see for example Michaelis Supplem. p. 2256,) the dissimilarity of punctuation, (which is however very trifling,) is of little force. The Raamses in Ex. 1: 11 is evidently only the fuller sounding pause-form. But that also in Gen. 47: 11, the cittj Raamses is spoken of, is favored by the following argument. In three passages of the Pentateuch besides Ex. i., in Ex. 12: 37 and Num. 33: 3 and 5, Raamses is undeniably the name of a city. (It is true that some have wished to make it even in these last two passages the name of a province so has even v. Raumer, in The Exodus of the Israelites, S. 11. But it is perfectly clear Let us look at the passages a little more minutethat this cannot be. " And the children of Israel removed from Rameses and pitched ly in Succoth, and they departed from Succoth and pitched in Etham." If Succoth and Etham are names of a single district, not of an entire On the contrary, Rameses is province, so must Rameses also be.) found in no other passage as the name of a province. Accordingly then the presumption is, that Rameses in Gen. 47: 11 is the name of a city. If the author did not intend to be so understood, he ought to have explained himself more minutely. But Rameses cannot properly be the name of the province in Gen. 47, since this before and after is called Goshen. Rosellini is also of the opinion, I. 1. p. 300, that the Rameses in Gen. 47 is identical with the one in Exodus I. The author of the book of Genesis, he supposes, intends to say that Joseph placed his father and his family in the region in which the city Raamses was afterwards built. It is improbable, even w^hen we leave

the reason which

;

:

—

Ex.

1:

11 out of the account, (that this passage

is

not in favor of the

previous non-existence of R.aamses, Michaelis has already remarked,

Suppl.

p.

2256) that this city was already in existence in the time of

Joseph.

The name

means: consecrated

mon among riod.

The

furnishes an argument against to the

sun (see

I. 1. p.

117) and

it

it.

Raamses

is

very com-

the Egyptian kings, especially those of the Mosaic pe-

city evidently derived its

name from one

of these kings.

But according to ancient authors and the monuments, the name Remeses was given to no one before the eleventh Pharaoh of the eighteenth dynasty, whose reign was considerably subsequent to the time of Joseph,

V

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

52

ance with Ex. 12; 37 and Num. 33:

where Rameses,

3, 5,

since the departure of the Israelites

commences

Now

where the author of the Pentateuch places

the proof which alone

is

sure,

is

simply Goshen, the translator has

he sent before him

him ToJ

at

xa5^

to Joseph, that he

'^Jlgojwv tioXlv elg yr^v 'Pafisaarj,)

father, at

his chariot,

Heroopolis" {xad^

" at Heroopolis in the land

They

of the Seventy. instead of

28

at

gone out of

use,

is

II,

meet ai-

29 " And meet Israel, his

in v.

and went up to

Rameses"

to

(avvavTflfrai :

certain that

It is

no arbitrary conceit

took the designation " land

Rameses"

where the author him-

Goshen, the land of Rameses.

In the

name Rameses, which had Heroopolis, the current name in their lime, The city Raamses was to them the same

Heroopolis,"

substituted.

and

names

" But Judah

:

might come

?;^wcov tioXlv).

Goshen from Gen. 47:

self substitutes, for

phrase "

was

original text

verse

in

Heroopolis in the land of Rameses"

Joseph prepared

it,

furnished by the Alexandrian

While the

translation of Gen. 46: 28,29.

is

Raamses was

with reference to the inquiry whether

really situated

there,

Goshen.

clearly designated as a central point in the land of

as Heroopolis, the land of

for the

Rameses

therefore

was situated

in

the vicinity of Heroopolis.

This, which

is

as

good

as a direct declaration of the

Seventy

Raamses is identical with Heroopolis, seems of no small importance when we consider that the Greek name, Heroopolis, cannot be older than the time of the Greek dominion over that

Egypt, while the Alexandrian translation of the Pentateuch

was made

as early as the first period of this

that the earlier

name

to the translator. city

dominion

of the city could scarcely be

According

to

Mannert,*

;

so

unknown

indeed, the

not supposed to have existed before the time of the

is

Greek dominion, and accordingly had no

earlier

was," he says very confidently, " a new Grecian *

S.

name.

" It

city,

built

576 der alien Geographie von Aegyptcn.

«/

THE TREASURE-CITIES, PITHOM AND RAAMSES. merely on account of the canal, and

Herodotus

Neither

entirely

it,

hence

its

Greek name."

as will directly appear, carries us

itself,

back to remote antiquity

was

sake of trade.

nor any writer before the age of the

Ptolemies was acquainted with

But even the name

for the

53

;

and what

most important,

is

new, how could the Seventy have

if it

identified

it

with Heroopolis.

The agreement

of the two names indicates also that the

Seventy have justly identified the Heroopolis of their time with the ancient Raamses, just as in chapter 41: 45 they have placed for the

That

name.

On

of the original text, Heliopolis, the Greek

the city

Raamses borrowed

its

one of the honored rulers of that name doubted by any one s

k

which

i,

between the

is

appellation from

not surely

now

the etymology proposed by J a b 1 o n-

;

entirely leaves out of the account the connection city

and the rulers of the same name,

unworthy of notice.

When we now see

is

wholly

from the monuments

the Egyptians employed the name Remeses, and what associations they connected with it, the Greek name Heroopolis, city of Heroes, seems a very suitable translation

how much

of the ancient Egyptian name.

Now

it is

admitted by

all

of Goshen.

the authorities respecting the lo-

was situated in the ancient land For our immediate object therefore we need not

cation of Heroopolis, that

it

enter upon a

more accurate determination of

Yet

much importance

is

it

of so

gation concerning the shall next direct

for the

Exodus of the

position.

its

geographical investi-

Israelites to

which we

our attention, that as a preparation

for that,

we must endeavor to settle more accurately its position. The ancient geographers until the time of the French

ex-

pedition, following the [inaccurate] statements of several an-

cient writers, looked for Heroopolis directly on the Arabian

Gulf* *

Against the admission of this opinion, the following

Mannert,

at the

S. 514,

adhering to this view,

still

looks for Heroopolis

end of the canal which united the Nile with the Ked Sea, be-

5*

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

54

reasons are especially important.

have already seen,

But

could not

this

lie

identical

First,

Heroopolis, as

we

with the ancient Raanises.

on the Arabian Gulf, since the Israel-

not arrive in the neighborhood of the Arabian Gulf

ites did

until the

ced

is

end of the second day's march which they commenSecondly, The passage Gen. 46: 28, 29,

Raamses.

at

according to the Alexandrian version,

is

entirely inexplicable

on the supposition that Heroopolis was on the Red Sea. How could the Seventy then represent Joseph as going out

meet

to

which

his father, Jacob, in the

Egypt

into

neighborhood of

lay so far out of his course in

This reason

?

is

known

His authority exceeds

that of the most accurate of the ly,

to

The

Al-

the posi-

importance

in

Greek Geographers.

Third-

A-ntonini, according between Thum Patumos

statement in the Ttinerarium

= Heroopolis lay

which Hero

and Serapium, about twelve is

The

of great importance.

exandrian translator must necessarily have tion of Heroopolis.

this city,

coming from Canaan

=

Roman

miles distant from each,

also entirely at variance with the older hypothesis.

The

correct position of Heroopolis

tween the

Bitter

was

first

determined by

Lakes and the northern point of the Arabian Gulf,

since, he remarks, " all ancient writers

who speak of this city, place Arabian Gulf, not far from the city ArBut Mannert is obliged to remark, first, S. 514, in reference sinoe." " 1 cannot give an explanato the considerable ruin of Saba Biyar it

in the interior angle of the

:

Secondly, S. 515, he concedes that the ruins of his Heroopolis cannot be found. Thirdly, he remarks S. 516, in reference tion of

it."'

Seventy which we shall examine farther in the is the most improbable explanation of all, which makes the city to have been situated, not far to the south, but on the direct road which passes through Abu Keisheid. But the whole statement is a mere error of the translator the Hebrew text to the passage of the

text

:

"

Now

it

certainly

;

knows nothing of Heroopolis Joseph came to Goshen to meet his fa-' As if anything were accomplished by this ther." Whether the ;

!

Seventy translated correctly or not, is just the same. that they mention the city Heroopolis in a connection on the Arabian Gulf cannot properly be placed.

It is sufficient

in

which a

city

THE TREASURE-CITIES, PITHOM AND RAAMSES.

55

French Expedition, and the view in which them have united, has obtained ahuost uni" The researches of the members of the E-

the scholars of the

the majority of versal assent.

gyptian Commission," says

Champo

1

1 i

o n,* " have furnish-

ed the certain and acknowledged result that Heroopolis

lies

between the Pelusiac arm of the Nile and the Bitter Lakes to the northwest of these lakes, at a place

Abu

led

Arab

Keisheid, from the

tribe

which

now

is

cal-

which roves about on

the Isthmus.

The most Heroopolis

accurate and vivid description of the situation of

given by

is

D u-B o

its

s-

A

y

m e, in his treatise

Sea."t

The

from Belbeis.

The

runs from east to west.

It

is

Sweet

always found here by digging from twelve to

The

decimetres deep.

seldom overflowed,

by the

flood.

It is

it

But since the land

has less depth of

fertile soil

The

mingled with sand.

which conveys the water of the Nile

is

deposited

Un-

not more than two decimetres deep.

a light clay,

lies

fifteen

of the same nature and appear-

soil is

ance with that directly on the Nile.

der this

Up-

Nile in

greatest rise sometimes reaches even to this place.

water

"

valley Seba-Bi-

Arabs Wady, begins about two myriame-

yar, called by the tres

i

Red

on the ancient bounds of the

canal

thither runs to a distance

of about one and a half myriametres to the declivity which incloses the valley on the north.

of the water necessary tants.

for

This makes the conveyance

culture very easy for the inhabi-

But sometimes the Nile does not reach

a height for

several years sufficient to supply water for the canal

then they

make

of the valley

use of wells for irrigation.

lies

the village Abbaseh,| near

*

L'Egypte sous

t

Descr.

+

The same, on whose

cient

t.

Pithom

les

Pharaons,

t.

;

and

At the entrance which

is

a lake

2. p. 89.

11. p. 376.

or

Patumos

site as

lay.

nection with one another in Ex.

same valley and

has been previously shown, the an-

The two 1:

tlie fortifications

fortified cities

named

in con-

11 were situated therefore in the

which Pharaoh commanded

to be

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

56 called by the

Kadem.

Arabs Birket el-Fergeh, or Birket eJ-Haj ellast name, which signifies the ancient Pil-

This

grim's pool, leads to the conjecture that in the earliest term of pilgrimage to Mecca, the great caravan which

now

by Adsherad, went through the valley Seba Biyar, to turn to the

head of the

Abbaseh the canal Tumilat.

who occupy

is

this region.

two myriametres

— At

interrupted.

takes this

It

gulf.

name from

The

valley

further to the east

of this part of the valley there

is

;

this place

which

hill

is

Abu

the Arab tribe Tumilat, Seba Biyar stretches yet and in about the middle

an extensive heap of ruins

Upon

Keisheid.

order

two myriametres from There ends the Wady

which indicate the position of an ancient

name

passes

in

formed by these ruins, there

city; the

Arabs

the point of a lies

little

a great granite

hewn out three Egyptian Compare also upon the site of Heroopolis at where are now the ruins of Abu Keisheid, upon the

block, upon which in relievo are deities," etc.*

the place

canal which connects the Nile with the Arabian Gulf, in the

middle of the Wady,

Le Pere

in his treatise

on the canal

of the two Seas.t

The March of the

Through

Israelites from

Raamses

to the

Red

Sea.

the just determination of the position of Heroop-

and consequently of Raamses, the narrative of the depar-

olis

ture of the Israelites has received an unexpected light, and

the credibility of the Pentateuch a wonderful confirmation.

On built

the second day after their departure, the Israelites

around both had probably the

common

came

object of obstructing the

enemy from Pharaoh had so much the more occasion for the construction of these fortifications, since he believed that he had reason to fear, that the Israelites would readily make common cause with the enemies pressing in from this quarter. See Ex. 1: 10. entrance into Egypt, which this valley furnished to the Asia.

*

In the Description,

t.

11. p. 376.

t

Descr.

t.

11. p.

291 seq.

THE DESERT OF ETHAM.

57

into the region about the northern point of the

Their

first

position

is

Arabian Gulf. was Succoth, the second Etharn, whose designated in Ex. 13: 20, and in Num. 33: 6 by station

" which lies at the end of the desert." That by " the desert" here, no other than the Arabian desert, begin-

the words

ning

:

at the

northern point of the

Red

" the desert"

is

Sea,* can be meant,

1.

where Pharaoh

says,

are entangled in the land, the desert hath shut

them

ference, as for instance in chap. 14: 3, *'

They

in," and in verses 11 and 12 of the

the Egyptian part of the desertf *

is

Although the phrase sometimes used with a more unrestricted re-

evident from the following reasons:

Very correctly

J.

H. Michaelis says

same chapter;

so that

also included, yet this

is

:

nempe qua Aegyptum

is

at-

tingit. t

What

Riippell says (Raise S. 209)

shows that the Eastern part of

The west may be said

Eo-ypt deserves this name, as well as Arabia Petraea.

coast

of the Gulf of Suez and

to be

its

continuation to Cosseir

without inhabitant, and the almost entire want of drinkable water along the coast of the sea is a cause sufficient to prevent settlements But it is specially important to compare the treatise " de la there. la mer rouge," by The contrast with the adjoining when the traveller enters upon the

geographie comparee et de I'ancien etat cotes de Roziere, in

region

t.

6 of the Descr.

first arrests

Isthmus of Suez.

267

p.

the attention

As long

as he

:

is

in

Egypt, notwithstanding the

heat of a scorcliing sun, he beholds a fresh plain, permeated by flow-

ing water, shaded by palm-trees, clothed with grass, flowers, or the a smiling and animated region, where everything reminds him of only abundance and fruitfulness. When he comes upon the Isthmus under the same sky, how great the change There is no trace of cultivation or of inhabitant, no shade, no verdure, no flowing water, in a word, nothing which can sustain life. So as he

golden harvest

;

!

proceeds farther, he seeks with anxiety some more fertile spot of ground in the distance, but the eye glances over the whole unending expanse of the horizon in vain even to both seas, on every side is a dry, leafless land, barren rocks, glimmering sand, a plain bare everywhere. We find just the same contrast between Egypt and the desert in Ex. 14: 1^': " Because there were no graves in Egypt hast thou taken us away to die in the desert ? Wherefore hast thou dealt ;

58

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OP MOSES.

to be considered only as an exception to the general rule.

" The desert" is generally the Arabian desert. 2. The phrase, " which lies at the edge of the desert" was evidently designed

show

to

had already arrived

that the Israelites

when they reached Etham. The They encamped in Etham at the edge of the

at

the border of Egypt,

ex-

'*

de-

pression,

sert"

is

followed in both places by the declaration that the

Israelites turned back,

i.

e.

instead of crossing the boundary,

Num.

they went again further into Egypt, as in

Etham and turned back

they removed from

But the words do not correspond

etc.

sign, unless by the desert, the

stood.

3.

in order

The

passage

Num.

Arabian 33: 8

to perceive its full force

connection with what goes before

is

it :

33: 7

:

"

And

to Pi-hahiroth,"

to their evident de-

is

specifically under-

entirely decisive.

Yet

must be considered

verse 5, "

And

in

the chil-

dren of Israel removed from Rameses and pitched in Succoth." Verse 6, " And they departed from Succoth, and pitched in Etham, which is in the edge of the desert." Verse 7, " And they removed from Etham and returned to Pi-hahiroth,

which

dol."

lies

Verse

8,

before Baal-zephon, and pitched before Mig*'

And

they departed from before Pi-hahiroth,

and passed through the midst of the Sea to the desert, and went three days' journey in the desert of Etham, and pitched in

Marah."

According

to verse 8, the part of the

Arabian

desert which lies on the eastern shore of the Arabian Gulf

bore the

name of

How

the desert of Etham.

can

this well

be otherwise explained than by supposing that the place from

which the desert takes its name lies at the north end of the Arabian Gulf, and consequently on the borders of the desert named from it ? The sense is evidently this At the end of the second day they had already arrived at the borders of the :

thus with us, to carry us forth out of tell

for

it is

Egypt

?

Is

not this what

we

did

Egypt, Let us alone that we may serve the Egyptians hetU-r for us to serve the Egyptians, than to die in the wil-

th(!e

derness."

in

;

RAAMSES, THE PRESENT ABU KEISHEID. Arabian

desert, at

Etham, from which the

59

tract of country ly-

ing next to Egypt receives the name, desert of Etham. instead of advancing directly

into the desert,

down again

to the

farther into

Egypt

But

they turned

Arabian Gulf.

After-

wards, instead of going round the sea, they proceeded through it

unto the desert of Etham.

Supposing

it

now

the second day's

certain, that the Israelites at the

Arabian Gulf, we are then, according thesis, tliat the

march

Raamses from which

to the

common

The

distance

from the Nile to the

Sicard

pose with

is

then far too great.

It

with

N

eb u h

i

caravan route

by Suez to Sinai.

r

amounts

Red Sea

to twenty-six hours, if

and von

Raumer*

we

sup-

that they passed

through the Valley of Wandering, and to as much,

mon

hypo-

the Israelites began their

lay in the region of Heliopolis, brought into no small

difficulty.

if,

end of

march had reached the northern point of the

at least,

they are allowed to have taken the com-

day which leads from Cairo says: " We spent twenty-

at the present

Niebuhrt

eight hours and forty minutes, deducting the time of resting,

on our way from Birket Evidently train as

But

much

was

we

if

from

this

ficient,

Haj (four hours from Cairo)."

that of the Israelites.

place

Keisheid, this

leagues. f

el

too great a distance for so heavily laden a

Raamses on

the site of the present

difficulty entirely vanishes.

place to the

Red Sea

is

The

about thirteen French

This distance appears not too great, but

if it

is

Abu

distance

just suf-

considered that the Israelites departed " in

haste."

We lars

remark

who

further, that the opinion of the

look for

Etham on

*

See von Raumer, S.

t

Beschreibung von Arabien, S. 408.

t

See Le Pere in the Description,

11,

and

seq. gives a description of the

French scho-

the site of the present Bir Su-

Ritter, S. 859.

1. 1. p. 84, who also on pages 74 way from Abu Keisheid to Hei'oopolis.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

60 vveis

much

has

Peret

in

manner:

is

in sight,

traveller

somewhere

The

which

is

Ayme

at the

these wells are

;

Etham must have been

region, on

in this

Le

comes

and a gentle declivity leads

Bir Suweis or the wells of Suez

to

only an hour from Suez."

*'

described by

is

The

'*

out of the valley and reaches the plain of Suez.

finally

city as well as the sea

down

This place

probability.*

the following

situated

account of the designation,

Du Bois

What

edge of the desert."

says applies especially to Bir Suweis

" Sweet wa-

:

scarce in this whole region, and the wells must

ter is very

determine the stations of the caravans."

" Between Migdol and the Sea^ Finally

also,-

Ex. 14: 2 deserves a discussion in our geo-

graphical section turn back and

:

*'

Speak

encamp

to the children of Israel that they

before Pi-hahiroth between Migdol

and the sea over against Baal-zephon, before

shall

it

ye en-

Compare with Num. 33: 7 " And they removed from Etham and returned back to Pi-hahiroth which

camp by

the sea."

:

is

before Baal-zephon, and they pitched before Migdol."

**

between Migdol and the sea," and

An

insuperable difficulty appears to

Migdol

Migdol."

ed, identical with

is,

Roman

But

theltinerarium

they pitched before

this place lies,

A nton

where

in the

is

;

n

according

only twelve

i,

general cor-

confirmed by Ex. 29: 10. 30:

words from " Migdol

are opposed to each other

i

The

miles southward from Pelusium.

rectness of this declaration 6,

here in the phrases

'*

doubtless, as even the Seventy perceiv-

Magdolum.

to the declaration of

lie

Syene

to

Syene," these places

as being the

most southern

border of Egypt, and Migdol the most northern, also by the

passage

Herodotus

in

where Magdolum

as the

ledged border town of Egypt towards Palestine *

the

See

for

example

Hebrews

in

Du

liois-Ayni^ in

Egypt, Descr.

t.

b. p.

a Ircntive 1

13.

:

On

is

acknow-

interchan-

the residence of 1

p. Gl.

;:

''

BETWEEN MIGDOL AND THE

ged with Megiddo.*

If Migdol

was so

SEA.

'

far distant

—

61 from the

encamped nearly the whole breadth of the Isthmus of Suez lies between how can it be said, that the Israelites " encamped between Migdol and place where the Israelites were

—

the sea," and " pitched before Migdol ?"

The difficulty here is removed by the remark, that '' between Migdol and the sea," and " before Migdol," do not serve for the geographical designation of the place where the

were encamped, but rather call attention to the pewhich they exposed themselves by their foolish march.

Israelites

to

ril

That Migdol was it

signifies

a fortress, the

tower or

against Syria,

which

fortress.

name

itself

shows, since

Probably the border garrison

in later times

was removed

to the neigh-

boring Daphne, was stationed here. Herodotus says " Under king Psamaticus guards were stationed at Elephantine against the Ethiopians, as in the Pelusiac

the Arabs and Syrians, and in

And

Lybia.

even to

this

Marea

in like

Daphne manner

against

against

hour Persian guards are stationed

same places where they were under Psamaticus Persians are on guard at Elephantine, and also in Daph-

at the very

for

ne, "f

Upon

the phrase " between Migdol and the sea"

ed the saying of Pharaoh, "

They ought

The

desert has shut

is

found-

them

in."

to have sought to free themselves as soon as pos-

—

from this unfortunate dilemma to go around the north end of the Arabian Gulf before the garrison marching out from Migdol could block up their way and they had already sible

—

nearly escaped.

Then

they thrust themselves, through an

inexplicable misunderstanding, again into the midst of danger.

Thus posed

also here, that

to the author's

when more * 2. 159 t

B.

2.

which appears

at first

knowledge of Egypt,

view to be opis

a proof of

it,

particularly examined.

Kal

^I'lQoiat netfl

chap. 30.

6

6 Nsxojg ovfi^akojv Iv MayBokoi iviHrjos,

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

0»

HISTORY OF JOSEPH, CONTINUED. Kings and

We

Land

Priests, the Posscssoi's of the

proceed now,

after finishing

in Egi/pt.

our inquiry concerning

the references of the Pentateuch to the geographical features of Egypt, in the explanation of the Egyptian allusions in this

We

portion of sacred history, in the order of the chapters. first

turn our attention to Gen. 47: 13

—26.

Joseph, according to this account, purchased

Pharaoh

for

of his subjects the right of possession to their land, so that " Only the whole country henceforth belonged to Pharaoh, the land of the Priests bought he not

;

for the priests

had a

them of Pharaoh, and did eat their portion wherefore they sold not their which Pharaoh gave them lands," verse 22. The land was divided out to its former posportion assigned

;

sessors by lease

they were compelled to pay a

;

"

yearly produce.

And Joseph made

it

fifth

of

its

a law over the land

of Egypt to this day, that Pharaoh should have the

fifth part,

except the land of the priests only, which became not Pharaoh's," verse 26.

Among this

the accounts of profane writers which extend over

Herodotus

same ground, those of

are of particular importance.

"

The same

among

The

first

D

and

i

odo

r

u

of these authors says

s :

king (Sesostris) had also divided the whole land

the Egyptians, they said, and had given to each one a

square portion of equal extent, and in this way he obtained his income, for rent.

he collected from each individual a yearly

And when

the flood took

portion of one, he must

come

sentation of the calamity.

servants to examine

it

away something from

to the king and

The

make

the

a repre-

king then sent some of his

and measure how

much

less the

land

had become, that the tenant might pay from what remained in proportion to the whole amount of the imposed rent."* *

B.

2. c. 101).

THE PEASANTS, NOT LAND-OWNERS. According

Diodorus,*

to

all

63

the land in Egypt belonged

either to the priests or the kings, or the military caste.

An

important point of agreement between the Biblical ac-

count and profane writers comes here directly into view.

There

is

an entire accordance with regard to the prominent

thing, namely, that the cultivators were not the possessors of

the

St

soil.

a b of also says that those

r

in agriculture

the sculptures, as

Wilkinson^

to

In

rent.

shows, only kings, priests

and the military order are represented

Con-

as land-owners.

discovered, according to which towns

tracts of sale lately

seem

who were employed

and trade held their land subject to

have had their separate

territories, ||

late condition of things, (a certain,

belong to a very

although a limited right

of possession will always arise in process of time from the at most warrant only the assertion was not without exceptions.§ '' We can affirm

condition of tenants,) and that the rule

Heeren,^

with certainty," says

''

that if not

all,

yet surely

the greatest and best part of the land belonged to the king, the temples, the priests and the military order.

It is further cer-

were cultivated by tenants, whose precise condition, whether they were fee-farmers or temporary occupants of the land, we do not know. Their condition tain that these lands

may have been no means have

similar to that of the present Fellahs,

* 1. 73. II

§

But

ownership of land.**

full

t

Bockh Erklarung Anything further

17, p. 787.

it

t

who by

cannot be I.

p. 263.

einer Aeg. Urkunde, S. 27. is

not desired by Bockh.

That Herodotus

does not recognize any special cast of cultivators, he explains by the fact that the peasants

were not land owners, and consequently could

not constitute a special caste.

and

He

supposes that the kings, priests

soldiers all possessed real estate in the country,

in the towns, but that the inhabitants of

towns

and a part of that

in their very limited

provinces also had possessions in land, IT

S. 142.

**

We will here quote what Girard says

in the Description,

t.

17, p.

:

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

64

doubted that the culture of the

was

was not

soil, if it

entirely, yet

These

certainly for the most part performed by tenants.

therefore constituted the Egyptian peasantry," etc.

The

narration in Genesis, and the consequent accurate ac-

quaintance of the author with the condition of Egypt con-

tended

by us, receive further confirmation from profane

for

writers, since they attribute to the priests possessions in land

own, and consequently rent

as their

tain," est

Hee

remarks

r

free.

" So

much

is

cer-

e n,* " that a greater, perhaps the great-

and best part of the land was

in the possession of the

priests."

But on the other hand, there are important apparent conbetween our narrative and the accounts of profane

tradictions

writers

Herodotus,

1.

might be

it

of the land to king Sesostris

king

in

;

said, ascribes the partition

but he cannot possibly be the

whose time the administration of Joseph

although

Heerent

rodotus,

it

must be considered

investigation, that Sesostris

whom

personage,! to

But,

falls.

seeks to sustain this staternent of

is

as a fixed result of

not a historical but a mythic

was the custom

it

He-

modern

to trace

back

all

the

important measures and the great successes of the ancient 189, "

upon the

planation of the

right of possession in Egypt," since

meaning of our passage

:

Such

is

it

aids in the ex-

also the condition

of that which they here call private possessions. They remain in the same family less by right of inheritance than as a testimony of the favor of the ruler, in whose hand it always remains to dispose of them according to his will. These possessions are, as it seems, only a kind of revertiblc and therefore entirely unalienable fief. We cannot here

then with the expression,

'

Sale of real estate,' connect the idea of an

invariable and absolute abdication, but merely that of a temporary

mortgaging belong

for a

sum

of money which

is

borrowed.

The

real estate

lender until the repayment of the money. Then the owner receives the avails of the land which he had abandoned. will

* S. t

to the

VM.

Bahr upon Her. IV.

t

S. 5G3.

S. 142.

THE LAND OF THE MILITARY CASTE.

And

Pharaohs.

Hee

this

more recent-

e n himself has also

r

65

acknowledged.*

ly

If,

farther,

Herodotus

appears to

know nothing of an

ori-

ginal possession of the land by the Egyptian cultivators, but

rather considers the king as the original possessor, the ad-

vantage

and places

ity

Herodotus

Egypt, which extends back

The

far

2.

credibil-

beyond the time approached by

fact confirmed

tivators implies a historical fact through

That the king should be

of history,

its

knowledge of

Herodotus,

was possessor of the land occupied by the

that the king

whole land

confirms

in a clearer light, the author's

by profane writers.

about.

book of Genesis,

so decidedly on the side of the

is

that the contradiction of

in a

it

cul-

was brought

the original possessor of the

not conceivable, and

is

which

is

contrary to the analogy

country like Egypt, not obtained by conquest.

According

to the representation in Genesis, there

were

only two classes of land-owners, the kings and the priests.

Diodorus

on the contrary, whose declaration

confirmed

is

by the monuments, mentions three classes, kings, priests and

But

the military caste.

Herodotus

furnishes us with the

According

data for reconciling this apparent contradiction. to

him the

real estate of the military order differed

of the peasants, since

it

was

free of rent

;

from that

but otherwise be-

longed to the kings, and was given by them in fee to the

According

diery.

tary order

to

was given

book

2.

sol-

chap. 141, the land of the mili-

them by the kings, and taken away That this land was in" They alone, of all the Echap. 168

to

by one of the same, named Sethon. stead of pay

is

said in

:

gyptians except the priests, had the following special privilege,

namely

:

each one had twelve acres of good land, free

of rent." 3.

It

appears from the account in Genesis, verse 22, that

the priests received their support from the king. contrary, *

Herodotust

says, as, at least,

Gott. Anz. 1834. S. 39.

t

6*

it is

On

the

affirmed by

2. c. 37.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

bo

Heeren,* whom most

modern

in

Drumann,t Rosenmueller| support of the priests

is

times,

and

as

for

B a h r||

example

follow

:

The

obtained from the revenues of the

land belonging to the temples, from the temple-treasures.

This contradiction would disappear of with

V.

Boh

1

e

n§ translate verse 22

have done above

'* :

purchase, for that

is

itself,

differently

Only the land of the

if

we could

from what we

priests he did not

a legacy to the priests

on the part of

Pharaoh, and they enjoyed their privilege which Pharaoh gave to them, therefore they sold not their land." ing to this interpretation there

is

Accord-

indeed no account in this

passage of the daily portion which the priests received from

The

the king.

grounds of the crown-lands.

advantage.

reason that Pharaoh did not purchase the

were already themselves But we could not well avail ourselves of this priests, is this: they

In the place of the contradiction removed, a

one would immediately rations,

arise.

new

In opposition to other decla-

and to the whole situation of the Egyptian

priests,

possessions in land, properly so called, would be denied

all

them in this passage. Moreover this explanation * S. 132.

wholly inadmissible.^

t Ueber die Inschrift zu Rosette, S. 158. Neu. Morgan. 1. S. 222. Zu Herod. B. 2. c.

t

Alt. u.

§

S. 60.

Tl

The Hebrew word

||

p"n

is

also used to designate

food in Prov. 30: 8, and 31: 15. ;by V.

is

Bohlen.

The word

Ac-

37.

an allowance of

that is arbitrarily inserted

The phrase, " the land of the priests," when compared mean only the land which belongs to the priests as

with verse 20, can their

own

property, and also the expression " except the land of the

became not Pharaoh's," in verse 26, shows that the land of the priests was in the fullest sense their own. After comparing the words Cp^h— rs ^V:=s with verse 18 seq., according to which the priests alone,

Egyptians sold their land in order to procure food, no one will interthem by " they enjoyed their privilege." Finally, it cannot, from the nature of the case, be supposed, that the same author who pret

makes all

the Egyptian peasants land-owners, will deny to the priests

such possessions.

;

SUPPORT OF THE PRIESTS.

67

cording to sound interpretation, the passage can as follows

had

to

land, did not affect them, since they received an al-

lowance from Pharaoh, so also

only

which compelled the remaining Egyptians

for the cause, sell their

mean

only the land of the priests he did not purchase

:

he had bread, they

that, so long as

it.

But the contradiction may be removed in another way, and become perfect agreement. In the passage of Herodotus* especially relied on, the meaning is not what it has been affirmed to be. er usages, I is

also

there said

It is

:

"

And

yet

many thousand

might say, must they observe.

much

shown them.

favor

But

For neither

means of

their

support nor their other expenses are derived from their

But they have

wealth.

their holy bread baked,

oth-

for this there

own

and each one

receives a great quantity of goose and neat's flesh every day

wine

is

tween the

''

priests, but

receive in

common between

common

from the king.

The

them."

also given

distinction

is

treasures" and " private wealth" of the their

own

property and that which they

with others out of the public treasures,

It is precisely the distinction

between the

wealth of the priests existing in lands, and their salary

up of natural productions, which appears this passage of

Herodotus,

in

Genesis

;

made

so that

very far from contradicting our

representation, serves rather as a strong confirmation of

The

phrase^ "

;

not here be-

For neither

their

expenses are derived from their

means

own

wealth, "f then leads de-

For, since in what precedes the

cidedly to this conclusion.

passage quoted, individual priests are not spoken priests in general, so

it is

it.

of support nor other

of,

but

entirely arbitrary to understand by

" their own wealth" the private property of individuals.

The

wealth of the priesthood, in distinction from the allowance

which was given them

as a

reward

for their service

* 2. 37. t

OvT£

Ti

yaQ xoiv

otnifioj

xqi^ovGi outs SaTTavtojvrai-

can alone

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

OS

This declaration

then be designated here.

shown them,"

favor

(lit.

further to this argument.

:

" There

much good),*

they suffer

much

is

contributes

For, since the party receiving, the

must

suffering subjects are the priests in general, the activity

come from some other source than from themselves. this: ** There is to them," " there is given them."

Just so

But did

there any doubt remain with regard to the correctness of the

foregoing explanation, planation of says,f

The

would be cleared away by the ex-

He

himself in another place.

soldiers alone besides the priests receive a salary

from the king.

own

it

Herodotus Now,

since the land of the priests was their

property, their salary could consist only of the portion

which was given them.

But other accounts

also

support from the king.

m ann,"|

show *'

that the priests received their

The

maintained by the priests also,

all

of

king,|| and,

whom As

Dru-

without doubt, the sons of the

over twenty years of age were given

to the king as servants, or

sight of his affairs.§

thirty judges," says

Thebes and Memphis were

priests of Heliopolis,

more

correctly to take the over-

a general rule, every

mediate service of the court

is

one

in the

im-

maintained by the king;

for

example, the two thousand soldiers

who

alternating yearly,

The

formed the body guard of the king."^

ministers of

court were in Egypt the priests, just as the State was a theocracy, and the king was considered as the representative and

incarnation of the Godhead.

Diodorus

says indeed that the whole maintenance of

the priests, as also the expenses for the offerings, etc., were

derived from the revenues of the lands.

any

rate, only

*

ndayovoi Se xal ayad'd orx

\

S. 15!).

II

Diodorus

1.

But

this is true, at

of later times, when the priesthood had

7.").

^vvTa^ng

oXiya.

2.

t

dt tojv dvaynatojv

naQu

ro7g /utv (fixaaraig Lxavai ir^og 3iaT(jorf7)v txoQyjyoivro

aaattj nollan)Macoi,.

§

Diod.

1.

70.

IF

lost

chap. 168.

roil ^aailtvjq

tw

§6 aQXtSi-

Herod.

2. 168.

MOSAIC AND EGYPTIAN INSTITUTIONS.

much

69

of their income and of the respect previously shown

them.*

We

have hitherto shown that the author exhibits

narrative

in the

which we are considering the most accurate know-

ledge of the condition of Egypt

may more

But we cannot

— such

a

knowledge

as

Moses

supposed to possess than any other one.

easily be

stop here.

We

tian usages here referred to

must

also

show

that the

Egyp-

were the groundwork of those

of the Israelites under discussion in the Pentateuch, and that a copying of

for when the legisMoses truly proceeded from him, since he and no law-giver of more modern times

them can only be accounted

lation attributed to it

was natural

that

should have regard to the Egyptian institutions in forming

We

his laws.

here quote what has been already said in

will

another placet upon this point. finds a reference in the

tian law.

'

In Egypt,' he says,

the king, and the

**

two tenths '

in

M ich a el Gen.

the lands

husbandmen were not

i

xlvii. to all

s|:

indeed

an Egyp-

belonged to

the proprietors of

the fields which they cultivated, but farmers or tenants

who

were obliged to give to the king one fifth of their produce. Gen. 47: 20 25. Just so Moses represents God, who hon-

—

ored the Israelites by calling himself their king, the sole possessor of the soil of the promised land, in to place

them by

his special

were mere tenants In

er.]!

f^ctj

,

providence

who could

which he was about ;

but the Israelites

not alienate their land forev-

they were obliged to give God, as also the

gyptians Pharaoh two tenths,' etc.

Indeed the copiousness

of the account must awaken the supposition of some design,

and

if

we compare

Lev. xxv.

it

can scarcely be doubted that

the representation of the relation in which Egypt stands to *

Drumann,

t

Th,

t

Mos. Laws,

Ij

S. 159

III. der

ff.

Beitrage zur Einl. ins Alt. T. S. 411, 412. vol. I. § 73.

Lev. 25: 23. Compare verses 42 and 55.

:

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

70 its visible

king

applied to the relation of Israel to

is

who

king

sible king, the

is

God."

also

its invi-

As Pharaoh, we

add, furnished support for the priests out of the

fifth

also

which

he received, so also did Jehovah.

Embalming, Lamentation for In Gen. 50

:

3

2,

it

is

said

his servants the physicians to

embalmed

sicians hinm

;

Israel.

'' :

for so are fulfilled the

and the Egyptians mourned

Dead,

etc.

And Joseph commanded

embalm

And

the

forty

his father,

and the phy-

days were

who

fulfilled for

embalmed, him seventy days."

days of those for

This passage gives occasion

are

the following remarks

for

phrase, " Joseph

The

commanded his servants, the phy-' sicians," is not to be understood to mean that all the physicians of Joseph took part in this operation. The command was rather obeyed by those among the physicians of Joseph to whom this business belonged. It is remarkable that we find among the domestics of Joseph a large number of physicians. Even a r bu r ton has compared with this account what Herodotus* says of the healing art among the Egyptians " the medical practice is divided among them as 1.

W

:

follows

:

each physician

more, and

all

is for

one kind of sickness, and no

places are crowded with physicians

for there

;

are physicians for the eyes, physicians for the head, physicians for the teeth, physicians for the

ease."

Therefore, remarks

stomach and

for internal dis-

Warburton,

it

ought not

to

appear strange that Joseph had a considerable number of " Every great family, as well as every family physicians. city

must needs,

the faculty.

A

as

Herodotus

expresses

it,

pear an extravagant piece of state even in a

But then we see

it

temper had

proper physician. "t

* 2. 84.

its

swarm with now ap-

multitude of these domestics would

f

first

minister.

could not be otherwise, where each dis-

The

medical

men

Warburton's Divine Legation, Book IV.

of

3. 8o.

EMBALMING

IN EGYPT.

71

Egypt were renowned in ancient times. Cyrus had a physician sent him from Egypt,* and Darius always had Egyptian physicians with him.t 2.

gypt,

That the custom of embalming was very ancient in Eis shown from the practice of cutting the bodies with

Some mummies

an Ethiopian stone.| the oldest kings. 3.

||

The embalming

is

here performed by the servants of

According

Joseph, the physicians. sical authors

to the accounts of clas-

on the contrary, the erabalmers were

and organized class of men

tary

also bear the date of

in

Egypt,

in

duties were assigned to different persons.

which

a heredidifferent

According

odorus

the Taricheuta were the most distinguished

them.§

If a proper distinction of time

no contradiction in the

most ancient times

those to the

whom

is

The embalming which the

included. able

The

continued, according to the declara-

says, "

They

forty

this.

whole mourning seventy

days of the embalming are evidently

account of

manner with

to the rules of

of operators gradually arose.

tion of the author, forty days, the

days, in

is

suppose that

But afterwards, when

it.

embalming was executed more according

art, a distinct class

4.

i-

was performed by

this operation

each one committed

D

among

observed, there

It is entirely natural to

here.

to

D

odo

i

r

u

s

agrees in a remark-

With reference

prepare the body

first

to

embalming he

with cedar

oil

and

vari-

ous other substances, more than thirty (according to another then, after they have added myrrh and cinnamon and other drugs which have not only the power of preserving the body for a long time, but of imparting to it a

reading, forty) days

*

Herod.

3. ].

I

Herod.

2. 86.

;

t

Diod.

Ibid. 3. 129.

1. 91.

jj

Rosellini, 11. 3. p. 306.

Rosenm. Alterthumsk. II. 3. S, 352 fF. Upon this difFerence Zoega remarks, De Obeliscis, p. 263 At that time the college of Taricheuta seems not to have been formed, but embalming was performed by slaves. §

:

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

72

pleasant odor, they

Of

ed."*

commit

it

the mourning the

king died,

all

same author says

"

:

no

a

sacrifices,

Herodo-

celebrated no festivals, for seventy-two days."f

u

When

the Egyptians raised a general lamentation,

tore their garments, closed the temples, offered

t

deceas-

to the relatives of the

opposition to both these accounts, seems to limit the

s,| in

time of retaining the body in natron alone to seventy days.

But

if

the passage referred to

is

more

shows that he limited the whole time under the embalmers to seventy days.

examined

closely

it

which the body was

in

Since

this

time began

with the death and ended with the burial, while the mourning began and ended at the fect

agreement between

ours, *

which

same

time, there

passage of

this

is

the most per-

He rodotus

and

limits the time of lamentation to seventy days.||

1.91.

t

72.

1.

t

2.86.

ravra Ss nonjaavTsgj zaQiy^tiovoi, ikqisi, xqvyjavTSS ?]jutQag e^Sour/HOVra- nXavvag Ss xovrtow ovu i^sazi ragiThat these seventy days of Herodotus have reference not XSV61V. merely to the time of retaining the body in natron, but to tlie whole time of the embalming and mourning, has been asserted by some who are by no means guided by a respect for the Mosaic account, as for example, by Zoega, De Obeliscis, p. 253, and by Heyne, Spicilegium 11

Herodotus

antiquitatis

saj^s

:

mumiarum,

in

Commentt. Getting.

The time

III. p. 85.

not only too long for retaining the body in natron, but it is also improbable that Herodotus would give the time of salting ,which was so is

far it

from being the prominent thing that Diodorus does not mention and not that of embalming and of the whole operation. Be-

at all,

sides, seventy, as a

round and sacred number, is much more suitable single, proportionally unimportant part, which in its restricted sense, of which alone the Pen-

whole than a under the embalming

for the

tateuch makes mention, (the tain means according to the Arabic, bonis odoribus condivit mortuum, and consequently designates the operation of zer, to

which Diodorus speaks,)

whom

tion whicli

is

most

in

p.

But Creu-

accordance with the facts in the case,

sistent with the words. "

Herodotus,

lield so inferior a place.

Biihr accedes, has attempted to prove that the explana-

Ego

si

quacris,"

lie

says in

quidem

h.

1.

incon-

queunt

cum

diserte dicit vaqixtvovat liXQoi,

quod

45, " vereor ut hae explicationes conciliari

verbis Herodoti, qui

is

Comment, upon

THE MOURNING FOR JACOB.

The Egyptians mourned

5.

when

In verse 4

mourning

the days of his

10 and 11

Jacob according

for

above passage, seventy days.

73

it

is

w^ere past," etc.

''And they came to the threshing

:

said

to :

the

"And

In verses

floor of

Atad,

beyond Jordan and mourned there with a great and very sore lamentation and he made a mourning for his

which

is

;

and the inhabitants of the land, the Ca-

father seven days,

" This

name

The for

is

of

in the floor of Atad and said, mourning to the Egyptians wherefore the was called Abel Mizraim (mourning of Egypt)."

saw the mourning

naanites,

a grievous it

;

classical writers also

that the Egyptians appointed

vocabulum cogitando videtur

posterius

yQvipavrsg, turn ad raQiatvetv.,

:

"When

ita

1.

cum

ad sequens

proprie salitionem

this is done,

70 days, but they are not allowed to pretation

repeti debere

ut raQiycsvsiv h.

According to Creuzer therefore we must transthey lay it in natron and leave it therein

videatur significare.'' late

show

themselves a very solemn mourning for the dead, espe-

not

is

admissible,

salt

much

it

longer."

then

less

But

yQvipavTsg, Iitqm cannot be implied, for the dead body into the natron, but that

was applied

to

this inter-

With

necessary.

was not put

TaQinsvStv without Iitqoj

it.

can the more appropriately be taken in a general sense, since it is always so used in what precedes and follows. Compare c. 85 ovTOj ig xriv xaQiykvoiv nof^ilovat., c. 86 ojSs rd GTrovdaiorara xaqi:

:

XevovGi, Tt/GOJGij

c.

89

:

rag da ywatnag tojv iTii(favio)v avSgajv, intdv tsIsv-

ov TtaQavTina dtdovGt xaQixsvtiVj

— ovro) nagaStSovGL toTg za-

Compare upon the meaning of xaqt%svuv, primarily and then to embalm in general, Creuzer p. 10 seq. Heyne We must translate: " When this is done, they embalm it

^i%EvovGi. salt

81.

;

natron, having concealed

embalm

it

(in all)

70 days

;

but

it is

to p.

in

not permitted to

The expression "having concealed

it 70 days" whole time in which the dead body was removed from the view of the relatives, and was under the operation of the emit

longer."

refers to the

balmers.

The phrase "They

are not allowed to

embalm

it

longer"

is

explained by the remark, that to the taqiYfivGig the treatment with

natron also belonged, which began after the embalming in limited sense

was

at

its

an end, and continued until the burial, or

end of the mourning.

7

more to the

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

74

Herodotus* says " LamWhen a man died in

of high rank.

cially for those

:

entations and funerals were celebrated. a house, that

is,

of rank,

ojie

the females of his family

all

covering their faces with mud, and leaving the body in the

house ran through the

girded up, and striking their

streets,

bare breasts and uttering loud lamentations.

The men

joined them.

relations

manner and

also girded

up

mud

cover their heads with

D

their dress."

any one dies among them,

If

All their female

beat their breasts in like i

odo

r

u st says

:

and friends

his relatives

all

and go about the streets with

loud lamentations, until the body

is

In the meantime

buried.

they neither use baths nor even take wine, or any other

common food The same

than

they also do not put on beautiful gar-

;

author gives an account of the lamen-

ments."

tation of the Egyptians

on the death of

women to the number of 200

or

sung twice every day the funeral eulogies,

dirge,

Men

a king.

300 went around

in

and

companies,

honored him with

and repeated the virtues of the dead.

In the mean-

time they neither tasted meat or wheaten bread, and abstained

from wine and every species of sumptuousness.

No

one

used the bath or ointments or a soft bed, but every one was of the deepest sorrow, as

if a

Meanwhile everything

spent the prescribed time in sorrow.

which pertained last

to the

burial

day they placed the

was made ready, and on the

coffin

which contained the body

before the entrance of the tomb," etcf also

show how

violent

The monuments^

and solemn the lamentation was among

Many

the Egyptians.

of the ceremonies of mourning have

been transmitted even to the modern Egyptians. In chap. 50: 4,

full

beloved child had died, and

we read: "And when

||

the days of his

*B. §

2. c.8.5. fB. I.e. 91. See the Representation of a mourning scene, from Thebes,

kinson Vol. II

Heyne

I. p.

286.

p. 81,

and

modernes de I'Egypt.

X

De

Chabrol, Essai

Descr.

t.

s.

18. p. 180.

Diod. B. les

in

Wil-

1. c. 72.

moeurs des habitans

FUNERAL PROCESSIONS.

75

mourning (the mourning

for Israel) were past, Joseph spake unto the house of Pharaoh, saying, " If now I have found grace in your eyes, speak, I pray you, in the ears of Pharaoh," etc.

It is

worthy of remark here, that Joseph makes not his

request directly to the king, but has recourse to the house of

Pharaoh, while

and even

other times he goes directly to Pharaoh

at

;

brothers and his father were brought before

his

Pharaoh, so that the fact cannot be explained on the ground

The

of the hatred of the Egyptians to strangers. explanation

as follows

is

It

:

correct

belongs to the Egyptian sense of

propriety to go with shorn head and beard,

allowed to appear before the king.

and only so

Compare

chap. 41

is it

14,

:

where Joseph shaved himself and changed his garments before he went to Pharaoh, and the remarks upon that passage But while mourning they were not permitted

above.* shave.

Herodotust

custom

in

mourning

says

:

"Among other

for the relatives to

nations

it is

to

the

shear the head, but

when an individual dies, leave the hair which off, to grow both upon the head and chin."

the Egyptians,

was before cut Such peculiar customs are

especially suited to fix the opinion

with regard to the relation of the Pentateuch to Egypt.

In chap. 50: 7 and 8 bring his father

it

is

said:

"And Joseph went up

and with him went up

;

Pharaoh, the elders of the house, and land of Egypt. ren," etc.

We see

all

"The custom

"was peculiar tombs

And

to

all

teenth

all

to

the servants of

the elders of the

the house of Joseph and his breth-

of funeral trains," says

periods, and to

all

Rose

1 1 i

n

i,|:

the provinces of Egypt.

the representations of funeral processions in the oldest

at Eilethyas,

and similar ones are delineated

of Saqqarah and Gizeh in the

all

;

we

Theban tombs, which belong and twentieth dynasties,"

representations *p. 30.

in those

also find others of a like nature to the eighteenth, nine-

When we

behold

the

of the processions for the dead upon the fB.

2. c. 36.

UI.

3. p. 395.

EGYPT

76

Ax\D

monuments, we seem

The

THE BOOKS OF MOSES. see the funeral train of Jacob.*

to

between the elders of the house of Phacourt-officers, and the elders of the land of Egypt,

distinction

raoh, his

the state-officers,

also

is

According

worthy of notice.

other accounts the court of the Egyptian king

to

was made up

of the sons of the most distinguished priests; those called

Nomarchs and Toparchs by

the Greeks belonged to the state-

officers.t

In chap. 50: 26

it is

"And Joseph

said,

embalmed him, and he was put

Herodotus|

pare with this what tives take

shape of a

away the body and make

man and

says a

:

died,

— and they Com-

Egypt." "

Now

the rela-

wooden image in the AVhen it is thus it.

place the body in

inclosed, they placed it

in a coffin in

it

in the

apartment for the dead, setting

A doubt with regard to the Egyp-

upright against the wall."

knowledge of the author might be awakened by the fact wooden sarcopha-

tian

that he permits Joseph to be placed in a

gus,§ while one of stone would be expected.

examination shows that the

credibility

But a closer

this expression is directly in favor of

of the pentateuch

;

coffins

made of wood

Egypt, as indeed the passage already quoted from

in

otus

shows, were the

rare exception *

See

common

and in the case of Joseph,

;||

in Taylor, p. 182.

Herod-

ones, and those of basalt a

t

his order that

Heeren, Ideen S. 337

ff.

tB.2.86.

The Fiebrew word I'i-ist designates such a one. Plutarch employs synonymous word laQva^ the same thing to designate. See Zoega de Obeliscis p. 330. §

the entirely

II

fere

"Sarcophagi," says Heyne ;

common

86,"ebasalte rarissimietditissimorum

upon the Sycamore wood

material of coffins for the dead, Creuzer

ad formam corporis

as the

Comm., Herod, p

61,)

ex uno caudice dianidiato, ut altera pars pro pro tegumine sit; alii e pluribus asseribus coas-

facti,

capuli fundo, altera sati."

p.

plerique e sycamoro, (compare

Compare upon

the quality of coffins for the dead, Rosellini 11.

But the most copious collections upon wood as the very common material of the Egpytian sarcophagi are found in Zoega, p.

3.

p.

344.

CHANGE

IN

THE EGYPTIAN PEOPLE.

77

the children of Israel should at a future time carry his bones

with them to Canaan, furnishes a separate reason for giving wood rather than stone. Besides the custom

the preference to

of putting the dead in sarcophagi was by no means a general one, only rich and distinguished persons received this honor.

Compare

Heyne*

and notice that the Egyptian knowledge

of the author appears here, since he permits Joseph to be a sharer in this honor that belongs to those

who

are highly

esteemed.

At

we would

the close of this chapter,

to the wonderful

which appears

change

also call attention

in the spirit of the

Egyptian people,

Abraham

in the narrative of the Pentateuch.

found an easy entrance into Egypt and a friendly reception, and no distinction between him and the Egyptians is maniIn the time of Joseph the

fested.

spirit

of the Egyptian

people had acquired a more decided character 317

;

;

already are

autem patere videmus consuetudinem mortuos

latissime

inclu-

dere in areas oblongas cadaveris staturae accommodatas, et sic sub

terramcondere, aut in sepulcro reponere super solo exstructo, aut vero basi suiFultas collocare sub divo. Ligni ad hoc usus frequentissimus ;

eoque Aegyptii ut plurimum contenti fuisse videntur,

morus

ejus

arbor,

regionis

dum

et syco-

materiem praeberet diuturnae

incola,

durationis, et loca ubi condere solebant cadavera ab aere atque ita

essent praeclusa, ut quodvis lignum in

videatur. otus.

Ideoque non

The same author

honore apud Aegyptios

alias

quam

ligneas areas

says, p. 333 fuisse areas

iis

:

humore

perdurare potuisse

commemorat Herodmagno

Intelligimus et hinc in

ligneas

cum

arte faetas et pulcre

dum ipsum

Osiridem hujusmodi conditorio delusum et captum inque eo sepultum traderent quare et regum cadavera ligneo exornatas

;

The coffin of king Mycerinus discovered in the year 1837 in the third pyramid of Memphis is of sycamore wood. Compare Lenormant, Eclaireissemens s. le Cercuil du Roi Mycerinus, p. 4, Paris 1839. loculo intra lapideum inclusa fuisse conjicio.

*

De

sareophago olim

conditae essent

major impensa I.

S. 257.

;

ita tradi

solebat acsi

omne mumiae sareophago

atqui paucissimae ei inelusae sunt nee nisi in quas

facta.

Compare Maillet

in

Rosenm, A.

u.

N. M. Th.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

78

« the shepherds an

abomination, and Joseph must be freed

from the ignominy of his origin by an alliance with the

But

daughter of a priest of the highest rank. an alliance

is

still

Egyptians against strangers had not yet reached

The manner

height.

that

such

possible shows that the repulsive severity of the

in

its

greatest

which Pharaoh answers the request

of Joseph for the admission of his family into Egypt proves the

we

same

But

thing.

just

at

the beginning of the

foreigners,

and

their strong national egotism,

spicuous in the circumstance that the term sively

for

ment

their

people, designating

is

perfectly

in

which

man is

them

Every one must confess that

rank.*

this

is

used exclu-

gradual develop-

accordance with nature, and that the it

the proof of

authenticity and credibility. "

Salvolini

all

so con-

as of the highest

representation of the Pentateuch carries with its

Exodus

see the hatred and contempt of the Egyptians against

Campagne de Rhamses,

Paris 1835, p. 261.

THE ARABS

IN EGYPT.

CHAPTER EXODUS,

Chapters

The Fears of Pharaoh and In chap. let

1

:

11.

I— VII.

his Severity to the Israelites.

Pharaoh says

10,

79

to his people

"

:

Come

on,

us deal wisely with them, (the people of the children of

Israel,) lest they multiply, falleth

and

it

come

to pass that

when

there

out any war, they join also unto our enemies, and fight

against us, and so get

them up out of the land."

words are spoken perfectly things in Egypt.

Fruitful

in

accordance with the

and cultivated Egypt has

These state of for its

natural enemies the inhabitants of the neighboring deserts,

and

it is

never in greater peril than when these enemies find

inhabitants. The history of the Arabian Egypt shows how very confident the Egyptian king might be that he had ground for his fears, and that he must make regulations in accordance with them. Of these " They made common cause Bedouins P r o k e s c h* says allies

among its own

Bedouins

in

:

with the Arabs against the communities land, and latter

who were

became themselves land-tillers.

Saracen dynasty

in

who

possessed the

the enemies of the Arabs as soon as the

They fought against

the

Egypt, against the Turkomans as soon

had acquired the ascendancy, against the Memlook

as they

Sultans

who were

have been since they

at

the successors of the Turkomans, and they war with the Osmanlies without intermission,

first set

foot

upon Egypt more than three hundred

years ago."

The measures which Pharaoh

adopted

for the

oppression

of the Israelites are entirely in accordance with the spirit of Erinnerungen aus Aeg. und Kleinas. Th.

2. S. 231.

80

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

the Pharaohs,

whose proud

r

upon

Sesostris placed

u s,*

against hated and de-

severity

knew no bounds.

spised foreigners

According

captives an inscription showing, that

been engaged in

P n y,t Upon the

D

i

od

o-

by

no native citizens had

employment.

servile

this

to

his buildings erected

all

According

to

Sesostris harnessed captive kings to his chariot.|

I i

Medeenet Haboo, repreRemeses III, after his con-

sculptures, in the temple at

senting the triumphal return of

quests in the Eastern war, three captives appear tied under the axle of his chariot, while others

bound by ropes walk by

the side of his horses as an offering to the deity of the place.§

According

to chap.

see from chap. 5:

7,||

of these bricks.

I.

14,

1:

the Israelites with hard

Pharaoh embittered the in mortar and brick. was used

that straw

We

some

of

We

in the preparation

have already shown that the use of

brick was very general in Egypt, as

made in Egypt under

Bricks were

life

bondage

is

here implied.^

2.

the direction of the king or

privileged person as appears from the impressions found

upon many of them.**

A

great multitude of strangers were

Thebes and other But the most remarkable agreement with in the fact, that a small portion of chopped

constantly employed in the brick fields of parts of Egypt.

the Pentateuch

straw

is

2. is

found in the composition of the Egyptian bricks.

*1.56. I

133. 15.

Sesostri

Aegypti rege

tarn superbo, ut prodatur annis

sorte reges singulos e subjectis

triumphare. §

jungere ad currum

Diodorus also relates the same thing,

Wilkinson

solitus,

quibusque atque

ita

1. 58.

106 and plate.

1. p.

Luther has incorrectly translated in chap. 5: 7 That they might burn brick, from which the false opinion might easily arise that the :

II

straw served as fuel.

It

should be

straw to make brick with, If

See

p.

1— Also

:

Ye

no more give the people

concerning the use of brick

de Quincy, etat de I'Architect, Egypt, **

shall

etc.

Wilkinson n. 97.

in

p. 64. seq.

Egypt, Quatremcre

;

HEBREWS MAKING This

Ro

evident from

is

e

s

1

i

1

IV., the

n

fifth

81

an examination of those brought by

from Thebes on which

i

BRICK.

is

the stamp of Thothmes

"

king of the eighteenth dynasty.*

The

remarks Rosellini,t "which are now found

bricks,"

Egypt,

in

belonging to the same period, always have straw mingled with

them, although in some of those that are most carefully made, found in very small quantities."

is

it 1

i

n

firm, especially those of coarse clay

Prok

formed. at

e

s

c h| says, "

Dashoor) are of

Rosel-

We

clay from the Nile mingled with

fine

The

ishing durability." little

inquirer will not leave unnoticed

and entirely undesigned circumstances as

much

are carried

which

Rose

nation

:

1

1 i

n

in a

i§ first furnished a

tomb

at

Thebes, of

drawing and an expla-

" Explanation of a picture representing the Hebrews

were engaged

in

making

an abstract of the account of says he, vessels,

these.

by the comparison of our

farther

history with a picture discovered

as they

and more roughly

The bricks (of the first pyramid

This intermixture gives the bricks an aston-

chopped straw. such

to

most part burned, but dried in the sun,) might be

for the

more

According

straw was used in order that the bricks, (they were not

i,

brick."

Rose

1 1 i

n

i.

We

will first give

''Of the laborers,"

''some are employed in transporting the clay in

some

in intermingling

it

with the straw, others are

taking the bricks out of the form and placing them in rows, still

others with a piece of

wood upon

backs and ropes

their

on each side carry away the bricks already burned or

dried.

Their dissimilarity to the Egyptians appears

view

at the first

the complexion, physiognomy and beard permit us not to be

mistaken

in

and there

They wear

supposing them to be Hebrews.

the hips the apron which is also

is

common among

represented as in use

among them

short trowsers after the fashion of the t]'^p;p7q

t

II. 2. p.

In der Erinn.

252.

Th.

t

2. S. 31.

II. 2. p.

§ II. 2. p.

a kind of

Among

.

Hebrews, four Egyptians, very distinguishable by *Ros.

at

the Egyptians,

the

their mien,

259.

254 seq.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

82

figure and color, are seen

two of them, one

;

other Egyptians,

who

fall

are here represented like the

one of them carrying on

and the

sitting

other standing, carry a stick in their hand ready to

upon two Hebrews, and the

his shoulder a vessel of clay,

other returning from the transportation of brick, carrying his

empty

vessel to get a

new

The tomb

load.

belonged to a

high court-officer of the king, Rochscere, and was made the time of

Thothmes IV,

The

dynasty.

question,

of Rochscere ?"

Rose

the

fifth

"How came

1 1

i

n

i

in

king of the eighteenth this picture in the

answers

as follows

tomb

He was

"

:

the overseer of the public buildings and had, consequently, the

charge of are found

nature; laborers

two

There

the works undertaken by the king.

represented therein collossal

who hewed

still

a sphinx and

to be

— works which he

performed

"How came

the question,

other objects of a like

statues of kings,

the stone,

had caused

his office

To

all

labors of the Israelites at

Thebes

the'

by virtue of

in his life-time.

the representation of the ?"

it

is

answered:

need not suppose that the labors were performed

"We

in the very

place where they are represented, for Rochscere was overseer

of the royal buildings throughout the land, and what was

done

in the circuit

of his operations, could, wherever per-

also not impossible that the

his tomb at Thebes. It is Hebrews went even to Thebes.

In Exodus 5: 12,

that they scattered themselves

formed,

be represented

it is

in

said,

through the whole land of Egypt

So

far

R OS ell in

with our account in first

1.

view.

We,

It is said in

to severe labor

in order to

The agreement many very striking i.

procure straw.

of this

painting

points, appears at

consequently, select from them only two. the narrative, the Israelites were subjected in

mortar and brick.

Just so this servile

labor appears throughout the painting as

twofold,

some

are

employed upon the clay from which the bricks were made, and

some upon

the finished brick.

2.

We

have

an explanation with regard to the Egyptians

in this painting

who accompa-

EGYPTIANS OF LOW CASTE.

83

Of these Egyptians we Exod. 12: 38, "And also a great rabble (i'n l"^.i?) went up with them." In Num. 11: 4, " The mixed Egyptian populace (iqDQDi^n) led astray the Israelites in the desert to nied the Israelites in their Exodus.

read,

first,

in

discontentment."

how

In Deut. 29, 10(11)

with each other

—the Egyptian

let

be observed

it

aliens appear as very poor, as

the lowest servants, as hewers of

The

—

accurately these remote and disconnected passages agree

wood and drawers of

designations rabble and populace in the

first

water.

passages,

also show, that these attendants of the Israelites belonged to

the lowest grades of society.

we should

Just such people

naturally expect to find in Egypt.

Their existence

is

the

necessary consequence of strongly marked castes in society.

The monuments

indeed place vividly before us most manifest

A

distinctions in station.

part of the people appear to be in

the deep degradation which

According native tribe,

to

now

Herodotust

presses upon the Fellahs.*

of swine-herds, a

the caste

was unclean and despised

in

Egypt.

All inter-

course with the rest of the inhabitants, even entrance into a temple, was forbidden, the Parias in India. "|

and they were as

The contempt

in

much

despised as

which they were

held was not certainly the consequence of their occupation,

but their occupation of the disdain which was

Already unclean, they had no reason of unclean animals.

But

notices of the Pentateuch

upon

it

full

light

felt for

them.

for avoiding the care

first

falls

upon these

through our painting.

We

see

Egyptians who are placed entirely on an equality with

the hated and despised

foreigners.

What

is

more natural

than that a considerable part of these Egyptians, bound close their

to

companions

in

sorrow by their

common now

should leave with them their native land, such

misery, to

them

only in name.]]. ± Heeren, S. 150. *Wilk. Vol. I.p.285. tB.2. c. 47. Compare upon the bondmen of Egypt, who like the Helots in Sparta, were in ignominious servitude, Bockh, Erklarung Einer Aeg. II

Urkunde

S. 27, 28.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

84

He who

has carefully examined the engraving in

R osel-

lini, the great importance of which has been acknowledged

Heeren,*

by such historians as

accordance with the Pentateuch, then this picture

really genuine,

is

perceiving

will ask first

whether

of

it is

of the painting

made

a

Wilkinson,! while

written.

Wilkinson, who

spot, decided

the

This decision

favor of the picture.

since

by the judicious

itself, is,

was

answered by the condition

sufficiently

new examination on

striking

whether

not probably a

supposititious work, prepared after the Pentateuch

This question, almost

its all,

is

the

more

entirely in

to be relied ori,

he questions whether the painting

has direct reference to the labors of the Israelites, does not

deny the significance of

it

for the

Pentateuch.

arguments with which he contends against Israelites,

are of so

little

avoid thinking that he

is

importance, that

its

But the

referring to"

we can

scarcely

influenced by something foreign from

the thing itself; and they are decidedly outweighed by the

evident Jewish bearing and cast of physiognomy, which can

be traced even in the Taylor.|

in *

He

common wood

Wilkinson,

says, Gott.

Anz. 1835, S. 1328

cuts such as are found

makes the place where

first,

:

the

If this painting represents the

servitude of the children of Israel in these labors,

it is

equally impor-

tant for exegesis and chronology.

For exegesis, because it would be a strong proof of the great antiquity of the Mosaic writings, and especially of the book of Exodus which in chapters one and five gives a description that applies most accurately to this painting, even

unimportant particulars.

in

For chronology, since

it

belongs

to the

eighteenth dynasty, under the dominion of Thothmes-Moeris, about

1740 before Christ, and therefore would give a fixed point both

for

profane and sacred History. t

Vol. II. p. 98 seq

"

:

It is

curious," he remarks, " to discover other

foreign captives occupied in the '

same manner, overlooked by similar same labors as the Israelites

task-masters,' and performing the very

described in the Bible

;

and no one can look

at the paintings of

Thebes,

representing brick-makers, without a feeling of the highest interest." I

p. 7D.

JEWISH PHYSIOGNOMY. painting

That it cannot another part of Egypt, the hiero-

found, a matter of importance.

is

work done

represent

in

According

glyphic inscription shows.

made

Ro

s

this;

for a building

e

1 1

n

i

85

Thebes.

in

to this, the bricks are

But

least

at

given by

as

the inscription does not so definitely

i,*

and even

if

did,

it

what

objection

valid

is

affirm

there to the

assumption that the Israelites were carried even as

far as

Thebes

in all

the

for

work

sake of their

That Egypt

?

times, even the most ancient, formed one kingdom,

is

now,

since the witness of the Holy Scriptures in this respect has

received

strong

so

was

It

whole land.

in troops

Even now,

the interest of the

for

much

oppressor to scatter the Israelites as his

from the monuments,

confirmation

a

generally acknovvledged.t

as possible

from the most remote provinces

any great work

is

wanting, which

is

so

marked

Egyptian monuments and

But

Sheshonk.

represented, and

in

one

it

Egypt, when

the beard

is

certainly

in the case of the others,

accommodate themselves

who

costume of ''11. p.

naturally

their

262.

to

Egyptian customs. |

There

own

Compare

is

a

made

appear upon the monuments in the

nation.

Thirdly, the argument from

Comraendamento, che rechino— mattoni i

construzioni della divina casa [del tempio] del t

it is

by supposing that they were compelled to

plain difference between the Israelites and those just captives,

is

people of Syria on the

case of the prisoners of

individual

wanting

if it is

easy to account for

in the

in the

in

Secondly, the beard

be executed.

to

through

the Fellahs are often collected

?

verso

le

— Dio.

Plath, Quaestiones Aegypt. Gott. 1829, Rosellini, Wil-

kinson and others.

"Although foreigners X Even Wilkinson, Vol. III. p. 358, says who were brought to Egypt as slaves, had beards on their arrival in the country, we find that as soon as they were employed in the :

service of this civilized people, they were obliged to conform to the

cleanly habits of their masters etc.

8

;

their beards

and heads were shaved,'

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

86

Jewish physiognomy

not decisive

is

same

generally did not give the as

costume, weapons,

to

employed

part,

same

characteristics

for

all

who

Egyptians,

style

the

most

for the

but rather,

general

particular region,*

inhabitants of a

the

etc.,

certain

a

for the

;

attention to the countenance

of

for

features,

have adopted the

inhabitants of Syria,

as

Assuming the correctness of appears from the sculptures. this position, which seems to us very doubtful, would the Egyptians, since the Jewish cast of physiognomy throughout can by no means be denied, have borrowed the type for the Syrians generally, from the Jews 1 This at least is certain, that a people from the region in which the Israelites dwelt were

found

Egypt in the circumstances represented in the paintcomparison of the picture with the account of

in

ing, and by a

Moses,

we

should be perfectly justified in the assumption that

these persons were real Israelites. It is also characteristic

teenth verse,

it is

embittered "through

There

is

of Egypt,

said that the

life

when

manner of

all

in this

same

four-

of the Israelites was also service in

the

field."

scarcely a country in which the cultivation of the

land requires so

much

Irrigation especially,

peculiarly servile labor as in Egypt.

is

here very laborious.!

Use of the Papyrus and Bitumen in Egypt.

According

to chap.

2:

chest o^

papyrus smears

child in

it

and puts

it

it

3,

the mother of

Moses taking a

with bitumen and pitch, lays the

down among

the reeds on the shore of

That the author names the papyrus as the material In Egypt, and of the chest, is a strong argument in his favor. there only, was the papyrus employed in the manufacture of

the Nile.

many * t

articles of use.

Wilkinson

I. p.

Mats, baskets, sandals and various

386.

See the more recent Commentators on Deut.

11: 10.

PAPYRUS AND BITUMEN.

87

made of it.* Even boats were constructed use of the papyrus belongs to the earliest times.

Other things were

of

The

it.t

Even

most ancient sculptures it is found with writing Bitumen was one of the principal ingredients in

in the

upon

it.j:

embalming in Egypt.§ In a passage in the Travels of Min Qtol i,|| giving a description of the " analysis of the resinous composition of a black shining finger from the body

of a

mummy"

by John,

it is

said

The resinous mass is com-

'' :

posed of the pitch-wood mentioned of a kind

in a preceding note, and bitumen which the Egyptians might have

of

Dead

obtained from the

Susa or even from

Sea, Babylon,

Phoenicia, or at least of an entirely analogous substance."

John

also found

bituminous substances in the embalming

child-mummy.^

materials in connexion with a

Rosellini,**

Menephthahtt many small

or a

mummy, found

According to tomb of Usirei,

wood

statues of

in the

at this

in objects

time in Egypt,

which belong

we cannot

doubt, since

it

to the oldest times.

The Daughter of Pharaoh Jinds According

form of

That pitch

covered with a stratum of bitumen.ift

was known is

there have been found in the

the Child, Moses.

the daughter of Pharaoh finds

to chap. 2: 5,

the child, Moses, as, accompanied by her maidens, she goes to bathe in the Nile.

That the women

in

Egypt were

far less

restrained than in the rest of the East, as this fact implies,

we have

already shown. 1|||

to the Nile to bathe

is

*

Wilkinson, Vol.

t

Herod.

2. 96.

is

That

the king's daughter

went

explained by the Egyptian notion of the

III. pp. 62, 146.

Plut. de Is. etOsir. p. 395

borne upon a boat of papyrus.

;

Wilk. Vol.

according to which Ros.

III. p. 61.

p. 124. X TI

Wilk.

III. 150.

ttRos.

II. 3.

§

Diod. 19. chap. 99.

^* Vol.

S. 344.

p.350seq.

L

H Wilk.

1. p.

||

S. 373.

249.

Vol. III. p. 186.

|1||

p. 26.

Isis

II. 3.

I

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

88

Of this we shall

sacredness of the Nile.

scene

—

speak in a subsequent

A representation of an

part of this volume.

and perform various

The

found

offices, is

Israelites directed to

Egyptian bathing

who

a lady with four female servants

attend

upon her

Wil kin son.*

in

harrow of the Egyptians

OrnamentSy

etc.

In chap. 3: 22, and the parallel passage where the Israelitish

bors

women gold

are directed to borrow of their Egyptian neigh-

and

ornaments,

silver

ornaments were even then the

such

among

general use

the

Tliis has been fully confirmed by late discoveries.

Egyptians.

On

implied that

is

it

in very

monuments, remarks

Rose

1

i

1

n

vases of costly

i,t

metals are found, not merely in the representations of

reli-

gious ceremonies and the offerings of kings to the gods, but

among

also

Therefore

Very many such mere private individuals.

the objects of household use.

things are found in the tombs of it

is

clear,

that not the great only, but

among

possessed any wealth had such articles

who

all

their house-

hold furniture.

Moses' Rod.

According

to chap. 4: 2,

find to be afterwards

his

Moses

follows an Egyptian custom in this, 7: 12,

we That he

carries a rod, and this

inseparable companion. is

evident from chap.

where each of the magicians carries

his rod.

Accord-

ing to the monuments, the Egyptian nobles generally carried a stick from three to six feet long

One

of them, preserved to our time,

they generally preferred, as

* Vol. III. p. :«!). t

Wilkinson, Vol.

it

is

they went out. ;

but

appears, the acacia wood.§

t

III. p. 223.

when

of cherry-wood

§

II. 2. p.

Wilk.

345.

III.

386-8.

WRITING UPON GARMENTS. Egyptian priests and other persons of rank are represented as vvalkinor with sticks.*

Writing much practised

The name

rived from the verb ~it:d teristic

Egypt.

of the Israelitish officers, which the task-mas-

Pharaoh placed over them,

ters of

in

,

the writers, is de-

D""!!:'!;,

to write.f

This

was

old world for writing

facility in

is

highly charac-

In no land of the

of the state of things in Egypt.

writing so great, and the materials

by any means so perfect,

workers were accustomed," says

1

" Stone-

Egypt.

as in

Rose

1 i

n

i,|

"to engrave

upon each square block an inscription in hieroglyphics; an impression was made upon the bricks, (which besides very frequently bore inscriptions, )§

—

—even oxen were represented, They

the steward of the house kept a written register.

pro-

bably wrote more in ancient Egypt, and on more ordinary " The Egyptians," says the occasions, than among us."

same

author,

"differ specially from

||

all

other people, in that

they constantly cover the interior and exterior of their houses,

and the walls of

all

the innumerable apartments, of their

wonderful subterranean burial places with images and writ-

"Upon

ing."

Egyptians, the

the implements, and even garments of the

name

men

is

written

of the owner

"The

part inscribed."

proper

is

frequently wholly or in

name

of the profession of the

upon them on the monuments, the name of

animals upon their representatives, and that of implements of every sort upon the figures which represent them."

must shut our eyes against the clearest deny that the ied * t

S.

Wilk.

"We

we would

of reading and writing was generally studin

ancient Egypt, to as great a degree at

III. 386.

See the arguments

449 X

art

and practised

light, if

for

this

in

Th.

II.

der BeitrHge zur Einl.

fF.

II. 3.

p. 241.

§ p.

8*

252. 3.

||

p.

239.

!

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

90

now

is

among

also furnished by

Rose

least as

it

Proof from the monuments

us." 1

1

n

i

i,*

is

that in judicial transactions,

The scribes, who everything was transacted in writing. meet our eyes wherever we look, act an important part.t The judges of the under-world all carry upon their heads the The

symbolic pen of truth and justice.^

now

passion for writing

the business of Egypt, that even

was so incorporated with

the last remains of the Egyptians, the Copts, are in ex-

clusive possession of

all

merous community, with show,

ferences

and as

secretaries' posts,

a

that these

it

were, form

compose a nuThese rekind of hierarchy.

These Coptic

a nation of scribes. §

scribes

and the remaining passages of

the Pentateuch which imply a great extension of the art of.

among the Israelites in the time of Moses, make known what cannot have been otherwise, and writing

only

1|

thus

These passages,

are a strong confirmation of the narrative.

so far from witnessing against the Mosaic period, have

become

just so

dation there

is

many

The

proofs for the same.

time

at the present

for the

little

now

foun-

argument against

the authenticity of the Pentateuch, from the non-existence, or at least the limited diffusion of the art of

shown by such

facts

S

this, that

as

al v ol

i

writing,

is

n i^ allows that

Sallier, containing a description of the Remeses the Great against the Scheta and their

the manuscript of

expedition of allies,

was written about

Whether

1565 before Christ

year

the

in this particular case

he

is

error or not,

in

our argument, a matter of indifference. that

an inquirer so generally esteemed

can suppose such

a date possible,

*

Vol. II. 3. p. 272 seq.

X

Ros.

§ II

li

For,

See

—

t

for

it

is

e. g.

Girard

in the

Descr.

are found collected in

Campagne de Rliamses,

t.

Th.

discrimination,

Ros.

p.

272

seq.

17. p. 192. 2.

for

that he did not even con-

II. 500.

They

is,

sufficient

der Beitrage S. 457

Paris 1835, p. 123.

ff.

1

EGYPTIAN PAPER. sider

91

necessary to question whether writing existed

it

at that

time in Egypt.

We

will

here

make some

additions to our Essay concern-

The Egyptians

ing writing materials in the Mosaic period.*

The common

wrote with reddish ink.t they wrote was paper

made of

the papyrus plant,

common

found in great quantities in the

abundance of coarse and

material on which

which

The

tombs.

paper which, from the dates,

fine

belonged to the different dynasties of the Pharaohs, as far in

back as the 18th, make

Egypt

at the

at least

certain that the use of paper

it

time of Alexander was very old, and therefore

refutes the declarations of

P

i

1

n

The Egyptians

y.

also wrote

We have in our possession,

with ink and red chalk upon cloth.

wrappers of

is

great

mummies of byssos, written over They also wrote catalogues,

for the dead-l

with the ritual accounts, and

other such like things with ink upon wood, vessels of Terra Cotta, pieces of lime-stone, etc.§

Finally, they also wrote

on parchment. 1

Preparation of Stone for Inscriptions.

The

passage, Deut. chap, xxvii, according to which the

stones to be written

upon were

to be first covered with lime,

has already been explained and verified from the antiquities

ofEgypt.^ We here add also, a reference to Wilkinson, Vol. III. p. 300, where the sand-stone of the Egyptians is said to have had a kind of stucco spread over it before the paintings were made, and even granite was covered with a similar composition. *

Th.

2.

Ros.

t

is

implied in

Num.

2. S.

Ros. p. 227.

II

**

oke

Wilk. Vol.

s

c

h** says

:

"I saw one,(among

ff.

207, with which, in order to call to

passage, Beitiiig, Th. X

r

der BeitrJige, S. 481

II. 2. p.

use of ink

P

5: 23,

Ros.

p. 228.

^ Beitrage, Th.

Erinnerungen aus Aeg. und Kleinas, Th.

2.

2.

S. 464.

S, 31.

that the

said

489. §

111. p. 152.

mind

compare what was

on

this

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

98

the tombs in the pyramids of Dashoor,) where a red mortar first

laid

upon the stone, and then

figure of the apis are impressed

upon

is

hieroglyphics and a

tlie

this coating.

The Bastinado.

The

scene in chap. 5: 14, where the officers of the

dren of Israel,

whom

chil-

the Egyptian overseers of Pharaoh

placed over them, were beaten because those under their

charge had not performed their task

brick-making,

in

is

placed vividly before our eyes in the representation of an

Egyptian bastinado

in

W

i 1

k

n

i

s

o n.*

With

this

compare

another representation,! where "the laborers are stimulated

work by the persuasive powers of the

to

painting stripes

down

stick."

shows conclusively, that the mode of

The

described in Deut. 25: 2, (the guilty person

flat

first

inflicting is

laid

upon the ground before the judge and beaten,) was

precisely the Egyptian mode.

the following words:

"Men

Wilkinson and boys were

describes

it

in

laid prostrate

on

the ground, and frequently held by the hands and feet, while the chastisement

was administered."!

The Shoterim of the

IsraiJitcs, the

same as the Modern

Sheikh el'Beled. Analogy,

for the

taking of officers from the oppressed peo-

who are made responsible for the performance of prescribed labor, may be found in modern Egypt. This same thing is done among the Arab fellahs, whose condition, ple themselves,

under the government of the Turks, as the description of * Vol. II. p. 41. +

Compare

a magistrate at p. 27b.

t

Rosellini, tlie

II.

''\.

p.

Wilk.

II. p. 42.

274, and concerning the presence of

execution of the punishment, the same author,

;

THE OFFICE OF THE SCRIBE.

Michaud,*

example, shows, agrees

for

93

many

in

respects

In each village, one

remarkably with that of the

Israelites.

of the Arabs, under the

of Sheikh el-Beled, occupies the

title

place of mediator between the government and the people.

He must

see that the

collect from

men perform

the prescribed labor, and

them the taxes which the government imposes

The Sheikh

upon them.

el-Beled

often seen under the

is

Kaim-makam, the Kashif or place of some individual of the common stick of the

in turn afterwards takes

Mamoor,

the

in the

whom he

people, of

vengeance.t

The Duties of the Shoterim. Since we are

now occupied

we

with the Shoterim,

will

also add, that the position, hitherto not properly understood,

which

they, according to the precepts

must have held with reference

to

Deut. 20:

in

warlike

1 seq.,

(they had

affairs,

the care of levying soldiers, and excusing those unable to

perform military service, and they delivered the troops over to the military chiefs, the " captains of the armies," in verse

9th,)

by the post which the scribes

explained

is

in the

same sphere

in

modern Egypt, and

the whole institution of the Shoterim, as patriarchal customs,

is

it

in

all

occupy

probability

entirely alien to

is

The

of Egyptian origin.

scribes in

the representation of Egyptian warlike scenes act an important part.

In levying soldiers,

for instance,

they write

down

names of those who are brought before them by their commanders.f They count, in the presence of the king,

the

the hands of the slain

which have been cut

times also their tongues and other they

make

off,

members of

and somethe body

and the

a statement of the weapons, the horses

rest of the booty,

and present

it

to the king,§

and they per-

form whatever such like things there are to be done. *

Correspondance,

X

Ros.

II. 3. p.

218.

t.

5. p. 254.

t

Ros.

§

Wilk.

II. 2. p. I. p.

257.

393.

;

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

94

The Arrogance of the Pharaohs.

The

which Pharaoh received ihe mes-

insolent pride with

sage communicated by Moses, as should hear his voice, to

vah and

upon him, one

struction

Jehovah, that I

is

go ?" "I know not Jeho-

go," in chap. 5: 2; the obstinacy

will not let Israel

which he afterwards fall

let Israel

Who

"

:

when

exhibits,

another,

after

the divine punishments

go

in deciding to

to de-

with his land and people, rather than yield, are

proved on the monuments in various ways, to be in accord-

ance with the genuine

The Pharaoh,

connection.

est in

this

whose

feet they lay

down

is

it

in

of special interthere said, at

is

these trophies of victory, (the sev-

ered right hand and other in his chariot,

comparison of

Remeses Meiamun,

Champollio n,*

Thebes, explained by

A

of a Pharaoh.

spirit

the representation of the victory of

members of the body,)

sits

quietly

while his horses are held by his officers, and

directs a haughty speech to his warriors: ''Give yourselves to mirth

;

ground by their I

let it rise to

my

hearts are

full

Strangers are dashed to the

heaven.

Terror of

power. of

it

my name

have pursued them as a hawk;

wicked

souls.

has gone forth

appear before them as a lion

I

;

I

have annihilated their

have passed over their rivers

I

am

I

;

have

set

on

Egypt what the god Mandoo has been; I have vanquished the barbarians; Amun Re, my father, subdued the whole world under my feet, and I am

fire their castles;

I

to

king on the throne forever."

whole character of literal

pride, in this "*

said that

It is 1 1

truth of this translation

speech breathes

The

Champo

i

;

on

's

we

work,

if

mistake the

we

may always be recognized from it. named themselves

ancient Egyptian kings

Kings of the whole world,f and what arrogance claim divine honors

In den Briefen aus Aeg.

p.

!:>>7.

assert the

but the spirit which the

is

in

for themselves. t

their

yet more, they

This

Chanipollion, p. 231.

ARROGANCE OF THE PHARAOHS.

95

can be proved by a multitude of arguments, of which we

The Menephtheum

here give only a few.

at

double character,* that of a temple and palace.

a god. It

the

name Pharaoh

cannot be doubted that

it

Rose

this

the sun, takes the title

which

1 1 i

among

the fact that

all

is

monument of this

a

place.

name

This

of the priest at

On

in the

common on

Champollion,

t

p. 43.

first

also occurs,

or Heliopolis,

the Egyptian monuments.|

See also Wilkinson, Egypt and Thebes, I.

The

consecrated to Phre.

is,

*

p. 257.

accordingly, the

Phre

sun, Potiphera, that also very

is,

Egypt bore.

the kings of

and Customs, Vol.

named Phre.

the royal emblems, a disk, representing

first

city of the

is

idea.

n i f furnishes, relying specially upon

Gen. 41: 45,

This name

re-

designates the king, as the incar-

nation of the sun, which the Egyptians

proof of

it

decorations, of the consecrated residence of

its

Even

a

It is in all

plan destined for the dwelling of a man, and yet

its

minds one by

will

Thebes has

t

1. 1. p.

115.

p. 5, note,

and Manners

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

96

CHAPTER

III.

THE SIGNS AND WONDERS

IN EGYPT.

The Connection of the Supernatural icith Plagues of Egypt.

The

part of

Exodus which we now proceed

of great importance for our object, that the

first

supernatural events described,

in the natural

the

all

Natural

in the

examine,

is

and principally

in

to

find a foundation

phenomena of Egypt, and stand

in close con-^

nection with ordinary occurrences, and also on account of

many separate references in the narrative, which show how very accurate the author's knowledge of Egypt was. As respects the first point, many have wished to make the

the

connection of the wonders with the natural phenomena of

Egypt, an argument against the Pentateuch. So indeed the English deists have done, as, for

those more recent,

example

Boh lent

v.

is

Mo

r

g

a n.*

— Among

Moses, he

conspicuous.

remarks, in order to avoid the suspicion of self deception, was atleast obliged to express himself in the mildest sible

among

with Egypt, natural

manner

pos-

who were so well acquainted make the commonly observed

his contemporaries, if

he wished to

phenomena

clear, that these

avail

as

miracles.

But

it

is

perfectly

occurrences as they are related, notwith-

standing their foundation in nature, always maintained their character as miracles, and consequently are sufficient to prove

what they are intended to prove, and they did accomplish. the natural, such

in

to accomplish

what

Attempts to merge the supernatural as

have been

made by

Du Bois

*

Conip. Lilienthal, die gate Sache der goltl. Offenb. Th.

t

S. 56. der Eiiil.

0.

8.33.

|

THE SUPERNATURAL

Ay me,*

THE PLAGUES.

Eichhorn,t

and then by

97

not accomplish

will

Indeed, the unusual force in which the com-

their design.

mon

IN

exhibitions of nature

manifest themselves, and

here

succession,, While at other times only a

especially their 'rapid

single one exhibits itself with unusual intensity, as well as

Eichhorn,

the fact that

notwithstanding

the unnatural

all

misrepresentations in which he allowed himself, yet found ma-

on the wonderful year of Egypt,

terial for a treatise

the

at

same time consider these events

in

—

if

we

connection with

the changing cause of them, and also take into account the

/exemption of the Land of Goshen, the miraculous

—bring us

for the transition to the

;

by the extraordinary

to the limits of

miraculous

is

reached

in its highest gradation.

But we are brought

into the sphere of the miraculous

itself,

by the circumstance that these things are introduced and per-

formed by Moses, that they cease

at

his request,

and a part

Hence

of them at a time fixed upon by Pharaoh himse1f.§

phenomena can be made

the connection with natural

to avail

against the Pentateuch, only when, going beyond the present narrative,

we

what

limit

in

can be explained by the natural

it

occurrences of Egypt, and establish the presumption, that

But

the remainder belongs to fiction.

Not

foundation.

all

Pentateuch

until

disproved,

is

* Notice sur le sejour des 1

t

necessary, in conformity with

Hebreux en Egypte, Description,

Egypte

les

tat sur le

this.

He

says,

description des

exaggerations poetiques permises k celui, qui de-

phenomenes qui ont servi a la d61ivrance de on verra tout prestige s' evanouir mais le concours evenemens extraordinaires quoique naturals, et leur resulcour, endurci du Pharaon, pourrout neanmoins etre con-

avec transport tant d'

t. viii.

mirabili.

:

son peuple, et

les

1'

;

siderescomme une preuve frappante de §

assumption wants

Even Du Bois Ayme in a manner acknowledges " Que V on ecarte done de la t. 8. p. 110

plaies d'

tie

it

De Aegypti Anno

In his Treatise,

Descr.

crit

is

this

the historical character of the

See Ex.

8:

5 seq.

9

la protection divine."

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

98

the natural philosophy of Egypt, to separate truth and fiction

from one another, although

whole narrative ral in

it

is

it

then better to transfer the

mythology, since the natu-

to the province of

acquires

its

significance merely through

tion with the supernatural.

And

so soon as

it

connec-

its

shall

be se-

we can no longer comprehend how Moses could make use of this to prove anything, and how it produced the

parated,

consequences ascribed to But, that the natural

son

in itself a

presumption against the

veracity of the Pentateuch, cannot

historical

we

it.

and thus furnishes an argument against the

supernatural,

If

is

exert ourselves to

for this,

we

shall

affirmed.

soon see that we have allowed an en-

On

assumption.

tirely arbitrary

be

bring forward any one tenable rea-

the contrary, that the con-

nection with the natural serves for confirmation to the supernatural,

is

clear from the following reasons.

Since we have shown that the natural ground-work of these wonderful events cannot be made an argument against the Pentateuch,

it

belongs to us also to point out

favor of the same. this character

Here comes

into view,

how

first,

far

it

is

in

the fitness of

of the miracle to the end designed.

The

su-

pernatural presents generally in the Scriptures, no violent opposition to the natural, but rather unites in a friendly liance with in

which natural events

isolate the

al-

This follows from the most intimate relation

it.

also stand to

The

God.

miraculous can aid only impiety.

endeavor to

But there was

here a particular reason also for uniting the supernatural as closely as possible with the natural.

The

object to which

all

of these occurrences were directed, according to chap. 8: 20,

was

to

show

that

Jehovah

Well-grounded proof of

is

this

Lord

in the

midst of the land.

could not have been produced

by bringing suddenly upon Egypt a succe.ssion of strange

From

it would only have followed that Jehomomentary and external power over Egypt. the contrary, if the events which annually return were

terrors.

vah had received

On

these a

THE SUPERNATURAL AND THE NATURAL. placed under the immediate control of Jehovah, appropriately land, and the in his stead

99 it

would be

shown that He was God in the midst of the doom of the false gods which had been placed

would go

and they would be entirely driven

forth,

out of the jurisdiction which was considered as belonging to

them.* Further, later fiction would aim specially at the dissolution

of

all

connection between the supernatural and the natural,

on the supposition that the dignity of the former would be marred, and that the omnipotence of the Lord and his love for

would be obscured, through

Israel

would make

it

strangest terrors.

this connection.

It

an object to concentrate upon Egypt the

The

consideration of the significance of

the connection of the supernatural with the natural, which

has just been pointed out, would not be sufficient to counter-

balance this advantage, even

if it

could be supposed that this

manner of considering the subject, so far removed from common observation, would have been understood.

delicate

And

even aside from

this

view, a fictitious account could

never succeed in sustaining so accurately the Egyptian character in connection with the supernatural, in preventing the

obtrusion of an element which was not Egyptian.

Were

it

even probable that individual Israelites of later times had an accurate acquaintance with Egypt, *

Even

it

would be of

little

ad-

the earlier commentators have occasionally hinted at this

reason for a connection of the supernatural with the natural, yet with-

out givirtg to the thought

its

full

importance.

Thus, Calvin,

for ex-

ample, in his remarks upon the account of the plague of frogs, says

Aegyptios ante quasi precario vitam duxisse ostendit deus, quia

:

sin-

Scimus Aegyptum gulari beneficio protexerat ab incursu ranarum. ob multas paludes et lentum ac prope stagnantem Nilum multis ranis et venenatis bestiis fuisse refertam.

Nunc quum

subito

erumpunt

ingentes turmae, agrorum superficiem obtegunt, penetrant etiam in

domos

et cubicula, denique in

regium palatium conscendunt facile manu atque ita deum Hebraeorum :

apparet fuisse ante cohibitas sola dei fuisse regni illins praesidern

et

custodem.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

100

vantage, since the thing would necessarily not take

from them merely, but rance of Egypt.

far

its

Thus, therefore, the connection of the su-

pernatural with the natural, throughout the whole,

gument

for the credibility

the time

at

of the narrative,

Rod changed

After these general remarks,

8

7:

—

is

an ar-

composition

origin.

Moses'

A sign

tions.

for its

purports to have been made, and consequently

it

Mosaic

for its

shape

more from the prevailing igno-

which

is

we

to

a Serpent.

turn to particular explana-

of a harmless nature, precedes, in Ex.

which are comprehended

13, the signs

in the

number

ten as a perfect number, and which are also plagues. is first

vin*

made, whether Pharaoh,

so strikingly says, "

reference to

in

There

is

presented us in the per-

son of one abandoned, an example of rebellion," will

Moses' rod

is

accomplish, ses'

not

Trial

whom Cal-

human arrogance and

become wise without severe measures.

changed into

at least in

a serpent, the

Egyptian magicians

appearance, the same thing; but

rod swallows up their rods.

Mo-

This counter-wonder of the

Egyptian magicians

is

founded on the peculiar condition of

Egypt; much more

is

the

Mosaic

sign,

—the same by which

indeed Moses had already, by the divine command, proved his

Mo-

commission from God, among the elders of his people. ses

was furnished with power

to

perform that which the

Egyptian magicians most especially gloried they most of

The

all

in,

incantation of serpents has been native to Egypt from

the most ancient even to the present time.t * Nobis in unius reprobi persona superbiae et imago subjicitur. t

Compare Aelian,

17. 5,

and the summary of

ancients, concerning the Psylli, in Quatremere, te,

1. 1,

and by which

supported their authority.

p.

202

seq.

The French

rebellionis

tlie

humanae

accounts of the

Memoires sur

1'

Egyp-

THE PSYLLI

IN EGYPT.

scliolars, in their Description,

accounts of

it.

101

have given the most accordant

Even those who entered upon an examinamost absolute unbelief, have been is something in it, that

tion of the subject with

—

forced to the conviction that there

the Psylli are found in possession of a secret charm, which places them in a condition to bring about the most wonder-

"

consequences.

ful

removed from

We

confess,"

we cannot

nesses of some things so v/onderful, that the

art

we, " far

said, that

is

it

easy credulity, have ourselves been wit-

all

consider

W

of the serpent-tamers as entirely chimerical.

removed the teeth of serpents and of scorpions, but we have had opportunity to con-

believed at

the stings

first

that they

"

vince ourselves of the contrary."*

€luatremere,t men found among

I

am persuaded,"

says

"that there were a certain number of

who by

the Psylli of antiquity,

cret preparations put themselves in

a

certain se-

condition, not to fear

the bite of serpents, and to handle the most poisonous of

them uninjured." "In Egypt and the neighboring countries," says the same author, " there are men and women,

who

name

truly deserve the

who

of Psylli, and

uninjured

handle the cerastes and other serpents, whose poison pro-

That they do not probably break

duces immediate death."! out the poisonous teeth,

Hasselquist

According

personal observation.

to the

also testifies,

scription, § the art passes from father to son.

The Psylli form

an association claiming to be the only individuals to

charm

from

account in the De-

serpents, and to free houses from them.

any other than the son of a Psylli attain to

who

are able

Never does

this ability.

Ser-

pents in Egypt often conceal themselves in the houses, and

then become very dangerous. is

When

anything of this kind

suspected, they have recourse to the Psylli. * In a Treatise,

pens, in t

§

t,

As above T. 24,

De

1'

art des

18. of the Descr. p.

p.

quoted, p. 204.

82 seq. 9*

The French

ophiogines ou enchanteurs des

333 seq. I

Quatremere,

p.

210

ser-

"

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

102

commander-ill-chief wished to the

affair

manded them

He

bottom.

time to examine the

at a certain

called

the Psylli, and com-

for

produce from the palace a serpent, which,

to

The

from traces discovered, was supposed to be there.

moist

There the Psylli called, by places were especially examined. imitating the hissing, sometimes of the male and sometimes After two hours and a fourth a serpent

of the female serpent.

In the religious

truly presented itself.

the Psylli

festivals,

appear entirely naked, with the neck, arms and other parts of

which they permit

the body coiled around by serpents,

to

sting and tear their breast and stomach, and effectually defend

themselves against them with a sort of frenzy, pretending to

wish

to eat

They Haie

them

alive.

Their sleight of hand

is

very various.

are able, according to their assertions, to

—

i.

use of for their tricks

—

into a rod, and

When

themselves dead.

compel them

mouth, and lay

up

its

down upon the ground. Then, as if last command, they lay their hand upon

its

head, and immediately the serpent, into a kind of torpor. it

it

to shut

it

order to give a

hands."

make

to feign

they wish to perform this operation,

they spit in the throat of the animal, compel

seizing

change the

the species of serpent which they especially

e.

by the

tail

stiff

They wake and rolling

Du Bois Ay me*

falls

up when they wish,

it it

and motionless,

in

roughly between the

gives his testimony to the

same

thing.

That which

is

related to us of the condition of

modern

serpent charmers in the practice of their sleight of hand,

is

entirely sufficient to give an insight into the condition of the

The state of these

Egyptian magicians who withstood Moses. last,

no

less

than the

first,

was certainly

that of the highest

enthusiasm, and cannot be attributed to a merely deliberate attempt to deceive; although deception, as

case with the modern Egyptian Psylli,

is

is

ded by enthusiasm, but rather often goes hand *

Page

108.

shown

to be the

by no means excluin

hand with

it.

INCANTATION OF SERPENTS.

That

the condition of the Psylli

is

one of ecstacy

*'

the people consider

festivals, e. g.

them

to

At

as holy.

indeed

is

According

clear from the passages already quoted.

utoli,*

103

M

i

n-

certain

on the day before the departure of the great

caravan to the Holy Caaba, they go forth in procession with live

snakes around their necks and arms, having their faces

in contortions

When

teeth.

insane person, until foam

like an

They sometimes

the mouth.

in order if

author describes one of the Psylli,

this

it is

foaming mouths with their hands."

who had been

a house from serpents, in the following

ance of

man was

manner

possible,

The same

sent for to free

:

that of a true magician.

"The

appear-

In the begin-

ning of his operation he stripped himself naked even to a apron about his hips coral

;

his

from

they are in this condition, the people press

around them, especially the women, to touch their

falls

also tear the serpents with their

;

upon

his breast

hung

little

a chain of black

head was shorn to a bunch of hair which stood up

upon the top of his head his body was dark brown and muscular. Rolling his eyes, and with the rod of divination in his hand, he now walked forth with a grave like bristles

demeanor, and

;

in

the meantime, whilst casting forth louder

and louder imprecations, and thrusting against the ceiling and walls

with his divining rod,

he searched thoroughly the

chambers and corners, now of the upper and now of the His fumigations of meal, sulphur and onion lower story. parings were at last so stupifying that a hard cough often interrupted the formula of incantation, and he

was

several

times obliged to invigorate himself by smoking a pipe of

tobacco." It is entirely

contrary to the spirit of antiquity in general,

and of Egyptian antiquity in particular, to explain the phrase, " This is the finger of God," chap. VIII, as meaning, " This is accomplished by God," so that the magicians say, ^ S.

266,

fF.

der Reise.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

104

now they have contended with Moses and Aaron upon earthly ground, with human means, and there they have

that until

overcome,

now God

but

By explained They victory. :

appears.*

It

should

be

rather

power of God have they obtained the certainly also ascribe to Elohim (not Je-

the

hovah) their former success

was

the whole contest

;

a contest

of God, Gen. 30: 8, and therefore their present inability must

be to them of just so It

Egypt

the Psylli in

from

much

greater significance.

deserves to be noticed also, that the present condition of

which

is

it

originally sprung.

now modern

one of decay.

It is torn loose

It exists in a

land in which even

illumination has variously exerted

and hindered

its

freedom.

natural than that very to the

entirely

natural connexion, the soil of natural religion from

its

much

that

is artificial

sufficient to

in.

more

charlatanry

But what now remains of ecstacy

convince us of the intensity of

is

should be added

much

exstatic condition, and that very

should creep

influence

its

Accordingly nothing

it,

as

it

is

entirely

existed in

the time of the glory of the Egyptian religion and priesthood.

The

opinion expressed upon the proceedings of the modern

which we find among observers who are most free from prejudice, and also among those who on the other hand

Psylli,

under the dominion of prejudice, guide us

are decidedly

explaining the

fact, that

in

the author of the Pentateuch does

not speak definitely upon the nature and origin of the results

produced by the Egyptian magicians. simple as

common

it

is

generally considered

Were to

be,

the thing so

were

it

either

jugglery or something really miraculous, performed

by the permission of

God through

satanic influence, then the

author of the Pentateuch would not, to express

an opinion upon

which these things

rest

—

it.

a very

it

may be presumed,

fail

But, since the ground on

dark and

difficult

one

—

is

"Calvin says: Digitum dei opponunt suae solerliae et peritiae. Pudcbat cnim fatcri qucnquam mortaliujn scientia praocellere.

THE 3IAGICIANS VANQUISHED.

105

not yet indeed but imperfectly explained by the most thoroucrh investigations, it was preferable to remain standing at the outer edge without going deeper into the nature of these As respects the thing itself, a further insight into

results.*

the nature of these consequences

ever opinion they had of the

first

three

made

Israel

signs, the

that

to

even

in

God of any one who did the

seek a support for his unbelief and rebel-

They change,

lion.

known

What-

nothing.

superior power of

itself sufficiently

not studiously

avails

this is certahi,

it,

it

matters not whether really or in ap-

pearance, their rods into serpents, but the rod of Moses

swallows up their rods; they also change,

at least

on a small

water into blood, but they are not able to restore the

scale,

blood to

its

former state; in like manner, imitating on a

small scale the miracle of Moses, they brought up frogs upon the land, but they were not able to free

it from the plague " For the punishment of the Egyptians," says Theodoret, " God gave also to magicians power, but not for

of

fi-ogs.

removing punishment; since the king had not enough of his plagues, but even commanded the magicians to increase the chastisement, so

God

art not yet satisfied

also punished

him through these

with the punishment inflicted by

Thou my ser:

vants, so punish T thee also by thine own." And the relative power of the Egyptian magicians in the beginning, must serve to show in so much clearer light their entire impotence as it was first exhibited in the little gnats and then continued invariable. The contest was first intentionally carried on in a sphere in which the Egyptian magicians, as we certainly

know

with reference to the

their principal power. *

The word

first

sign,

had hitherto shown

After they had there been vanquished,

Cn'^t2^a in chap.

7: '22

and

8: 3,

14, in

which

affirmed that a verdict of the author upon this matter tains

there

no such thing is

;

and the whole contest

is

is

it is

often

found, con-

a vain one, since

nothing existing which can give us any information concern-

ing his opinion.

t

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

106

the scene was changed to a sphere in which they could not at all

and the doom which

further contend,

upon them,

The

now

turn

plague.

—

Water of Egypt changed

the

to the second sign

It consists in

which

moon

according to which, the

blood, that there

is

On

here meant.

to

also the first

is

no reason

to

appears from Joel

It

be changed into

shall

suppose that

literal

Kings

3: 22.

is

blood

is

the contrary the change into blood can

properly only have reference to the blood red color the blood here

Blood.

changing the waters of the Nile, and

the other waters of Egypt into blood. 3: 4,

way came

in this

through them upon their gods.*

Plague

Jirst

We

fell

the

The

same

;

so that

as the water red as blood

designation

is

in

2^

here evidently chosen for

which

the sake of the symbolic character

plague bears,

this

as also the water red as blood in the passage referred

the book of Kings has a symbolic significance, destruction to the enemies of Israel.

To

the reddened water be blood, reminding

to in

announcing

the Egyptians shall

them of the innocent

blood which they have shed, and pointing to the flowing guilty blood to be shed.

In

plague

this characteristic this

is

coupled

with the darkness which afterwards covered the whole land, as both also appear connected in Joel 3: 4

be

turned

into darkness

'* :

The

sun shall

and the moon into blood."

In

the symbolic colors arranged by the Egyptians, black was the color of death and mourning, its

author, the red color

—

for that

which

was chosen, probably

is

base and

as the

color

of blood.

That there is found something analogous to this plague in phenomena of Egypt has already long ago been

the natural said.

The

water of the Nile, a short time before the inun-

dation, takes a green, and at the beginning of the inundation

^Ex. 12: 12. t Drumniann, Uebcr

die Inschriflin Rosette, S. 108, 109.

WATER CHANGED TO BLOOD.

The

a red color.

been

cause of this change of color has not yet According to A n t e sf the

investigated.*

sufficiently

name

inhabitants

107

the water

when

the flood has reached

A/^ (ma ahmar),

highest point of increase, /.-f^l

its

red water.

In the year 1673 the Nile reddened as early as the beginning

of July and continued of a red color to the end of December,

when

it

assumed again

its

usual hue.f

common years, the water when it is green and red is drinkable. Sonnini§ says: "During the continuance of my journey, I with my companions had no other drink than In

We

the unmingled water of the Nile.

drank

one of us experiencing inconvenience, year, even

when

the inundation so

fills it

at all

it

without any

seasons of the

with slime that

it is

thick and reddish, and appears truly loathsome."

But sometimes,

in years of great heat, this peculiarity of

water becomes a great calamity. Thus A b dol 1 atiph|| " In the year 596 (1199) the increase of the Nile relates :

About two months

was smaller than had ever been known. before the the river

and *

it

first

indications of the inundation, the waters of

assumed

became

Le Pere Aine

18 p. 571 says

:

This increased by degrees,

a green color.

and offensive to the

putrid,

in the

Memoir

taste.

Sick people

sur la Vallee du Nil, in the Descr.

" The water at Cairo

is

found by analysis

times purer than that of the Seine at Paris.

degree of purity only at the time

when

It,

t.

to be five

however, has

this

the inundation begins to

The noxious

qualities which are attributed to it, at the low and stagnant, and when it begins to increase, appear to proceed from an innumerable multitude of insects which the heat generates in it. The causes which destroy the

diminish.

time

when

the water

is

purity of the water at different seasons of the year, are not yet ciently investigated.

The

earthy particles which the flood brings along with

De Sacy upon

t

In

X

Hartmann, Aegypten,

II

De

Sacy,

p.

332,

suffi-

red color originates, probably, from the it

from Sennaar."

Abdollatiph, p. 346. S. 1*28.

§

Th.

2.

S. 13.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

108

avoided drinking from smell and taste

its

By boiling,

and drank well-water.*

it

became worse.

There

also appeared in

it

worms and other animals which live in stagnant water." That in our account the common plague existed in an

uncommon degree

entirely

means of

The

Egyptians could not drink

and the is

fish also

died in

it,

since the ordinary

evident,

is

did not at

purification

take effect, verse 19.

all

from the

at all

Of this

verse 18.

no other example on record.

river, verse 21,

there

last effect

But what passes beyond the

boundaries of the barely extraordinary and carries the occur-

rence into the region of the miraculous,

changing

that the

is,

of the waters took place not merely suddenly while

monly

gradual,! but

is

it

also

was

com-

it

accordance with the^

in

moment when he

prediction of Moses, and just at the

lifted

his rod.

The

circumstances which are also sometimes referred to

as proof of the diflference

and the one which

entirely unusual time,

common,

denly than

plague, there

and that

that

that the ly

the account, and

in

The

fear,'

could

last

has

force.

little

is

adduces,

to

fail

For the

make

:

'They must

follow

they shall produce wonder and

a deep

facts

were of a kind, that

impression,

if

*

See Ex. 7:24.

t

Compare

the interesting cases of the

color in other countries. Isr.

Gesch.

Rosenm. A. S. i;t3.

u.

change of water

N. Morgenl. Tk.

were

they

separated from one another by even longer intervals

^Krit. dor

it

offered nothing

which took place some time between the end

at short intervals if

not

it

De Wette|

reason which

of February and the beginning of April

each other

an

plagues, in reference to time, must border near-

first

on the

at

more sud-

shown on closer examination to be For with reference to the time of this

therefore most probable that in this respect

extraordinary.

occurred

it

also ceased far

it

nothing said

is

change of the water

this

are

without foundation. first

between

common, namely,

is

1.

;

and

to a red

S. 281

ff.

— Water changed to blood. besides,

had

it

through, as following

it

a

peculiar significance,

now

with his miracles, the customary, revolving

Let

land.

be remarked, as the

it

account says nothing of the time of the

ites

was

Jehovah went

if

were, an entire course with the Egyytians

circle of nature in their

sumption of

109

B

V.

in the

oh e n 1

" Since the

:

A bib,

month

first

plagues, the as-

Exodus of the

Israel-

just at the time of the Passover,

the most of these plagues, which

first

midsummer

appear in

can be devised only by one who has a merely casual acquaintance with the land," tions of time found,

is

But were such

baseless.

would be pertinent

it

specifica-

to call attention to

the fact, that the author nowhere asserts that those extraordi-

common The second asserted difference is founded on " And seven days were fulfilled after that the Lord verse 25 had smitten the river." But we have no right to infer* from

nary events are confined to the time in which the events belong. ;

this, that that

The words

condition of the Nile lasted only seven days.

are rather to be closely connected with what fol-

lows, and the

meaning

ginning of the nothing

is

first

related, the

Although

it

only, that seven days after the be-

announcement of the second briefly,

which has been found

Egyptian magicians, the waters to a red

it is

How could

the

Moses has changed

all

in this narrative.

said, after

color,

do the same. is

easily

that, the pressing of the

in

the

Hebrew

historical

word

concerning which the heart,

full

ment, was allowed to have no

little

*

With Jonathan who

supplies

10

:

all

all,

upon which

opposition to the

writings in general, and es-

pecially in narrating the great deeds of the

fluvium.

Setting aside

and simply annulled

this contradiction entirely rests, stands in

usage

we

upon the ridiculous contradic-

forced solutions, this objection

by the remark

follows.

belongs not to our immediate purpose, yet

wish to remark here, tion

is

plague, concerning the end of which

Lord

in

Egypt,

of gratitude and astonishinfluence.

That no

rule

Et postea sanavit verbum domini

:

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

110 is

without exceptions appears to the writer so self-evident,

that he supposes there

no necessity

is

pression, on account of exceptions, ly in the

shall

we

If

the trees.

the trees of the field were

all

According

hail.

ex-

entire-

So he proceeds throughout. Accord-

back-ground.

ing to chap. 9: 25, for example,

broken by the

to avoid the full

which with him are

to 10: 5, the

locusts eat all

here press the significance of the

have a contradiction

the most boundless carelessness

is

all,

we

of which even

for the explanation

not sufficient.

Besides this most prominent Egyptian reference, already

We

noticed, several others are found.

one most 19.

It is

begin with the

will

among them, which

is

contained in verse

there said, Blood shall be in

all

of Egypt, " both in

strikinor

wood and stone," (Luther These words have

:

stone).

markable, and they lose

both in

at

wood and^

view something very re-

first

when they

only

it

vessels of

are explained by

the Egyptian customs, to which they refer, as has already

In

been remarked.*

common

stone, generally in the latter. it

is

times they are accustomed to

water of the Nile

purify the turbid

When

quickly, a ball of crushed almonds

time

for the purification,

purification with

almonds

it

is

in vessels it is

is

thrown

"Helfrich

He

1

fr

also of

The

is

II

den Beob.

Le Br

The Prossim-

H a r m a n n :t t

clay,

even without the ad-

two or three days.

in

And then

X

II. p. 103.

is

According

M a y r§ says

passed through

which forthwith permits the liquid uy

n||

says that

it is

considered as

Orient, Deutsch von Faber, Th.

a. d.

312.

Tom.

there

Of the

vary.

water which comes upon the table

to filter through."

t 1.

a

c h, as quoted by

done even quicker."

vessels of a kind of earth

* In

when

particularly described by

unburned

dition of almonds, settles

*'

;

remarks, that the water in large vessels of

wood, earth and to others this

i

in

done without them.

is

per Alpinus, Pococke,t and S ple process speaks

of wood or

desirable to purify

p. 130.

Thevenot,

§ t.

1. p.

2. S.

315.

Reise, Th. 2. S. 19.

245, 60.

THE WATERS OF EGYPT.

Ill

very fortunate, to be in possession of such a vessel of white It is also said that

earth. it

the water becomes so putrid that

But

admits no purification.

than that the author knows the

among

water in

He

is

of far more importance,

He

it.

manner

does not obtrude this know-

supposes that a mere hint

mediate readers,

enough

is

and

it

im-

for his

who were themselves acquainted

peculiarities of Egypt,

sary to add

of purifying

the Egyptians, to consider the precise

which he speaks of

ledge.

it

common method

with the

does not occur to him as neces-

anything of explanation.

Certainly these two words ivood and stone are of no small importance with respect to the authorship of the Pentateuch.

The same

verse furnishes us also another proof of the au-

The Lord commanded

acquaintance with Egypt.

thor's

Moses

and stretch out

to take his rod

waters of Egypt, upon pools and upon

all its

its

is

upon the

canals,

The

upon

The

are the arms of the Nile

the artificial canals ;t the pools,

;

nhn3

streams,

the ditches,

CTDa^i

,

says

,

t]''"}^']

are

all

many

are the stagnant

the collections of water,

;

the other standing water, or that

are

,

ponds, which the Nile makes, called in Egypt, Birke, these there are

its

classification

here given, appears to be en-

accurate and complete.

F a b e r,*

its

collections of water."

of the waters of Egypt which tirely

*'

his hand,

streams, upon

D';?^

which

—

of

J-iip^-bs is

left

,

be-

hind by the Nile, the lakes and puddles, from which the peasants

land

pay

to

who

live

at

a distance from the Nile, water their

and indeed, even the inhabitants of Cairo are compelled

;

for

and drink

this water, since the carriers bring

them on camels, instead of the Nile water which *

Zu

1

Compare upon

Thes. X

s.

Harmar,

S. 146,

it

to

farther off.f

S. 326-7. D^-iS"i

,

with the signification of canals^ Ges.

'

V.

Thevenot,

mann,

is

t.

1. p.

173.

In reference to the Egyptian lakes, HartHe remarks: "Also upon them,

may be compared.

the inundation of the Nile has a considerable influence, supplying

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

112

The on the

Moses and the described inconveniences upon the Egyptians, is founded importance wliich the Nile water has for the Egyp-

tians,

and upon the enthusiastic love of the inhabitants of

which

Egypt

threat of

fulfilment brought

its

for

The

it.

Nile water

is

almost the only drinkable

For the water of the few wells is distasteful and unwholesome. The Turks, according to Mascrier,

water in Egypt.

find the water so pleasant that they eat salt in order to be

more of

able to drink

Mohammed

it.

They

are accustomed to say if

had drank thereof, he would have asked im-

mortality of God, so that he might always drink of this water. If the Egyptians undertake a pilgrimage to

Mecca, or

travel

elsewhere, they speak of nothing but the delight which they shall experience

when on

Nile water, etc.*

It

their return they again drink of the

very justly said, after these circumto, " He who has never under-

is

stances have been referred

stood anything of the pleasantness of the Nile water, and

does not

know how much of it the Egyptians are accustomed now find in the words of Moses, 'The Egyp-

to drink, will

tians shall loathe,' etc.,

perceived.

The

sense

a is,

meaning which he has not before they loathe the water which they

at other times prefer before

that

all

the water in the world, even

which they have previously longed

drink well-water, which in their country In verse 15,

it

is

said: **Go to

for. is

They

prefer to

so unpleasant."!

Pharaoh

in the

morning,

behold he goeth out to the water, and meet him on the banks In like manner in chap. 8: 16 (20):

of the Nile."

up early

morning, and stand before Pharaoh

in the

;

"Rise behold

them with water where tliey are dry, and increasing it where any See also Le P^.re, Mem, s. les Lacs de la basse Egypte,

yet remains." in the Descr.

t.

*

See Maillet,

t

III

16. p. t.

den Beob.

199 seq.

2. p. 103. a.

d.

I

S. 27Gfr.

Compare also Oedmanns Rosenm. A. u. N. Morgenl. Th,

0|pent, S. 311.

verm. Sammlungen, Th.'lTs. 130.

THE NILE DEIFIED.

il3

Both passages are founded on

he goeth forth to the water."

the divine honors which the Egyptians paid to the Nile.

Moses

commanded

is

when he more

moment

passage, this

first

omnipotence of Jehovah

The

just

appears to be the

exhibited directly upon the false

is

Egyptians, even in the most ancient times, paid

divine honors to the Nile.

Especially was he

Ch ampo Herodotusf

honored, according to

he had a temple.

"What

the Nile. 1

resists,

chosen, since the threatened demonstration of the

fitly

god.

wickedly

preparing to bring his daily offering to his false

is

In the

gods.

meet Pharaoh, with a commission

to

whom Pharaoh

from the true God,

0,1 " the

Nile

is

i

1

i

zealously

o n,* at Nilopolis, where

mentions the priests of

body," says Horapol" He is," continues the to the Egyptians." the head

same author, " according

to the

is

to representations

whose antiquity

cannot be determined, identical with Osiris§ and the highest God. II" Lucian^ says: " Its water is a common divinity to of the Egyptians."

all

same

According

Nile.

toChampollio n,**

Ghebel Selseleh

reign of

wine

bear witness to the

authors, they indeed very particu-

even the kings paid divine honors to the

larly represent, that

at

The monuments

effect as the ancient

Remeses

II,

there

a painting of the

(Silsilis),

which exhibits

this king,

According

to the inscription, this chapel is specially

*

Eg. sur

t

In B.

X

Bei Drumann, Inschrift von Rosetta, S. 100.

2.

les c.

Pharaons,

t.

1. p.

321.

90: Oi iQiiQ avToi

Plut. de Is. et Osir. p. 363

Heliodorus, Aetli.

9.

01

Tov NslXov.

See Bahr on

this

D. Athen.

p. 435.

M In the Jupiter Tragoed. opp. ""*

"offering

god of the Nile, who in the hieroglyphic inscripcalled, Hapi Moou, the life giving father of all exist-

ences."

II

in a chapel

time of the

to the

tion, is

§

is

t.

2. p.

5.

203:

jiiyvTCTib

699. Edid. Reitz.

In den Briefer aus Egypten, S. 121, D. Uebers.

10*

''

Uv

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

114

Remeses

dedicated to this god.

Hapi Moou,

called

is

iii it,

"The

the father of the gods."

''

beloved of

passage which

contains the praise of the god of the Nile, represents him at .the

same time

as the heavenly Nile, the primitive water, the

whom Cicero*

great Nilus,

highest deities, even of

declares to be the father of the

Ammon

;

and of

this I

am

myself also

convincedf from other inscriptions on the monuments." far more convincing than the knowledge of Egyptian which the author exhibits, is here also the unpremeditated manner in which he exhibits this knowledge, and the want of every explanatory remark, resting upon the sup-

Yet

affairs

position, that such a thing

is

not necessary for his immediate

readers.

The Second Plague

The

abundant

account

even

the Frogs.

account of the second plague, the frogs, furnishes us

far less -the

—

in

spoil than that of the

in

itself,

implied in

It is

first.

chap. 8: 5, that the waters of Egypt,

many

ordinary circumstances, contain

frogs

;

and

from the nature of these waters, we could scarcely imagine it

The

to be otherwise.

this are,

frogs

statements of travellers in regard to

among

the

Mosaic plagues which even now

natives and foreigners.

According

nant waters about Rosetta are

which make very much *

De

i

"

noise.

filled

to

Sonn in

i,§

mentions visit

both

the stag-

with thousands of frogs,

||

nat. Door.

Anaglyphum

Comm.

Hasselquist|

however, very scanty.

Herod,

in vico

p. 212,)

Karnak repertuin," remarks Creuzer,

who

also,

pp. 186

— 188,

(in

treats expressly of

the divine honors paid to the Nile, " terna Pharaonis initia exhibit.

Etenim

prinio loco sacerdotcs

Nili," etc. t.

Compare

also

eum

aspergunt lustrantque sacra unda

upon the

deity of the Nile, Jabl. Panth.

2. p. 171. t p.

II

254.

An

§

Th.

Ill

account of the different kinds of frogs

the Descr.

t.

24. p. 134 seq.

in

S. 365.

Egypt

is

found

in

— DESTRUCTION BY ANIMALS.

115

—

That a sudden appearance of animals, which though always present in a land, ordinarily are scarcely noticed at all, in untold numbers so as to become a plague, has not been unknown in Egypt at other times, is shown by what a-

M

c

r

i

worms

z i* says of the destructions by

''

:

In 791-2, the

worms which destroyed books and woollen cloth, multiplied in a wonderful manner. A credible man assured us, that camel this

loads.

I

had destroyed

wood and

the region of the sea, a great quantity of

in

cloth.

I

saw

at

Matariah, garden-walls which

were entirely pierced through by these the year 821, this plague

made

its

of Hosainiah, just out of Cairo.

consumed ble

—

more than fifteen was persuaded from what I myself saw, that declaration was not exaggerated, and that the worms

these animals ate 1.500 pieces of cloth

loss

provisions, cloth, etc.,

gnawed

upon the walls of the

the rafters until they were pierced en-

The owners

tirely through.

About

in the quarter

The worms, after they had which caused an incalcula-

the inhabitants, seized

to

houses, and

animals.

little

appearance

quickly tore

down

the buildings

which the worms had spared, so that the quarter near was entirely laid waste. These animals carried their devastations even to the houses which stand hard by the Gate of Conquest

and Victory."

The Third Plague

As

—

respects the third plague,

the S31D, Gnats. it

is

now

that by GSD, kinnim, gnats are meant.

generally agreed,

These

ordinary years very troublesome in Egypt.

are even in

Herodotus,t which the

as early as his time, speaks of the great trouble

gnats cause, and of the precautions which are taken to guard against them. in

Oedman * In

The passages n,j:

in

— according

Quatremcre,

t.

1. p.

121.

modern

travellers are collected

to the testimony of

f

B.

2. c. 195.

Ma

; I.

i 1

S. 74

1

e

ff.

t

— EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

116 and in

Pococke,

darken the

they often

H a r m a n n,* t

and

comprises the results

last

words

in the following

Cairo,

in

air

Hartmann

inEichhorn.t '*

All travellers

:

speak of these gnats as an ordinary plague of the country. In cool weather they are especially bold.

men, prevent them from eating, disturb

They pursue

their sleep,

What S o n n

swellings which are sensibly painful.

i

n

is

says

i|

of these gnats, in his account of his abode in Rosetta, peculiar interest: ''It

the

and cause

is

of

asserted that the multitude of gnats,

with which the streets and the inside of the houses were then

owe

filled,

their origin to this

from the overflowed

generation laid their eggs.

make wounds,

(the drying of rice

After the rice harvest, they go forth in mul-

at other times.

titudes

employment

Indeed, there are fewer of them

about the end of October).

fields

in

which the preceding to trouble men, they

They come

less

burning

than those of the Maringonins of South America."

These

in order to

suck their blood, not

passages show that the time of the extraordinary public calamities corresponded merely to that of the extraordinary

The

plague.

first

plague, the changing of water to blood,

transfers us to the period of the increase of the Nile, the

gnats begin to multiply at the end of the inundation.

The Fourth Plague

The

—

the Flies.

animals which constitute the fourth plague are desig-

nated by nn:?

,

This word originally can scarcely have

aroh.

any other signification than the mingling^ but arily applied to a distinct species

especially flies

is

which

compose the vermin or

argued: translates

From nny by 1.

,

*S. 250.

was second-

insects.

That they were

the authority of the Septuagint, dog-fly, Kvvo(xv'Ca.

appropriate connection of gnats and that flies belong to the

it

of animals, which in Egypt

common

IS. 17,18.

flies.

3.

2. From the From the fact

inconveniences of Egypt.

JTh.

1.

S. 246.

THE DOG-FLY

How

troublesome

cumstances, n ini:* "

is

The

Egypt are the

flies

are in

IN EGYPT.

117

Egypt even

in ordinary cir-

most clearly shown by the description of S o nmost numerous and troublesome insects in

flies

Men

(musca domesticaL.)

are grievously tormented by them.

and animals

impossible to form an

It is

adequate conception of their fury when they wish to

fix themupon any part of the body. If they are driven away, they light again the same instant, and their pertinacity wearies the most patient. They especially love to light in the

selves

corners of the eyes, or on the edge of the eyelids, sensitive parts to

which they are attracted by

description of the dog-fly by

accordance with

tirely in

Ph

this

i 1

of

is,

for substance, en-

By

account.

a little exaggeration, dog-fly,

insects from

which

is

it is

:

flies

and

gether,

P hil

impossible to disbelieve in

another very widely diffused species of

fleas

o.

probably chosen to distinguish these

is

smaller and less troublesome.^

Jomard,|l

in-

Aside from

A bdo

1

" In consequence of the great dampness of the

says

name

this

sects incredibly monstrous are often designated.

The name,

The

a slight moisture."

a

1

flies,

t i

air,

p h§

bugs,

In

continue here a great part of the year."

just as here, flies

Egypt

as plagues of

:

and gnats are associated

"The remark

to-

also that these

cold seasons free the land from the plague of innumerable flies

and gnats, whose

As

bites are so

the threatened plague

made

troublesome and painful." its

appearance, Pharaoh

caused Moses and Aaron to be called and said to them " Sacrifice to your God in the land." But Moses answered " It is not meet to do so ; for we shall sacrifice the abom:

:

ination of the Egyptians to the

Lord our God.

If

we

sacrifice

the abomination of the Egyptians before their eyes, will they

not stone us ?" Ex. chap. 8: 22(26).

That there

is

here a

reference to Egyptian customs has always been acknowledged. *

Th.

t

Sonnini, S. 227.

3. S. 226.

In the Descr. II

t

t.

See in proof of this Michaelis Suppl. § p. 5.

18. p.

2 512.

De

Sacy.

p.

1960,

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

118

According to the common theory, the very apprehended by the

to be

because the

I.

The

bitter exasperation

from the Egyptians, was

animals which the former consid-

latter sacrificed

But there are two arguments against

ered sacred. tion:

Israelites

designation, abomination,

is

this supposi-

not appropriate to the

This indicates that the animals which

consecrated animals.

the Israelites slaughtered were not too good, but too bad for offerings.

The

2.

animals which were commonly taken

the Israelites for offerings were also

The

sacred.

as sacred, the

the Israelites except in the casein itself,

among

the Egyptians not

only one of the larger domestic animals which

was generally considered by

among

The

not offered.

cow,* was also among

Num.

animals most

which

xix,

commonly

is

entirely

sacrificed,^

oxen, were also both sacrificed and eaten by the Egyptians.

The

offence

is

rather that the Israelites omit the inquiry

concerning the cleanness of animals, which greatest caution

the

animals were sacrificed by says, in 2. 45,

the

practised with

is

That only clean

by the Egyptians.

Herodotus

Egyptians,

where he acquits the Egyptians from the im-

human

putation of offering

sacrifices

" For since they are

:

not allowed to sacrifice any animals except the swine and the bullock,

and calves, namely, those that are clean among

how can

them, and the goose, laid

is

an

abomination to

He

r

odot u

offer

an

it

a multitude of

unclean.

were accurately examined, prescribed examination

on the horns.

unclean animal,

To

They

marks besides in

offer

etc.

is

offered,

also placed

this; the

Each

stress

considered as

is

it

What

?"

men

truly

Only a red ox could be

s.t

black hair rendered

upon

they offer

upon cleanness, and how

seen from

and a single

dependence

tongue and

tail

victim must, after a

confirmation of

its fitness,

be sealed

an unsealed ox was prohibited on

penalty of death.| **

Compare Herod.

t

B.

t

The

2. c. 38.

B. 2. c. 41. Heeren, S. 363. See also Bahr on the passage.

intolerant fanaticism of the Egyptians,

which the answer of

THE BOILS OF EGYPT.

—

Fifth Plague

the Destruction

In reference to the there little

is

not

much

fifth

of

the

Animals

19

Egypt.

plague, the destruction of the cattle,

upon the diseases of animals

attention

in

to be said, since travellers have

single scattered passages

in

bestowed

Only

Egypt.

are found in the Description, and

these indeed very general, so that

it

cannot be determined

whether diseases make their appearance

in

Egypt, by which

kinds of the larger domestic animals are seized in like

all

manner.

It is

said* that murrain breaks out from time to

time in Egypt with so to

1

much

severity that they are compelled

send to Syria or the islands of the Archipelago, for a

supply of oxen. a disease very

began the

make

to

much

in the

since about the year

diminished the number of oxen, they

is

continued in

later times.

enumeration of the animals on which the plague

shall seize, chap, ix, horses are assigned the first place,

that too without further remark,

which

in

new

1786

use of the buffalo in their place for watering

and the practice

fields,

That

It is also said,f

is

again one of the

such an inquiry as the one before

importance, so soon as the scattered

little

and

things,

us, is of so great

items

are collected,

and thereby rescued from the contingency to which each

is

subject.

The

sixth

Plague

—

the Boils.

That the sixth plague, the boils, was miraculous only in is shown by a comparison of Deut. 28: 27, where the

extent,

Moses

is also proved from other sources. Herodotus says, in " If any person kills one of these animals intentionally, he expiates his crime by death if unintentionally, he must pay the fine which the priest imposes. But whoever kills an ibis or a hawk, whether intentionally or not, must die."

B.

implies,

2. c.

65

:

;

* Descr.

t.

17. p. 126.

f

Descr.

p.

62

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

120

same disease under the name o^ boils of Egypt is represented as But a more exact defining of of common occurrence there. the nature of this sickness

considers t

i

it

u st aud P

1

i

boil§ does not

Rosenmueller*

is difficult.

the elephantiasis which,

Lucre-

according to

n y,j: was peculiar to Egypt. But the appellation

seem

to

be proper

for this disease,

still

the expression, "breaking out in blains" in Ex. 9: 9.

E

the elephantiasis does not attack cattle. to a

remark

sores

Grange

in

come upon

tient in

i

ch ho

(Tourtechot):

r|l

less

Besides, r

n appeals

autumn

*'In

the thighs and knees, which remove the pa-

These notices seem however

two or three days."

have reference to the plague, but

it is

malady existed so anciently, and indeed reference

for the

the circumstances,

to

uncertain whether this it

does not answer

evidently to a very

is

Only

painful, but not absolutely, dangerous sickness.

a dis-

ease attended by feverish cutaneous eruptions can be meant,

one which amid the variety of diseases does not definition.

makes

in

easily

admit of

But the destruction which small-pox and plague Egypt, shows how very much the climate there

We

disposes to such diseases.

are almost disposed to think h e v e n o t describes " There is beof a disease which sides," he says, " a sickness, or rather inconvenience, for it

T

is

:

more inconvenient than dangerous, which makes

pearance when the waters of the Nile begin to

its

ap-

Then

rise.

hot pustules which are very troublesome, and sting terribly,

appear upon the whole body, and when the patient thinks to

comfort and refresh himself with drink, he

and afterwards, stings as painful as

two hundred needles *

Upon Deut.

+

He

§ II

calls

vn^

it

t

book 26,

-ji-ro

,

c.

5

:

feels

B.

6.

p. 21.

H Voyage du Levant, L.

II. c.

this disease

which

112-13.

Aegypti peculiare malum.

in the dialects, incaluit,

Voyage de I'Egypte,

while drinking,

he were pierced with

But

once."^

28: 27.

in

from

all at

if

80, p. 831.

inflammatus

est.

f

THUNDER

Thevenot, and

;

121

some exaggeration,*

perhaps, described with

be meant, since pustules are not referred

cannot sore

IN EGYPT,

this disease is not the object

but a

to,

of the curse as our sick-

ness appears to be in Deut. chap, xxviii.

guage

Besides the lanDeut. 28: 35, " With sore botch which cannot be

in

healed,"

is

not appropriate to the disease, as well as what

is

that the magicians are not

related in the passage before us,

men were attacked common to men and

able to stand, and the cattle no less th:in

with

See upon diseases which are

it.

M ay ner's

animals,

Anthropology.

The seventh Plague—the Tempest.

The

seventh plague was a severe tempest attended with hail

and rain. In the narrative

itself,

Ch. 9: 18, 24,

phenomenon was unexampled only that

it

not

is

uncommon

counts agree with ours

Egypt

in in

in degree,

in a

it is

said that the

and

it is

showing that tempests

implied

Other ac-

milder form. in

Egypt are

not unfrequent, and that they in general differ from the one un-

These

der consideration, only in severity.

notices are expla-

natory of our account in so

much

as they represent that tem-

most abundant just

at the

time in which, according to

pests are

The

verse 31, the tempest here described occurred.

accounts

of ancient travellers concerning tempests in Egypt, in January

and March, are found carefully collected

in

Nordmey erj

and especially

inHartmann:§ "Mansleben

cony s

it

heard

thunder during their stay

at

and

M a n-

Alexandria, the

former on the 1st of January and the latter on the 17th and 18th of the same month; on the same days

Perry]] also remarks that January and February at Cairo.

there. in *

See other authors upon

t

Th. 2. S. 279. Calendarium Aeg. Oecon.

X IJ

p.

this

it

An

same blotch

p. 11, 12,

255.

11

hails,

in

it

also

hailed

though seldom,

account in the NoHartmann, S. 59

20, 27.

§ S.

41

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

122

tices* bears witness

Fium

at

saw

hail

to the

Pococke

February.

February

in

Bru

fall.

occurrence of the same thing

even saw

mingled with rain

hail

compare Exodus

;

K

9: 34.

o

r

in

fall

e also

t

c et heard in Cossir during the roaring of

the winds through the whole of February, also afterwards on

the Arabian Gulf, the crash of thunder. are not

dence

The

uncommon

in

Egypt

a

at

tempest discharged

itself,

observations of this kind.

resi-

man.|

in

a clap of thunder but once, and that

persons

with him did not notice

same

was so

at all in

The same winds summer and

have very seldom seen

Egypt

is

a wonder.

A

nated below, a harder

it

faint that several

CoutelleU

it.

says:

with a

in this land

return regularly at

time, and continue equally long.

does not rain

affirms that

Egypt, he did not hear

" Natural phenomena succeed each other constant uniformity.

make complete

Du Bois Ayme§

during the two years which he spent

We

killing a

residence of the scholars of the French expedition in

Egypt, was not continued long enough to

the

March tempests

In

Thevenot's

During

Cairo."

In the Delta

scarcely at

rain in Cairo.

it

in winter.

all

Rain

in

Upper

higher temperature than that desigfrost,

and more copious rains are

extraordinary occurrences." J o m a r d^ upon the climate of Cairo says " Rain falls by no means so seldom in Egypt :

as

is

commonly

evidently

First of

asserted.

be excepted, as

it

Lower Egypt must

all.

much more extended

covers a

surface than the rest of the country, and lies where or less proximity to the sea produces a

than that of Said.

All

more

phenomena with

its

greater

variable climate

the exception of hail

and snow follow there as in other countries, which are washed by the Mediterranean Sea. I have several times seen even hail at

Alexandria.

M.260. § I.e. p. II

1[

At Cairo the +

state of the

1.267(?),H. 117.

atmosphere begins J I:

344.

Ki.").

In Obss. Meteoiologiquos in the Descr.

In Descr.

18. 2. p.

510

seq.

t.

19. p. 457.

J §

KINDS OF GRAIN IN EGYPT. settled,

and

account of

this

more

to be

Upper Egypt,

in

1SJ3

almost invaria-

it is

ble."

The

plague comprises also other separate

One

but very striking references to Egypt. in

chap

where Moses says

9: 19,

fore

now and

field

;

for

the field

shall

die."

were not found

in the

tempest

commenced;

agrees

accurately

much

Pharaoh

is

found,

*' :

first,

Send there-

gather thy cattle and all that thou hast in the upon every man and beast which shall be found in and shall not be brought home, the hail shall come

down, and they cattle

to

According

to this verse, the

but in the

stall

field,

verse 31 confirms this fact.

our other accounts,

— an

when the With this

agreement so

more sigificant, since the time that the cattle were turned out was so short. N ie b u h r* says: " In the months the

January,

March and

February,

April

the

cattle

graze,

whereas during the remaining months they must be supplied with dry fodder."

The

shows the same thing.

author of the Egyptian calendar!

Also according to the Description,

the cattle get green food only four months of the

year, the

rest of the time, dried fodder.

Not

less

important

author in chap. 9: 31 smitten

,

But the wheat and the

:

the flax and the barley were

in the ear

spelt

remark of the

parenthetical

"And

was

for the barley

;

the

is

32

and the

flax

were not smitten,

was

boiled.

for these

come

In surveying what was destroyed and

to maturity

later."

what was

be destroyed in case of persevering obstinacy,

there

to

here

is

named

:

First, the products

and woe of ancient Egypt depended. spelt as

on which the weal

Compare respecting

one of the most important products of ancient Egypt,

the corn from which they prepared their bread,

with the remarks of B a h

17

^

Reisebeschr.

t

In the Notices et Extraits, ;

i

Hartmann,

Tom.

I.

Herodotus,

There are representations of the

r.

S. 142.

S. 232

17. p. 126.

;

t.

1. p.

Le Bruyn, §

I.

252.

See also Nordmeyer,

570.

B.

2. c. 36,

and

also c. 77,

p.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

124

Rosel

flax harvest in

rah, from

1

i

people for the most part cultivation

found, and

The

n

which the bread of rice there it

cannot

The

i.* is

is

at least

common Of the

recent in Egypt.!

live, is

Dur-

cultivation of the

made, upon which the

trace

scarcely a single certain

have been general.}:

Secondly,

author shows the most accurate knowledge of the time

Flax and barley are nearly

harvest in Egypt.

of the

ripe,

when wheat and spelt are yet green. Theophrastus§ In Egypt barley was harvested in the sixth and P n y say month after sowing, wheat in the seventh month. Sonnini,^ after remarking that with the cultivation of wheat, ^' It comes to matuthat of barley is very important, says rity about a month earlier than wheat, and its harvest is Wheat and spelt come to maturity at especially abundant." Flax and barley were generally ripe about the same time.** Such circumstances are in March, wheat and spelt in April. 1

i

:

II

:

not in keeping with the character of a mythic historian.

The eighth Plague

The narrative

itself indicates,

—

the Locusts.

Ch. 10:

6, 14, that the animals,

which constituted the eighth plague the times somewhat

common

in

dance of them was unprecedented. firm this fact.

were

locusts,

at

other

Egypt, and that only the abun-

Other accounts

also con-

H a r m a n ntt has collected the notices of ant

cient travellers,

among whom Norden|J has

described what he saw in the following words

particularly

" In

:

common

with Syria and other regions of Asia, Egypt suffers from the locusts, yet

no account can be found of

terrible desolation here as in Syria,

*

Vol.

t

De Sacy upon Abd.

II. p.

producing such

But of espe-

etc.

333 seq.

§8.3. **

their

Arabia,"

See Hartinann,

II

p. 120.

Id

7.

S. 207.

t

Sonnini,

irTh. tt

2.

I.

S. 251

ff.

p.261.

S. 24!).

tt S.

119.

;

LOCUSTS AND THE CHAMSIN.

D e n o n' s*

cial interest is

served by him

account of a

Two days

"

:

125

flight

of locusts ob-

after this calamity, (they

had been

suddenly overtaken by a heavy chamsin) we were informed that

was covered with

the plain

from

We

east to west.

seemed

the fields

birds which had flown hither,

at least that

in

for it

that

a long current

such great numbers, we

hastened our pace in order to observe them.

we found

dense flocks

Supposing that they were strange

flowed through the plain.

birds,

in

saw from a distance,

fact

move, or

to

which flew

birds,

in

But instead of

which made the land bald

a cloud of locusts

they stopped upon each stalk of grass in order to devour

and then flew further

when

the corn

as lean, as efficient

and

are also a production

changed

for

At

spoil.

a time of the year

tender, they would have been a real plague

is

as lively as the

of the desert.

course, so as to blow directly against them,

its

;

Arab Bedawin, they After the wind had it

swept them back into the desert."

This account presents three particulars sin

appear

in

1.

:

a striking

agreement with ours,

In both passages, the locusts and

immediate connection with each other.

both the flight

from east to west, which

is

is

more worthy of remark, since some,

the

Boh

1

e n,f have

represents the

imputed

it

locusts as

even so as

in

chamIn

2.

much

recently

v.

to the author, as a fault, that he

coming with the

east wind.

3.

In both, the locusts, by a change of the wind, are driven

back whence they came.

The ninth Plague

—

the

Darkness^

In the ninth plague, the darkness,

it is

scarcely possible

mistake the similarity to natural phenomena, since

to

many

other characteristic

*Vol. f

I. p.

287,

London

Compare page 8

traits

Edition.

seq. of this

11*

it

has

besides the one rendered

volume.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

126

The

most conspicuous here.

the darkness in this plague significance,

is

partial

prominence given

to

explained from the symbolic

which the occurrence has

The

in this particular.

darkness which overshadowed Egypt, and the light which

shone upon the

Israelites,

were symbols of God's anger and

cannot be doubted that the foundation in nature

It

favor.

plague

for this ninth

is

sought in the chamsin, whose

to be

lower degree,

efifects

in a higher or

visited

Egypt, have experienced.

Hartmann* "

thors.

The

has collected

all

what

is

travellers

said by

who have ancient au-

inhabitants of the cities and villages,"

it

is

there said, "shut themselves up in the lowest apartments

of their houses and cellars

;f

but the inhabitants of the desert

their tents or into the holes

go into

the ground.|

There they

await,

full

which they have dug

of this kind of tempest, which generally

The

in

of anxiety, the termination three days.

lasts

roads during this time are entirely vacant, and deep

stillness, as

of the night, reigns everywhere."

writers we first refer to D u Bo is who compares the Mosaic darkness to the chamsin. The phenomena of the latter he describes in the following

Among modern

A y m e,v, manner its

light

that one in

the

'' :

is

When

the chamsin blows the sun

obscured, and the darkness

seems

is

the day at Cene, a

pale yellow,

we experienced

to be in the blackest night, as

middle of

is

sometimes so great, of Said."

city

A

second description we quote from S on n i n :|| *' The atmosphere," he says, " was heated and at the same time obi

scured by clouds of dust

;

the thermometer of

Reaumur

stood

27 degrees. Men and animals breathed only vapor, and that was heated and mingled with a fine and hot sand. This wind Plants drooped, and all living nature languished. at

also continued the tw^enty-seventh

* S.

46

ff.

§p. 110.

t

II

;

it

appeared to

Volney.

Th.

3. p.

|

35

ff.

me

Pococke

to

have

;

THE CHAMSIN.

The

even increased in force.

127

was dark on account of a But of special im-

air

thick mist of fine dust as red as flame."

portance

our object

for

the eighteentli of

is

May

the description of

in the evening, I

perish

from the suffocating heat.

seemed

to

the relief of

my

Such

sight.

As

have ceased.

I

went

painful sensations, I

and such colors

light

De n o n :*

felt

"

All motion of the air to the Nile to bathe, for

was astonished by I

a

new

The

had never seen.

sun, without being veiled with clouds, had been shorn of

beams.

gave only a white and shadowless

It

feeble than the

moon.

appeared disturbed.

ance

;

The

water reflected not

— Everything

light, its

its

more

rays,

and

assumed another appear-

the air was darker, a yellow horizon caused the trees to

appear of a pale blue.

The

the clouds.

Flocks of birds fluttered about before

frightened animals ran about in the fields,

and the inhabitants who followed them with not collect them.

The

their cries could

wind, which had raised immense

clouds of dust and rolled them along before yet reached us.

which

On

as if I should

this

at

We thought

moment was

itself,

had not

we went into the water, we should avoid this mass

that if

quiet,

of dust which was driven towards us from the south-west but

we were

swell as if

scarcely in the river,

it

would overflow

its

when

it

banks.

began suddenly to

The waves broke

over us, and the ground heaved under our

feet.

Our

gar-

ments flew away when seized by the whirlwind, which had now reached us. We were compelled to go to land. Wet and beaten by the wind, we were soon surrounded by a ridge A reddish, dusky appearance filled the region

of sand.

;

with wounded eyes, and nose so breathe,

we strayed from one

our dwellings with great

Then, we

when one

that

hardly

another, lost our way, and found

difficulty, feeling

how

we could

along by the walls.

terrible the condition

must

be,

overtaken by such a wind in the desert.

On

the

sensibly is

filled

felt

Vol.

I.

285.

;

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

128

following morning the

same cloud of dust was

circumstances, along the Lybian

desert.

driven, in like

followed

It

mountain range, and when we believed ourselves the west wind turned these dark clouds

motion

rain

the

;

wind and dust

;

back.

it

the

from

it,

Lightnings shot feebly through

the elements appeared to be in

all

;

free

com-

mingled with the lightning gleams, with

everything seemed to be returning to chaos

and old night."*

The

severity of the

chamsin

Dschemaleddin by Rosenmueller

years. t

quoted

which seen merely

we

with which

took place

in

general,

is

very different in different the Chronicle

describes in in

his

Commentary, cases

are considerably like those

are concerned. In reference to the one which"

in the eleventh century,

said

it is

"

:

There occur-

red a great and violent storm, accompanied

were destroyed and houses demolished

edifices

by darkness

moreover

;

at

same time Egypt was covered with so thick a darkness that all believed that the resurrection had come." In the account of another wind of this kind in the twelfth century, he says " There occurred such a darkness in Egypt that the whole air was obscured with dimness, at the same time the

:

men

there arose so heavy a wind, that the

expected the

all

resurrection."

The

time in which the three days' darkness

falls is just

that

which the chamsin generally blows.|

in

The

It

tenth

may

Plague

—

Death of the First-horn of the Egyptians.

the

be proper to remark here, before

the tenth plague, that the phrase

*

t

See other descriptions 7. S.

all

The whole

not be pressed too far.§

Th.

*'

in

we proceed with

of the first-born" must

tenor of the narrative

Mayr, Reise,

S. 245,

and

in

§

See

Michaud,

11.

Hartmann,

S. 'A.

\

Hartmann,

S. 47.

is

p.

109

EPIDEMICS IN EGYPT. a proceeding,

opposed to such tion

129

and particularly the declarathere was not one dead,"

"There was no house where

:

30

in chap. 12:

born.

It

mained

since in every house there was not

;

must not be inferred that none of the

alive

in the land, or that

a

first-

first-born re-

none besides the

first-born

died.* If

we

take into view the time in which the

last

plague,

the destruction of the first-born occurs, and farther also that it

M

that

we

in a pestilence described

by

follows immediately the chamsin,

something analogous to

find i

n u tol

the plague raged

it

be allowed that

so early a period, or that another similar-

at

ly destructive disease existed

says,

we cannot deny

not material, whether

It is

i.t

it

commonly makes

its

in its

place.

appearance

The

plague, he

Cairo about the end

at

The miasma

of March, or at the beginning of April.

is

com-

municated merely by contact. Local causes, however, increase its malignancy, and even the prevailing winds have an im-

With an uninterrupted chamsin the plague who are at-

portant influence.

increases frightfully, and speedily takes off those

tacked by

Legh

it.

also gives a similar account

(on the pestilence then raging)

Nokia, or the of June.

ceding

rise

The

this

was

:

"A salutary

also expected

influence

from the

of the Nile which begun on the eighteenth

unhealthiness of the season of the year pre-

month

is

ascribed to the chamsin, or the wind

from the desert, which commonly begins to blow about Easter-Monday and continues fifty days, and to the stagnant con-

This notion is so settled among the Nile. Arabs that they are accustomed when it ceases to congratu-

dition of the

*

The account of an

especially destructive plague in Egypt, in the

" Howls and shrieks met one at every step. Several dead bodies were oftentimes put together on the same bier, and I saw men who bore them, give over their burden to others and lie down upon the ground with all the symptoms of the plague." Description,

were heard

t

S. 224.

in

t.

15.

p.

180,

every house

;

may

be compared

:

funeral processions

— EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

130 late

each other on account of having survived

The two

summer

or three months before the

teemed so unhealthy, that

it

is

riod the sraall-pox

is

are es-

the plague always

said, that

rages during this time, even in Cairo.

this period.

solstice

During the same pe-

Compare

also very dangerous."*

the Description,! where in accounting for this sickness

imputed mainly

chamsin, and

to the

it is

also is

it

remarked that great

inundations which leave numerous morasses, always precede destructive epidemics.

That

the Egyptians are swept off by an epidemic

probable, and

What

indeed

is

than probable, from chap. 9: 15.

Lord there says he had long been able

the

he now

much more

to do, that,

really does; since the reasons here given in verse 16,-

which, until now, have prevented him from proceeding to

now

this last resource,

have

by a series of acts

sufficiently unfolded his

ceased; since, in short, he has

omnipotence and

grace.

For the sparing of the

may be

analogous

nature

Israelites, certain things in

referred to, but they by

no means serve

to

obscure the divine favor in the preservation, since this divine

Here may

favor insured nothing less than absolute safety.

be quoted,

first,

plague: "It bility to

it,

is

says in reference to the

remarkable that fear increases the suscepti-

but fearlessness protects against

Prokesch|

what

Minutoli

what

Further,

it."

says of the Egyptian Bedawy,

is

ap-

ascribe the disease of the eyes in Egypt, which rages

Some among

dew and

dust of

propriate

here:

"His

health

is

unalterably good.

the Fellahs, and even in the cities, to the the desert.

But the Bedawy sleeps

ranges from desert to desert, and

among says

'^

?

:

§

these tribes."

"

With

The Bedawin

Reise in Aeg. D.

Weim.

Erinnerungen, Th.

this

are

in

the open

agrees what general

air,

and

never spread

this pest has

1818. S. 142.

2. p. 244.

in

M

i

ch au d

very temperate.

15, p. 179.

t

1.

§

Th.

7. p. 29.

'

ANALOGY OF NATURE.

They have no

physicians and

of the eyes, which

is

little

131

The

sickness.

so prevalent an evil in Egypt,

is

disease

almost

unknown in the desert. The plague seldom extends its ravages among them." Those who are disposed to take offence at the analogies in nature, which we have adduced for the plagues, are referred, first, to what we have said in the beginning of this chapter, concerning the miraculous character of these occurrences, notwithstanding the analogy of nature.

minded, that

it

They

are also re-

cannot be denied that similar analogies are

generally allowed to exist in relation to the wonders of the desert, the

manna and

the quails.

But we wish the advo-

cates of the mythic interpretation of the Pentateuch to that precisely that part of

it

which appears

strongest bulwark for their view, to

it.

is

to

know, them the

most decidedly opposed

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

132

CHAPTER EXODUS,

IV.

XIV

Chapters

and XV.

The Military Force of the Egyptians. In our section on the references of the Pentateuch to the

we have spoken of some

geographical features of Egypt,

come

things which

within the range of our inquiry in con-

We

nection with these chapters of Exodus.

out the agreement of the

ready

at

the

command

fact, that a

of Pharaoh to pursue the fugitive Is-

with the declarations of

raelites,

have pointed

considerable army stood

Herodotus,

which show

stations of the military caste

were

in

the

vicinity of the scene of these transactions, in the Delta.*

It

that the principal

remains

for us to

make

here the following remarks.

"Wherever," says Rosel ni,t " the armies are represented on the great monuments of Egypt, they are composed of troops of infantry, armed with the bow or lance, and of ranks of chariots drawn by two horses." Chariots I.

1

appear also in

Homerf Upon

Egyptian army.

same author,^ neither quence

is

*

Page 48, 57

all

seq.

II. 3. p.

Iliad, 9. 383,

II.

3

Compare

where

S* dv Ixnort^v p.

a

litter.

The

few figures upon

W

i 1

k

i

n

s

on

||

in reference to this last fact also Rosel-

232.

t

§

in

belong to foreigners.

200.

I

ffirjHoaioi

monuments, says the

a king nor any other person of conse-

represented in any other way, than on foot, upon

almost

lini, II. 3. p.

the principal strength of the

the Egyptian

a chariot or throne, or

horses

as

i

240.

it is ^

said of

Thebes

jfiS^ ixarofinvkoi hai,

:

Avlqh^ l^oiyvivoi oiv II

Vol.

I

'InTioiaiv xai oxaatpiv.

p.

288, 335.

EGYPTIAN CHARIOTS OF WAR. agrees with

R oseU

i

n

i

in the principal point,

composed the main

chariots

133

and the cavalry took only

namely, that

military force of the Egyptians,

subordinate place.

a

Egyptians had no horsemen

at

all

That

he does not admit,

the

—

al-

though he concedes that no representations of them are found

on the monuments, tus,

important

passage, chap.

Diodorus,

of

— relying upon the authority of H 108, he omits,)

argument, however,

last

aside,

the declaration

command

of the ca-

represented as a very honorable post, generally occu-

pied by the most distinguished

This

o d o-

24,000 horsemen, and

also

the fact that in the hieroglyphics the " is

r

according to which Sesostris had, besides

27,000 who fought upon chariots, valry"

e

where Amasis appears on horseback, (the more

2. 162,

among

Rose

1

the sons of the king.* 1

i

by remarking that the designation

n

attempts to set

it

properly overseer

is

of horses, and probably has reference to the care of the breed

Champollion|

of horses.

"This was

says of the

war chariots:

the cavalry of the age, cavalry properly speaking

did not exist then in Egypt." It is

accordingly certain, that the cavalry, in the more an-

cient period of the Pharaohs, is is

doubtful :

What

result

1

it

was but

little

generally existed.

relied on,

The

is

it

now

the

common

view, according to which riding

superadded with equal prominence to the cha-

of war, in our passage, the right one, there would arise

strong suspicion against the credibility of the narrative. a

and

question

relation the declarations in our passage have to this

Were

on horses riot

whether

more accurate examination shows,

But

that the author does not

at all, that according to him the composed only of chariots of war, and that he therefore agrees in a wonderful manner with the native Egyptian monuments. And this agreement is the more mi-

mention Egyptian cavalry Egyptian army

is

^

Wilk. Vol.

t

Page 442 of the German Translation of his Letters. Brussels Ed.

1. p.

2D2.

t

12

II. 3. S.

259.

:

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

134

Hute, since the second division of the army represented upon

them, the infantry, could not,

in

the circumstances of our

narrative, take part in the pursuit.

The

and principal passage concerning the constituent

first

parts of the Egyptian

army which pursued the

that in chap. 14: G, 7

"

:

And

took his people with him

;

he

made ready

Israelites, is

his chariot,

and

and took 600 chosen chariots,

them."

Egypt and chariot warriors upon all of Here Pharaoh's preparation for war is fully de-

scribed.

It consists, first,

the chariots of

all

of chariots, and secondly of cha-

Cavalry are no more mentioned than infantry.

riot warriors.

This passage, which is so plain, explains the second one, verse 9, where the arrival of this same army in sight of the Israelites is plainly and graphically described, in order to place distinctly before the reader the impression which the view made upon the Israelites: *'And the Egyptians followed them and overtook them, where they were encamped by the sea,

chariot-horses of Pharaoh and his riders

the

all

If riders here be understood in the

and his host."

common

sense, (chariot-warriors rather than riders upon horses might

so

much

the sooner be mentioned, since the Egyptian war-

chariot was very small and light,) where then riot

warriors?

it is

to his

The

purpose to be minute, and since he evidently

tended to accumulate circumstances as

Also

upon

in all

are the cha-

author would not leave them out, since

verse 17 his

:

host,

"I

will get

upon

his

much

as

in-

possible.

me honor upon Pharaoh, and

chariots and upon his riders,"

the riders again correspond with the chariot-warriors in verse 7.

If there

were then chariot-warriors and

riders,

how

In verse 23 strange that they are never spoken of together. " And the Egyptians pursued them and went in after them, all

the horses of Pharaoh, his chariots

and

his

riders," the

three constituent parts of the Egyptian warlike preparation are fully designated.

common

way,

it

If riders were here understood in the

would be surprising that horses and chariots

.

CHARIOTS OF EGYPT. '.vere

named, and

135

who

that chariot-warriors,

are most impor-

meaning of the passage, chap. " Horse and his rider hath he thrown into the sea," 15: 1 is clear from verse 4 of the same chapter, where only the overwhelming of the chariots and chariot-warriors is spoken of. tant,

were

left out.

Finally, the

:

2.

The number

of chosen chariots of Egypt

chap. 14: 6 (7) to GOO.

If

we compare with

is

limited in

this other de-

clarations with regard to the strength of the Egyptian hosts of

war,

we

shall

be the better prepared to

moderate statements, so inappropriate Jo

tion.

s

e p h u s adds,

chariots which

from

his

Pharaoh brought

in a

own

appreciate

these

mythic representa-

resources, to the

into the field,

600

50,000 horse-

men and 200,000 footmen. The Jewish tragic poet, E z ekiel, says that the Egyptian hosts of war amounted to a million. According to D o d o r u s,* Sesostris had 600,009 i

footmen, and 24,000 horsemen, and 27,000 chariots of war.

He gives an equally

extravagant

number

in chap. 45:

47.t

It

600 chariots are not the whole force with which Pharaoh pursued the Israelites. Besides, the 600 chosen chariots were also the chariots of Egypt. But the number of the last must also be fixed according to the analogy of

is

certain that the

the

first.

3.

The

author in verse 7 makes a difference between the

chosen chariots and the chariots of Egypt. dently compose the guard of the king.

proved the existence of

dotus

a royal

and the monuments.|

The

We

guard

in

From

Herodo

first evi-

have already

Egypt from t

u

Hero-

s :§

" But

ihey (the warriors) enjoyed these privileges in turn, never at

once

—

a

all

thousand of the Calasaries and as many of the Her-

motybies were the yearly guard of the king, and to these was given, in addition to their land, each day," etc., that at least in early times, these guards * 1. X

54.

Pages 24,

t

67.

Compare

§ 2. 168.

it is

certain

changed each year.

Rosellini, Vol. II. 3. p. 231

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

136 however

It is

must not be understood as imsucceeded to this employment,

true, that this

plying that the soldiers

all

without selection, in successive divisions; but the rotation

among chosen troops. may perhaps appear remarkable, that

took place rather, only 4.

It

notwithstanding their very great numbers,

the Israelites,

appearance

at the

of the not very numerous Egyptian hosts of war, considered themselves as absolutely

lost,

and that the thought of with-

A

standing them did not even occur to them.

Wilkinson*

assists

in

explaining this fact

remark

"

:

The

ized state of Egyptian society required the absence of

arms except when they were on service." were

in

civilall

If the Israelites

unarmed when they departed, they could not

entirely

think of making resistance.

Musical Instruments among

According

to

through the sea,

chap. 15: 20, 21,

the

Egyptians,

after

they had

Miriam, the prophetess, the

took the timbrel in her hand, and

all

the

sister

women

passed

of Aaron,

followed

af-

her with timbrels and dances, and Miriam answered them (Moses and the children of Israel) " Sing to the Lord, for

ter

:

he hath triumphed gloriously the horse and the rider hath he thrown into the sea." Analogies for this scene, in more than one respect, are found upon the Egyptian monuments. ;

First,

we

find

and women.

upon them,

Champo

of Beni Hassan, "

1 1

as here, separate choirs of i

a picture

which represented a concert of

vocal and instrumental music; a singer

player upon

which

^ Vol.

is

accompanied by

a

by two choirs, one of lat-

time with their hands." I.

p.

347.

stance, p. 402. t

assisted

composed of men and the other of women; the

is

ter beat

the harp, and

men

o nt discovered in the grottoes

S. 53. dor Brief e.

Compare

a

minute discussion of

this

circum-

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.

137

Further; the timbrel or the tambourine was, according to

monuments, commonly the instrumen.* A description and drawing of the tambourine is given by Wilkinson.t the representations of the

ment of the women,

We

also find

as the flute of the

upon the Egyptian monuments,

as here, the

playing of the tambourine even unaccompanied by other in" Wostruments, in connection with the dance and singing.

W

men," says i 1 k i n s o n,| in describing a scene in Thebes, " beat the tambourine and darabooka drum, without the addition of any other instrument, dancing or singing to the

sound." that

Finally;

among

the

among them

We

in will

descriptions show,

Moreover, the tambourine was used

religious destination. §

formed

monuments and

the Egyptians generally, music had a decidedly

in sacred music.

Egypt

Religious dances were per-

||

worship of Osiris.^

in the

here add those things which the examination of

Egyptian antiquity furnishes

in explanation of the

passages of the Pentateuch, where music

According

to

were ordered

to

Num.10: 2 seq., two silver trumpets, n'^Stiiin, be made for calling together the congregation,

to give the signal for breaking

(see

Num.

remaining

mentioned.

is

up the camp,

for

use in war,

31: 6, where in the war against Midian the trum-

pets are taken,) and

for

festal

By

occasions.

another kind of trumpets, called nsi'i:

,

From Joshua,

25: 8 seq., the year of jubilee was announced.

chap. 6, verse 4, where the same instrument ably called trumpet and horn,

we

the blast of

according to Lev.

is

interchange-

see that this last instrument

had the form of a horn, and accordingly the chatsotserah must be the sti'aight trumpet.

Among

the Egyptians, remarks

Wilkinson,**

*

Wilk. Vol.

t

Vol. II. p. 254.

+

Vol. U. p. 240, where a representation of this scene

II. p.

253, 314.

§ Rosellini, II. 3. p. 78.

^ Ros.

Ros.

JI. 3. p.

||

12*

37 seq.

Wilkinson,

** Vol.

II. 3. p. 96.

I.

trum-

is

found.

II. p. 316"

p. 297.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

138

pets were already in use in the earliest times of the Pharaohs.

The

sculptures at

Thebes show

Trumpeters are there

this.

often represented in the battle scenes, sometimes standing

and summoning the troops to form, and

them to

Rose

a rapid charge.

1

1

i

n

at other

says

i

"

:

still

times leading

The Egypand

tians were acquainted with the real straight trumpet,

made

use of

it

for

warlike purposes, as far as the

show, as the Tyrrhenians make use of the description of this trumpet in

remarks that trumpet

it

only in war."

it

Wilkin

was especially used

monuments

son,* who

The

war.

in

crooked

not found on the Egyptian monuments, but

is

See also

E u-

makes mention of an instrument in the fashion of a crooked trumpet, whose invention he ascribes to Osiris, and whose Egyptian name he gives, remarking that it was s

a

t

h

t

used

i

u

for

s

assembling the people to sacrifice.!

ble that, as in the

among

Mosaic times, only the

among

use, and especially

straight trumpet

both, this only

remarka-

It is

among

the Egyptians, so also

the Israelites

was

in

general

was made use of

in

war." In Gen. 4: 2j Jubal

who

represented

is

as

the father of

all

play the lute and the pipe, accordingly the invention of

these instruments

is

referred to a primitive age.

indeed as a commendation of

music

as

beginning with

its

this passage, that

It serves

represents

it

natural beginning, the invention

But the great antiquity of stringed

of stringed instruments. |

instruments in general, and especially of those named, receives special confirmation from

the Egyptians,

we

find

even

in

Among

the monuments.

the most ancient times very

curiously constructed stringed instruments, especially a three

stringed guitar, which implies a long succession of imperfect •*

t

II. 260, 262.

Upon

the Iliad,

2.

219, vA. Lips,

{adXnty^) ttuq Aiyvnxloti,

XQMyrai I

ijv

S* avrtj ir^og d'voiav,

Burney

in

Wilk.

II. p.

t

iv. p.

"Oai(jig eh^e

;

65

:

SsvrtQa

xa?.ovvTeg rovg ox^ovg

226.

77

GTQoyyiXr,

Halovfiivi], (paal, x^'oi'Vi ^i.ariiinjs.

-^^^

§

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.

Such instruments indeed

attempts.

"

pyramids.*

The

139

are represented in the

same author,t tomb near the pyramids of

oldest perhaps," says the

" found in the sculptures, are in a

Gizeh, between three and four thousand years old." cording to Tmai,

at

Rose

1

1

i

n

i,|

there

is

Ac-

represented in the tomb of

Gizeh, an eight stringed harp, which must belong

to the times preceding the last fifteen dynasties.

very ancient tomb a similar

harp.

at

In another

Gizeh, there are represented players on

Indeed, upon the oldest

monuments

instru-

ments are found with the most diverse number of strings, and any advancement in the

art

of constructing them cannot be

traced. *

Wilk.

II. p.

t II. 3. p.

13.

230.

t

Wilk.

p. 271.

§ p. 12, 13.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF

140

CHAPTER

xMOSES.

V.

THE MATERIALS AND ARTS EMPLOYED IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE TABERNACLE AND PRIESTS' GARMENTS Cultivation of the Arts It

among

the

Egyptians and

Israelites.

has been adduced as an argument against the historical

character

of the Pentateuch, that the construction

of the

tabernacle and the priest's garments, implies a cultivation of the arts and an abundance of costly materials, such as

we

among

left

could not expect to find

the Israelites

when they

These materials consisted not merely of

Egypt.

and brass, but also of costly

stuffs,

furs

gold, silver

and spices, things

which a nomade people are not accustomed to carry with them in their wanderings. It is accordingly argued that the whole description of the tabernacle belongs not to history

The

but to fiction.* fidence that

assertion

was made with so much con-

has by degrees become established and tra-

it

ditional.

The

foundation for

its

we have indeed

confiuation,

previ-

ously laidjt by showing that the prevalent view concerning the

condition of the Israelites in Egypt, according to which they

merely continued their nomade there

themselves of

availed

culture

and

civilization,

To

considerable prosperity.

*

in

S.

CXII.

Beitrage Th.

2. S.

430

ft'.

a false one, since they

advantages of

Egyptian

some respects attained

to

complete the structure, there

See Vater, Abhand. S. 648, De Wette,

Von Bohlen, t

and

life, is

the

Beitr.

I.

S. 259. II. S. 260.

PRECIOUS STONES.

now nothing

is

materials which

further

were

priestly robes,

at that

most especially that the

than

requisite,

were used

141

making

in

to

show

that

the

the tabernacle and

time already

in use in Egypt, but and contrivances which come

arts

into consideration, were there already in existence and known. For the material and intellectual resources of the Egyptians

we

justly consider as

But

common

to the Israelites with them.

to furnish this information

We

this chapter.

also

While we show

this.

aim

at a

least that

tious

that

it is

positive object

Moses

is

arts are

beyond

connected

characteristic peculiarities,

prove that the situation of things

we suppose

not our only design in

that the Tsraelitish

many

with the Egyptian by

is

more

is

just such as

it

we

must be,

if

the author of the Pentateuch, or at

historically accurate, while later fiction or ficti-

narrative could not have originated or sustained this

Egyptian relationship.

We

begin with a general declaration of one of the most " It is a

distinguished investigators of Egyptian antiquity.

wonderful

the

fact, that

first

information which

we have

with

regard to the history and manners of the Egyptians, shows us a nation which

advanced

is far

in

civilized

customs and inventions which prevailed of this people, at the

commencement

life.

in the

The same

Augustan era

of the eighteenth dy-

nasty, are also found even in the far distant age of Osirtasen,

the contemporary of Joseph."

The art of Cutting and Setting precious

The

Stones.

materials which were used in the construction of the

tabernacle and priest's garments were a part of them hard,

and a part first

place.

guished

soft.

B

among

Among

e z a

1

ee

1,

the former, precious stones take the is

spoken of

other things for his

of stones for setting."

in

skill

Ex.-S^'S^, as distin" in the preparation

Precious stones, on which the names

of the Israelites were engraven in the character engraven on

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

142

the signet rinw, were placed, according to Ex. 28: seq., in

golden encasements upon

the ephod and

9

— 11,

17,

breastplate

of the high priest.

The

of cutting precious stones, generally very early dis-

art

covered, was practised in Egypt even in very ancient times.* " There are several necklaces of gold and cornelian in the

new gallery of Egyptian antiquities opened at the British Museum, whose exquisite workmanship could scarcely be surpassed by modern artists, though as we see from the engraapparatus of the jeweller was as simple as could

the

ving,

This

well be imagined.

is still

the case in Hindoostan, where

the native jeweller, travelling from house to house with his '

little

produces ornaments of consid-

furnace and blow pipe,

How

erable beauty. "t

were valued

very

nmch genuine

imitations of

them were made

The Theban

artists

employment of for

precious stones

indeed evident from the circumstance that

is

in

considerable numbers.

were particularly distinguished As, then we find

counterfeiting.

it

in

this

common

the Egyptians to imitate the ornaments of the rich in

cheaper materials

for the

use of the lower classes,

it is

very

evident

that

the spirit of luxury, which belongs to an ad-

vanced

state

of civilization was already at an early period

widely diffused in Egypt.| native to Egypt,

son

That

the art of the engraver

was

Wilkinsignets. Of

manifest from the data which

has furnished with regard to the Egyptian

many is

is

of them he has also engravings.^

There,

for

example,

described the signet yet preserved, of one of the earliest

of the Pharaohs. the king

motto *

:

is

"

The

^

side of the plate the

lord of strength,"

which

is

lion

name

Taylor,

II. S.

applied to the king

p.

373-^4

I

Taylor,

;

in Bella-

103.

p. 8b.

Vol, III,

of

with the

See quotations from Winkclmanii, Mnll(>r and others

Symbol. Th. 1

Upon one

engraved; upon the opposite, a

p. 88.

PURE GOLD. on one side

is a

143

scorpion, and on the opposite a crocodile.*

Moreover, various other inscriptions are found engraved on Egyptian rings."t

The art of Purifying and 'Working Metals.

Among the hard materials, Of

Bezaleel

it is

the metals hold the second place.

said in Ex. 35: 32, he

had power to devise

curious works, to work in gold and silver and brass." " From all this compare what o s e 1 1 i n i| says

R

as they are represented in the

articles,

manifest,

how

such

Egyptian tombs,

it is

anciently the art of casting and working metals

was practised

Egypt"

in

Egyptian metallic a smaller

With

:

—And

:

"

The

greater

part

of

of bronze, not a few of gold,

articles are

number of silver, very few of

lead and those

made

of iron are seldom found. "§ The gold which was ordered to be used about the sanctuary

is

tomb

commonly designated as pure gold.|l A painting in at Thebes which bears the date of Thothmes IV.,

pears to represent the fusion and purifying of gold.^

ornaments are found

made of

dence that gold was

The monuments

furnish clear evi-

and thus of course distinguished

purified,

from that which was unwrought and not purified. therefore

made of impure

gold,

According

assertion of Pliny, 33: 6

etiam nunc, be

denied to the Egyptians the

literis

:

"

contenta solis,"

all

the boards of the

Non is

signat Oriens aut Aegyptus by these discoveries shown to

false. f

§ II

IT

Compare Wilk. Ros.

II. 2. p.

See Ex.

III. p. 376.

I

11. 2. p.

297.

298.

25: 11, 17, 24,

RoseDini

II. 2. p.

278.

art of

to Ex. 25: 11, the ark of

and according to 26: 29,

testimony,

The

Incorrectly,

have some, referring to some one old ornament,

preparing pure gold.**

*

ap-

Many

Egyptian collections which are

in the

the purest gold.

the

29 and other passages. ** Ibid. p. 280.

|

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

144

W

i

k inson,"t that

1

in

were overlaid with gold

We find,"

"

tabernacle were to be overlaid with gold.

says

Egypt substances of various kinds

leaf, at

the earliest periods of which

monuments remain even in the time of the Even the mummies were gilded.

the

first

Osirtasen."

According to Ex. 39: 3, the high priest's ephod was interwoven with threads of gold. We find even gold wire attached date of Osirtasen the

to rings bearing the

first

;

wire existed in the days of the third Thothmes.§ the colored Egyptian dresses are probably

and

silver

Some

of

represented in the paintings

woven with gold

threads.

||

In the two upper golden rings of the breastplate, wreathed

golden chains

were inserted,

Egyptians, and are often,

the

fastening

for

the breastplate^

Golden chains were very common among

to the ephod. ^

for

example, represented as

necklaces.**

The

golden candlestick was ornamented with flowers of Representations of

Ex. 25: 31 seq.

gold,

also probably cle. ft

The

both natural

made on

flowers

Egyptians had an extraordinary love

and

were

the variegated cloths of the taberna-

artificial.

flowers are found everywhere

The Lotus and worn

for flowers,

other favorite

According

as ornaments.

Plinyjf they made artificial flowers which received the name of '^Egyptiae."|||| In Exodus, chap. 35: 22, among the free will offerings which both the men and women of Israel brought for the

to

sanctuary,

*'

nose rings and ear rings, and signet rings and

t

Vol. III. 224.

t

See Pettigrew, History of Ejryptian Mummies, London, 1834,

p. 63. §

Wilk.

If

Ex.

**

III. p. 129.

28:

Wilkinson, Vol.

ItBahr Th. nil

I.

II

III. p. 376,

S.314.

Wilk. Vol. U.

Wilk.

111. p. 131.

B'dhr Symbol. Vol. II. S. 105.

22 seq.

p.

183.

with the engraving, 409, M.

U

21: 2.

METAL MIRRORS COMMON pendants," at this

what

all

jewels of gold,

mentioned.

first

abundance of ornaments

R o s e 11

i

n

i* says

ornaments abounded,

upon

145

Astonishment

an end, when we read point " Costly and elegant

is at

this

:

in proportion as clothing in general

among

simple and scarce

IN EGYPT.

the Egyptians.

was

Girdles, necklaces,

armlets, rings, earrings and amulets of various kinds suspended from the neck, are found represented in the paintings and in fact, still exist on the mummies. Figures of noble

youth, are found entirely devoid of clothing, but richly orna-

mented with necklaces,"

The

etc.

brazen laver according to chap. 38

was made

8,

:

of the brazen mirrors which the holy women offered.t " One of the principal objects of the toilet," says Wilkin-

son,! ''was the mirror.

was of mixed metal,

It

copper, most carefully wrought and highly polished

admirably did the

skill

;

chiefly

and so

of the Egyptians succeed in the com-

modern lookingwhich has even been partially revived at the present day, in some of those discovered at Thebes, though buried in the earth for many centuries."

position of metals, that this substitute for our glass

The

was susceptible of

a lustre

mirror was nearly round, inserted into a handle of wood,

See

stone or metal of various forms.§

upon looking-glasses discovered vi^hole

subject,

same author

also the

whom,

the

signifies, the

view

Rosellini,^] according

Egyptian name of mirror like the Hebrew,

1|

and upon the

Thebes,

at

to

of the face.

Wood.

Skill in Carving

The the

third

hard material

* Vol. II. 2. p. t

§ II

is

The circumstance

wood.

same kind of wood which 419—20.

viras

t

Th.

3.

der Beitrage, S. 133.

Vol. III. p. 384,

Engravings of them are found Vol. III. p. 253.

in

Wilk. 11

13

that

employed about the sanc-

III.

385

—

6.

Vol. 11. 2. 528 seq.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

146 the

tuary,

acacia,

used in Egypt only

is

wood which on

p.

known and

38

little

also

commonly

importance, since this

is

the

The Egyptians were and cabinetwork.! Rosellini

the desert furnishes.

greatly skilled in joiner says,

was

(tamarisk, sant,)*

of but

according to the monuments, the saic was

:

use 2000 years before our era.

in

Use of Leather.

Leather holds the

The

first

place

among

the soft materials.

covering of the tabernacle, which lay directly over that

of goat's hair, according to Ex. 26: 14, was to consist of

ram's skins colored red.

Above

handsome

leather,

other kind of

The

defined.

that, was a covering of anwhich cannot be accurately

preparation of leather, says

was an important branch of Egyptian ness of the leather of the straps of a

Wil kin son,f

industry.

mummy

The

fine-

discovered

at

Thebes, and the beauty of the figures which are stamped up-

on

show conclusively

it,

Some of these

Rose

the oldest times. art

1

of making leather.

filled

1 i

n

i§ also gives

is

They made

found represented.

quivers and pouches of different colors, and orna-

ments, shoes and sandals, shields,

wood of

an account of the

In the tombs at Thebes, a shop

with leather-workers

bottles,

who prepared it. name of the kings of

the skill of the artist

pieces of leather bear the

the Egyptian

In the

colored leather.

Egyptian harp

museum

of leather.

of the Louvre,

preserved, whose

is

etc.,

"The

harps was sometimes covered with

wood

is

at Paris,

an

covered with a

kind of green morocco, cut in the form of a lotus blossom. "|| *

Compare Herod. B.

Vett.,

8. V.

2. c. 122.

Jablonsky, Voce. Aeg. ap. Script.

Sant and Sittim, Rosellini,

II. 2. S. 33.

Wilk. Vol.

p. 168. t

Compare Ros.

t

Vol. III. p. 155.

II

Ros. II.

II. 2. p. 32,

3. p. 16.

and Taylor, §

Ros.

p.

106 seq.

II. 2. p.

355.

III.

THE WEAVERS OF EGYPT.

147

Spinning, Weaving and Embroidery.

We now turn our attention and

to their cloths of the tabernacle

Many

garments.

priests'

passages mention the twisted

In the tombs of Beni Hassan, the process of pre-

byssus.*

paring the thread and twining ing,

is

exhibited. f

with clubs so as to ing

it,

they also boiled the thread in water to increase

;

ness,

and

at

thus

make

it

the

same time give

it

this

in

n

i

4 The

men and

ways, which

The

partly by

Rose

1 1

i

n

i

byssus in

inscription on a

RoselThen follows

interpreted by

is

preparation of the yarn of bjssus.

which

is

performed,

women, and indeed

in different

the representation of the twisting partly by

The

way.

part of an Egyptian wall-picture

its soft-

greater consistence, and

better for twisting and weaving.

was treated

particular

I i

preparation for weav-

in

They were accustomed to beat the yarn make it softer and more suitable for twin-

itself,

describes.^

The skill of the Egyptians in weaving, and the great renown of their cloths in all antiquity, is recognized and confirmed by the fact, that the ancient writers attribute to the

Egyptians the invention of this

Herodotus^ Egyptians

women

differ

art.||

mentions as one of the points

in

which the

from other nations, that among them the

perform the out-of-door's work, and the

men weave,**

Other ancient writers bear testimony to the same thing. "In ancient times the weavers of Panopolis, in Upper Egypt, were especially distinguished,

in later times, those in Arsinoe,

Pelusium and Alexandria."tt

Also very many men are seen

*

Ex.

26: 1, 31,

and other passages.

t

+ p. 16. II

Aegyptii textilia (invenerunt). Plin. B.

^ Chap.

Ros.

§ p.

2.

35

Compare

c.

7. c.

II. 2. p. 13, 14.

16 and 17. 56.

105: Ot Se avdQsg aax

oi'ytovg

v(f,aivovot.

**

Heeren,

ft

Strabo, 17, 813.

S. 388.

Drumann

Inschrift

von Rosette,

S. 170.

iovrsg

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

148

on the monuments employed

women

unfrequently also see

weaving,* and when

in

weaving, t this can,

in

we

not

view of the

testimony of ancient writers, yet be considered only as the exception which destroys not the rule.

—Now,

most perfect

in

agreement with these notices of ancient writers, the preparaand the sacerdotal robes

tion of the cloth for the sanctuary

is

represented throughout as under the care of men.t

The women, on and

the contrary, performed the spinning,^

work generally belonged

this

kinson

gives engravings of

Yet

the spindle.

this

raelitish

Wil-

their

work.^

of the purple which they had spun,

which were employed about the taber-

The same

were dyed before weaving.

done among the Egyptians.

it

||

are employed with

was not exclusively

women brought

that the colored fabrics

"

Egypt.

in

evident from Ex. 35: 25, according to which the Is-

It is

nacle,

them

to

women who

M

In

From many experiments upon

i

n u

t

o

1

thing was also i**

it is

said

:

the ancient Egyptian cloth

appears that the byssus was colored in the wool before

weaving, which also cess which all at

P

1

is

shown by Ex. 25:

once upon the web

after

it is

pro-

finished by the use of va-

rious preparations, appears therefore to be

ment

in

cloth

was colored

The

The

4. 26: 1.

n yft describes for impressing different colors

i

Egyptian

a

Wilkinsontf

art."

in the thread

among

advance-

later

also

shows that

the ancient Egyptians.

colored figures in the cloth of the Israelites were

weaver

partly the product of the ""

See,

e, g.

t

Ros.

II. 2. p. 30,

Minutoli,

t.

in

colors,

nipn

,

whose

art

25.

and Wilk. Vol.

III. p. 134,

and the engravings,

Vol. II. p. 60. i ''

See the phrase, "work of the weaver,"'

work of the

artificer," in 28: 6, 15. 26: 31,

§

Ex.

IT

Wilk. Vol.

35: 25.

II

III. p. 133.

ing of Egyptian spindles, ^^ S. 402.

.

tt

p.

Herod.

in

Ex.

28: 32. 39: 22, 27;

but especially ch. 35: 36.

2. 35,

The same author

and Wilk.

also gives

2. 60.

an engrav-

136.

Hist. nat. p. 35, 42.

U

Vol. III. p. 125.

LINEN ARMOR.

149

appears the superior, and partly that of the embroiderer in

Both methods are reproduced on the monu-

colors, QjPh.*

ments, so that the objection which has been brought forward

word rohem by embroiderers,

against rendering the art

of embroidering was generally

unknown

and particularly among the Hebrews, "

entirely groundless.

Wilkinson,!

Many

is

that the

in earlier ages,

to be regarded as

of the Egyptian stuffs," says

" presented various patterns worked in colors

by the loom, independent of those produced by the dyeing or printing process, and so richly composed, that they vied

The Egyptian

with cloths embroidered with the needle." sails,

same author, | were some of them embroidered

says the

with fanciful devices, representing the phoenix, flowers and other emblems.

This, however, was confined to the plea-

sure boats of the nobles and king.

which show

sails

of Remeses

III.

one

is

this

was done even

ornamented with various colors of the time

The

devices are various, the most

common

the phoenix.§

In Ex. 28: 32, priest:

That

evident from the paintings at Thebes,

in the early ages, is

''And

its

it

is

said of the outer

opening

for the

head

garment of the high

shall

be in the middle

of it, a border shall there be to the opening round about, of

woven work, that

it

like the

be not rent."

opening of a habergeon

No

shall

it

be, so

other than a linen harbergeon can

for no other would need a binding. The linen armor of the Egyptians was renowned in all antiquity. He-

be meant

;

rodotusll mentions a linen habergeon (or corselet), ornamented with many animals, and worked with cotton thread and with gold, which Amasis sent to the Lacedemonians as *

fies

Compare

the passage in the Lxx, and the proof that

tj?") signi-

embroiderers, in opposition to Hartmann, Gresen. and others, in

Bahr Symb.

I.

S. 267.

t

Vol. III. p. 128.

§

See engravings

X

in

Wilk.

III. 210.

13*

\\

Ibid, 210. 3. 47.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

150 a present,

and

Minerva

to

which the same king dedicated

also another

at

He

Lindus.

designates this last as a ''linen

corselet worthy of admiration.'*

It

is

was not peculiar

the linen corselet

yet an importance such as

is

to

acknowledged, that

But

Egypt alone.t

here implied, the linen corselet

had nowhere except in Egypt.

Preparation and Use of Unguents.

We

also remark, that

what

is

cerning the holy ointment and

said in Ex. 30:

22

seq.,

con-

preparation, has received

its

abundant explanation and confirmation from investigations

Unguents were very much used among the Egypis evident in part from representations in the

in Egypt.

This

tians.

paintings, and in part from the vases for containing

Some

yet exist.

of them

can be determined from these

oil,

but

it is

was used while the other ingredients depended on the

animal as well as vegetable

As

far as

unguents appear some-

last,

made of nut

times to have been

them which

retain their odor.

still

oil

probable, that

for this purpose,

taste of the

mak-

er or purchaser.}: It is

worthy of notice, that in the description of the holy

ointment, the bin

is first

used as a measure, which afterwards

often appears in the Pentateuch.

It

brew etymology, and furthermore the

name

is

not of

Hebrew

has no discoverable He-

it

appears probable that

origin, since

it is

found, out of the

Pentateuch, only in Ezekiel, in the description of the temple, where, like so

many

other words,

it

is

not taken from the

current language of the day, but from the Pentateuch. * 2. t

See also Wilk.

182.

Ajax

is

X

127 seq.

designated in the Iliad,

the passages collected

Galba,

III.

II. p.

2.

and referred

c. 19.

Wilk.

Ac-

214, and III. 378.

529, as, hvodxo^rji,. to in

Compare

Perizonius upon Sueton.

THE HIN AS A MEASURE.

Leem

cording to

tian language. ral

name

a n,* the

The

for a vessel

liin,

word

he

is

151

borrowed from the Egypwas originally the gene-

asserts,

which then was transferred by the He-

brews and Egyptians to a certain measure of variable com-

Hitherto rials

we have occupied

ourselves only with the mate-

of the tabernacle and priest's garments, and the arts

which are known

to

have been employed upon them.

Now,

we

will also

the

Books of Moses, Egyptian references cannot be denied, who in modern times,

show, that even in the religious institutions of

notwithstanding the opposition of those

combating the practice so

hostile to

ing such references wherever there a reason for *

Lettre a

it,

M.

sound criticism, of is

find-

the least semblance of

have wholly denied their existence.

Salvolini sur les

Monumens

Egyptians, Leyden 1838.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

152

CHAPTER

VI.

EGYPTIAN REFERENCES IN THE RELIGIOUS TUTIONS OF THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

Law among The

the

Egyptians and

INSTI-

Israelites.

complicated character of the legislation of the Penta-

So complex

teuch directs us, in a general way, to Egypt.*

a code of laws could not have been given to a people

who

had not indeed from former circumstances been accustomed If we fancy the Israelites to a law regulating the whole life. as

still

occupying the position of the patriarchs, they are a

complete enigma to doubt," says

Hee

r

Egypt was preeminently

us.

law, and especially of

written

e n,t

''

after all that

tian antiquity, that legislation in

carried, as far

But

especially

at least as

was the

in

its

every third day

—

;

we know

be no

of Egyp-

main branches was there

any other land of the East."|

religious polity of the Egyptians car-

ried out into the most minute details.

of the Egyptian priests

a land of

" There can

law.

'' :

The

Herodotus§

priests shave the

says

whole body

the priests also wear a linen garment and

shoes of papyrus, and they are not permitted to put on any other clothing, and no other shoes.

They bathe

themselves

day, and twice every night.

And

in cold water twice

a

many thousand other

usages, I might say, they must observe."||

*

In den BeitrHgen, Th.

3. S.

623-4.

t

yet

S. 167.

Concerning the Books of Legislation among the Egyptians, see Diod. 1. 94, and Zoega, De Obeliscis, p. 520. X

§ B. 2. c. 37.

W^'jiXkag re d'Qtjaxiai i7tiv6?Jovat fivQiag,

o'jg

slnuv

koyca.

priests' garments.

we

If

153

among whom

take into view the people from

the Is-

were removed, the complicated character of the Mosaic polity, very far from being an argument against its gen-

raelites

uineness, must rather appear to us a necessary condition of

For

it.

polity

a people

which had been

was by no means

in

such a school, a simple

suitable.

In the following institutions of the Books of Moses, special

Egyptian references can be shown, or

We

at least

made probable.*

begin with those things which are closely connected

with the preceding chapter, without properly belonging to

it.

THE STUFF AND COLOR OF THE PRIESTS GARMENTS.

The itish

similarity

which

and Egyptian

material,

is

is

priests'

found to exist between the Israel-

garments

in respect to color

of no small importance.

It is clear

and

from many

passages, that the IsraeJitish priests were clothed in white linen and byssus ;t and that the Egyptians is

evident from

Herodotus :|

were

also so clothed,

" But the priests wear merely

linen clothing, and are not allowed to put on any other." this

In

passage linen includes also byssus.§

Two arguments have been made use of to show that this agreement between Egyptian and accidental.

First,

it is

Israelitish antiquity is

asserted, that these priests'

merely

garments

We satisfy ourselves with the statement of the really tenable Egyptian references, for those which have been claimed as untenable by those who have preceded us, we refer to the " Symbolik des Mosaischen Cultus," by Bahr, where their inadmissibility has been shown *"

oftentimes in a striking manner. t

As Ex.

28:

39—42.

39: 27, 28.

de Vestitu Sacerdotis magni,

I.

p.

Lev. 93

:

6:

10.

Compare Braun

Vestes totius coetus lineae

erant praeter balteum, qui ex lana et lino mixtus. I

2. 37.

Compare Heeren Ideen, 1. 1. S. 107. II. 2. S. 133. Drumann, Ueber die Inschrift von Rosette, S. 169. Pliny, Hist. nat. 19. 1, vestis ex gossypie sacerdotibus Aeg. gratissimae. §

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

154

did not probably belong to the Israelites and Egyptians alone,

but they are rather the same which were diffused throughout the old world

a sure proof, that one people cannot be sup-

;

posed to have adopted them from another, that they were rather,

from the nature of

B a h r*

says

:

the

case,

everywhere

used.

" Everywhere from India to Gaul, the priests'

wear garments of vegetable material, consequently, of linen or cotton, and of white, if possible, of brilliant white color.

It is

the less necessary to refer to individual documents concerning these well

known

facts, as they

have been already collected

by several authors."

But among those quoted,

Spencer

passage cited,t speak only of the directly

shows that linen clothing

Israelites, peculiar only to the

and

Br

luhite color.

is,

a u n, in the

The

"

former

with the exception of the

Egyptian

priests.

S

a

u be

r t,|

only undertakes to prove that the priests everywhere have been

accustomed to clothe themselves with white linen garments.

But the passages which the inaccurate

collector quotes,

all

have reference either to Egyptian or Israelitish antiquity.

The

color taken by

portance.

It is

itself,

is

indeed not without some im-

allowed that white priestly apparel

is

common

But in this exclusiveness Rosenit is peculiar only to the Egyptians and Israelites. m u e e r§ remarks ''Among the Greeks and Romans the color of the pontifical robes was different according to the different gods to whom they sacrificed, and white garments

among

other nations of antiquity.

:

1 1

were put on only when they offered

But

if

we look

at

to Ceres." || (?)

the material of the priests' robes in con-

nexion with the color, an accidental agreement of Israelitish with Egyptian antiquity, can no longer be thought of *

In der Symbolik, Th.

t

1.

§ II

170.

In dem. A.

II. p. 87. I

&

De

Sacrificiis, 1. c. 9. p. 188.

N. Morgenl. Th.

Ovid's Festb. 6.619.

2. S. 190.

That

PREFERENCE OF LINEN GARMENTS. their priests

were clothed

in

155

was considered

linen,

in

all

antiquity as a remarkable and exclusive peculiarity of the

The documents have already been so fully quoted Spencer,* that we only need to refer to him. A priest-

Egyptians.

by

hood clothed only elsewhere in

all

cannot be shown to have existed

in linen,

heathen antiquity

and

;

if

the

new Pythago-

reans, appealing to the alleged example of Pythagoras himself,

gave the preference to linen clothing, instead of woolen,t

can certainly be accounted

this

only by supposing an imitation

for

of Egyptian customs.

B a h r| adduces a second argument

against the dependence

of the priestly robes of the Israelites upon those of the Egyptian. " In Egypt," he says, " the byssus was chosen in preference,

and mainly on account of * p.

683

seq.

de veste linea et peculiaris.

He

says

origin,

its

Addere

:

'

out of the indestruct-

liceat auctores illos antiques,

sic loqui solent, quasi sacrificulis

Nam

linigeri

tanquam proprius

qui

Aegypti propria esset et peculiaris character

sacerdotum Aegyptiacorum apud antiques, poeta& inprimis, frequenter usurpatur. Ideo enim Juvenal grex liniger, Ovidio linigera turba, i

Martiali linigeri calvi^

qui et

Senecae

linteati

senes appellantur.

Herodotus aliique sacrum lineae vestis usuni inter natives et antiques Aegypti mores referunt. Compare the copious collections upon linen as the peculiar dress of the

Suetonius, Otho,

Egyptian

priests,

in Perizonius

upon

c. 12.

t According to Fhilistratus, p. 1. ed. Olearii, Pythagorus would wear no clothing which was prepared from animal stuffs. Sic infra, remarks Olearius upon this passage, Pythagoricae disciplinae initiatus ApolEt lonius livov iod'T^ra aixTtioysxaij TtctQairrjadfisvog TtjV aito tomv. 1.

1. 32,

a Pythagora se habere

lana ex terra nata vestiatur.

ait yr^ivoi &qioj

In B.

6. c.

tovtcu iara'Xd'aij quod

11 of the Pythagorean phi-

Sectaterem suam nee laena esse fovendum, nee lana quae animatis depecti selet. Olearius refers also to other passages. The passages which Braun refers to in one of losophy, Apollonius says

:

cited (I. p. 103,) in proof of the incorrect " Ejusdem quoque materiae plerumque fuerunt ethnicorum

various places before position

:

ve&timenta sacra," can relate only t

Symbol.

2. S.

90,91.

to the

Pythagoreans,

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

156 ible

animal clothing, since

earth,' while they despised

obtained from a creature subject to death, or since

it

is

implies

it

the death of the animals which they suppose unallowed.

The

byssus garments of the Egyptian priests are therefore

most intimately connected with the fundamental principles of the Egyptian natural religion, of which there

not the

is

least trace to

be found in the Mosaic law.

fore that the

Egyptian priests only, besides those instituted

by Moses, had worn the byssus garment, entirely different significance

it

in

Supposing thereconsequence of the

had among them,

it

could yet

furnish no proof of a borrowing or copying."

But allow that it ment of byssus was and the

shown

is

the import of the gar-

that

entirely different

Israelites, yet the

borrowed the custom.

among

the Egyptians

might very properly have

latter

What good

objection

is

there to the

supposition that they applied to a form borrowed from the

Egyptians a

new

significance

But the assertion

?

that the reasons for the preference of this

kind of garment both among the Israelites and Egyptians are entirely different,

among

is

in the highest

the Israelites cleanliness

is

degree uncertain.

ments of linen only, and the prohibition of woolen

The same

from Ex. ch. 44: 17, 18,

To

himself

the

That

the ground of the use of gar-

thing

is

is

evident,

shown by B

same cause Herodotus, the

a h r

oldest wit-

ness, traces

back the use of linen garments among the Egyp-

tian priests.

Both that which goes before the clause already

quoted that

:

"

which

The

priests

wear only linen garments." and also

follows, has reference to the cleanliness,

the estimation of the Egyptian priests

importance. sively

It

religious

is

said before

above

all

:

other

practise the following usages

:

was

The

and consequently

drink from brazen cups

which they wash out thoroughly every day. linen garments always newly washed, with

they take peculiar care.

They

in

much

Egyptians are exces-

people,

They

which

a matter of so

They wear

regard to which

also practise

circumcision

GARMENTS OF THE PRIESTS.

157

R)r the sake of cleanliness, and prefer neatness to decorum. Moreover, the priests shave the whole body each third day, lest either a louse or any other vermin, may be found on them, while they are engaged in the service of the gods." After

"They

follows:

bathe twice a day in cold water and twice

every night."

Plutarch* who lived

so much later, upon whom B a h r support in his claim for the most intimate connexion of the linen garments of the Egyptian priests with their

relies for

peculiar theology, reasons evidently on his

own way, without P h o snew Pythagoreans,

reference to the priests, and as the comparison with t r

a

t

u

shows, more in the sense of the

s

than of the Egyptian priests. linen as a pure garment

i 1

Besides, he also represents the

which

least of

all

generates vermin, t

But the reason assigned by B a h r is not even reconcilable with the Egyptian law. The contempt for animal material in itself, accords not with

was shown eral

the divine honor which in

That

to animals.

Egypt

the killing of animals in gen-

Egypt was considered as unallowed, is entirely Animals were sacrificed and eaten in Egypt

in

incorrect.

without scruple.

How

one can suppose

Bible, that

it is

in his zeal for the vindication of the

necessary to contend against the dependence

of the Israelitish upon the Egyptian priests' garments, can

The more

scarcely be conceived.

original, independent

peculiar the Israelitish religion was in

had

it

to

spirit,

and

the less necessity

avoid with timid care, every external contact with

the religions of other nations, the

more

freely could

it

appro-

more unitself of the advantages which of Egypt offered.

priate to itself the suitable existing forms, and the

trammelled might

it

avail

familiarity with the religion

But we consider

it

certain

that the

Israelitish priests'

garments in respect to material and color, were made in im-

~ * t

De Iside et Osir. p. 352. Ka&aQav ia&TJra yxioza 14

(f&eiQonoiov.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

158

itation of those of the

of each other

is

Egyptian

Their independence

priests.

excluded, since in reference to these particular

circumstances, these two nations stand alone in

The

thought of an inverted order of things

to the general

all

is,

antiquity.

in addition

reasons already given, impossible, since the

priesthood in Egypt, according to expressions in the Penta-

teuch ites

itself,

had already long existed when that of the Israel-

instituted, the material of the clothing is peculiarly

was

Egyptian, and the garment of byssus even in the time of Joseph, appears as the most common Egyptian clothing.* Thus, we have an important result in favor of the Pentateuch. Such a reference to Egyptian customs can only be supposed, if

the priesthood

was

Pentateuch

in the

Israelitish priesthood

in the time to

instituted in the circumstances given

and modern views of the origin of the

;

which

must appear

as entirely untenable, since

this is referred, so close a

connexion did

not exist between the Israelites and Egyptians as to render possible for the former to

borrow from the

it

latter.

URIM AND THUMMIM.

The Egyptian

reference in the

Urim and Thummim,

especially distinct and incontrovertible.

"And you

shall put in the breast-plate

Of them

it is

is

said

:

of judgment the Urim

and the Thummim (the light and the truth) and they shall be on Aaron's heart when he goeth in before the Lord; and Aaron shall bear the judgment of the children of Israel upon ;

his heart before the

to

Ae

1

i

Lord continually," Ex. 28:

a n,t he high priest

30.

among the Egyptians,

According as superior

judge, wore around his neck an image of Sapphire, which was

*

Gen.

t

Var. Hist. L. 14.

41: 42.

i%fM>va(udiifi>ar tjv

$i TOVTOJV

c.

34

:

a.QX(fiv

(paai nag 'Equov r« v6/jLifji,tt naQ AiyvnTioi? oi nQtii jjoav

jiiyvmiol

ontaoral Se to (Iqx^^ov

6 TTQsa^vraTog xal edixatsv aTravrag.

"Ehi

Sa

URIM AND THUMMIM.

D

called truth.

i

odo

r

159

u s* also confirms this

ding to him the chief judge (also according

fact.

Accor-

toDiodorus the

oiSce of judge belonged to the priests,t) wore around his neck

an image of costly was named truth. laid

open

stones, suspended

high priest must touch one of them

their case the

The same

with the image of truth.

an Egyptian wall-picture shows us the chief judge, truth with closed

upon a gold chain which

After both of two contending parties have

authorf in describing

in the midst

judge must see only the

These declarations of the

truth.

ancients have received confirmation from the in Egypt. 1

In proof of the statement

ini§ says:

of the judges,

"who wears suspended from his neck the eyes." By this it is shown that the chief

"Among

the

new

discoveries

ofDiodorus, Rosel-

monuments of the tombs, reprewho filled the office of chief

sentations of persons are found

who wore the common little image of the goddess Thmei suspended from the neck. k n s o n|l gives from the Theban monuments an engraving of the goddess who was

judge, and

W

i 1

i

honored under the double character of truth and

was represented with closed That a connection here Israelitish antiquity,

exists

between Egyptian and

Urim and Thummim,

since in Ex. 28: 30, they translated

for this

^/jAwo-i^

koI

This relation

dXydsia.

upon the ancient theologians.

B r aun,^

example, supposes that the Egyptians probably borrowed

symbol from the

But recently

Israelites.

Bah r**

avTov aivat dcxaiorarov ayaX/Lia nsQi rov

has denied that there

civ&^ojTtojv

is

any connec-

aal acpetdeotarov sixs Ss xal

av^iva ax aan(pUQOv

Xid'ov xal

ixaKaito rb ayaXfia

d?,7Jd'sia.

*B.

31. c. 75.

tB. I.e. IT

and

even the Seventy probably perceived,

by revelation and truth, also forced itself even

justice,

eyes.

De

48.

Vestitu, p. 598.

t

See Wesseling on

§11.

3. p.

this passage.

500. ^*

II

Symb.

II. p. 27.

II. S.

164.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

160

between the two. The agreement, he asserts, depends on no other crroimd than the acknowledged false translation But this of Thummirn by the Seventy, as meaning truth. "acknowledged false translation" since the word means perfectness or blamelessness in the moral sense, is proved on

tion

closer examination to be as completely correct, as the explanation given by

Bahr

Besides, remarks

is

on the other hand

Bah

r,

there

is

false.*

nothing more incongru-

ous than the significance of the Urim and

compared with

that

Thummirn when

badge of the judge, which evidently points

to impartiality as his first duty.

But the moral significance

which later Greek writers, according to their custom, give the symbol is not certainly the first and most important one. That symbol has first and principally a promissory significance. It refers to the special aid of the goddess of truth and justice,

which the high-priest and chief judge enjoyed.

On

the other

hand the promissory significance does not exclude the moral one in the Israelitish symbol. Upon the promise follows of admonition.

itself rather the

nected

shown hy Deut.

is

Thummim that *

God

How

given to the tribe of Levi

will

intimately both are con-

33: 8, 9, in is

which the Urim and

considered as a pledge

guide him in the decisions given in his name,

According to Jiiin, (See S. 165,) the word cin must mean comand c*^£P in connection with t"-i;is is a subordinate, acces-

pleteness,

sory idea, both together

meaning

perfect illumination.

The suppo-

such a hendyadis, besides that it is in itself very harsh, and confirmed by no entirely analogous example, is excluded by Deut. 33: 8, where t:•>^^ stands first " Thy Thummim and thy Urim belong

sition of

:

to

The Urim

thy holy one."

Beitrage Th.

Thummim

2. S.

(the plur.

is

the plur. majest., compare

258,) therefore, refers to divine illumination, the

to the perfect rectitude of the decision

given by him, and

and truth are the designations of the same thing considered from a different point of view. The circumstance that c*-]ss is used unaccompanied by Thummim is very easily explained also by the moral element compreliended in the latter. Light has right and truth integrity

as

its

necessary concomitants, so that the

Thummim in

itself.

Urim comprehends

the

URIM AND THUMMIM. and then mother,

I

said

it is

saw thee

:

"

not,

who and

161

says unto his father and to his his brother

he recognizes not, and

know," words which in a striking manner, remind one of the Egyptian image of the goddess of his children he does not

justice with closed eyes,

Thebes mentioned president

at

in

and of the statues of the judges

Plutarch*

having his eyes directed to the

head,

their

at

without hands with their

ground.

How ity

any one could ever suppose that a denial of the

of these Egyptian and Israelitish symbols

is

affin-

of any impor-

tance in the vindication of the truth, can hardly be conceived.

Through the outward similarity the internal difference is more clearly exhibited. As among the Egyptians the author of truth

appears to be a mere personified abstraction, an

their own fancy which can never have a true and power over its own producer, on the contrary, among the Israelites he is the only, the living, the one God manifest

image of perfect

among It is

his

own

people.

an important difference, that

among

the Egyptians the

symbol appears to have referred merely to judging in rower sense, while the Urim and

Thummim

its

nar-

was a symbol of

the judicial office in a broader sense, promising generally to the high-priest divine assistance in difficult and important decisions, especially such as have reference to the weal and

woe

of the whole people.

THE CHERUBIM AND THE SPHINXES.

The is

affinity

of the cherubim with the Egyptian Sphinxes

more doubtful,

yet

the thing merely by

so only just so long as

it is

itself,

we

consider

and leave out of the account the

numerous other points of contact between the Pentateuch ^

De

Isid. et

Os.

14*

See Wilk.

II: 28.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

162 and Egypt. sufficient to

If these are taken into view, the similarity

is

warrant here also such an alliance.

The Figure and Significance of the Sphinxes.

We

begin with some remarks upon the figure and

As

cance of the Egyptian sphinxes.

was the current

Bahr*

posed of the lion and a young female, and recently, has argued, on this supposition, against the

more confirmed by while indeed sertj:

that

also

of the

been yet

French expedition, who,

the scholars of the

speaks of the man-sphinx,

human heads which

the sphinxes with

all

affinity

This opinion has

Herodotust

it

sphinx was com-

belief, in all antiquity, that the

cherub with the sphinxes.

signifi-

respects the figure,

as-

they

saw, except one near the pyramids, had the head of a female.

This the

is

also in

accordance with

latest investigations

Ae

1

i

an.

On

the contrary,

of Egyptian antiquity have

come

to

the result, that the Egyptian sphinxes are never female, like

those of the Greeks, but always have the head of a

the body of a lion. dently

;

as also

W

i 1

R o s e 11

i

kin n

i,l|

s

man and

o n§ asserts this very confi-

who remarks

:

tion of a very few cases the sphinxes have

with the excepa beard.

It is

consequently not true, as some affirm, led into error by the

Greek and Roman sphinxes copied from those

in

these symbolic animals have the face of a female.

Egypt, that

They

are

rather of male sex, which accords with their symbolic import.

The

few exceptions are accounted

symbolize a queen

who

reigned

for

by supposing, that they

at the time.

Each of

these

symbolic figures bears on the breast or some other part of the body, the

name and

title

of the king

whom

they designate,

and whose features the human head exhibits. The sphinxes without inscriptions are the work of Grecian or Roman artists. * X II

Th. 1. S. 3.'j8. See Dcscr. t. 2. II. 2. p.

177-8.

+

p.

575.

§

B. 2. c 175. Vol. III. p. 23.

IMPORT OP THE SPHINXES.

Even

before both these authors,

"The

M

i

n u

t

o

163

i*

1

had remarked

human

sphinxes have either bodies of lions with

:

faces,

without however a trace of the female figure, or the heads

of rams."

We

will

now speak of

the import of the sphinxes.

It is

acknowledged that the Egyptian animal combinations, in general depending upon a symbolic significance, designate the union of different characteristic properties which, by each part, the animal

"

They have

made up

So

will represent.

m

says J o

ar d

:t

excelled not less in the combination of differ-

ent figures of animals, in order to

compose chimerical beings,

expressing without doubt the reunion of the properties

Creu

buted to each of these figures."

z e r| also

attri-

remarks

:

"Upon this Egyptian coin of the time of the emperor Adrian, we see the beardless sphinx with the lotus on its head. The front part of

Out of

its

its

body

is

breast there

crocodile, under

covered with a

is

its feet

veil

down

to the feet.

leaping forth the inverted head of a

crawls a serpent, and upon

a griffon appears with the wheel

!

There

its

back

are, therefore, here

the different attributes of the godhead; that of strength and

wisdom, that of secret control, the idea of eternity and of

a

beneficent guardian angel, etc., united in this remarkable

way;

and

representation

this

may be

by the

designated

technical term Pantheum.^^

Now,

therefore, the sphinx can designate nothing else than

the union of strength and wisdom, and this import has also

been attributed

to

it

from ancient times

until

the present,

with no inconsiderable agreement.^ * S. §

val

257.

t

In the Descr.

t.

1. p.

Thus Clemens, Alex. Strom. L. ^o'jfiTjq

5.

311. c. 8.

X

p.

Vol.

671, says

I.

:

p 499. " aAw/s

Gin^SoXov avToig 6 Xi(j}V.— u4lx7fS zs av [xhxa ovviaaojg

t]

Uovto?j to iiqooomov Ss (xv&qojttov I'yovoa. on It is however granted, that it has not always this significance the contrary, in c. 5. of the same Vol. p. 664, its import is different. Synesius, De Regno, p. 7, designates the sphinx as the sacred symbol acpiy^f TO fitv oujfia iidv

;

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

164

to this whole view then, the sphinx symbolizes union of the two designated qualities; whilst the merely the possessor of these is not indicated by the symbol itself, but

According

can be known only by the position If they are found, as they

found.

in

which the sphinx

commonly

is

are, at the en-

trance of a temple, where they form entire rows* on each side, they designate the union of these properties in the deity to

whom

the temple

dedicated.

is

If they are found around

the throne of the king, then the king

is

the possessor of these

attributes.

On

the contrary,

Rose

1

1

i

n

i

Wilkinson

and

assert,

that the sphinx designates not merely qualities, but also the

king as the possessor of them.

But the defenders of

modern view have not attempted

to substantiate its claims

this

and we do not see how they can succeed in controverting the reasons which declare for How can the sphinx, in its usual position before the latter. How can the the entrance of a temple, designate the king ?

in opposition to the old theory,

human

face be understood to be personal, whilst the lion's

body, and as the

it,

all

those things which in

hawk and

symbolical

?

How

can

tion, that besides the

many

cases are added to

vulture hovering over the sphinx, it

be reconciled with

common sphinx

this

be

supposi-

or the Andro-sphinx, the

Crio-sphinx and the Hieraco-sphinx, the lion's body with the ram's or hawk's head, are found ?t

That which

is

ad-

ofthe union of the virtues, the strength of the animal and the insight of man.

Zoega,

De

Obeliscis, p. 598, says

:

Mens cum

robore con-

Champolhon, Briefe, S. 229, gives a similar explanation The monarch (Remeses Meiamun), adorned with all the insignia of royalty, sits upon a beautiful throne, which the golden images of justice and truth cover with their outstretched wings the sphinx, a symbol both of wisdom and strength, and the lion, the emblem of courage, stand near the throne, and seem to be its guardians.

juncta primus et obvius Aeg. sphingis significatus. :

:

*

See Descr.

t.

t

Wilk. Vol.

111. p. 27.

2. p.

505

seq.

Creuzer,

I.

S. 498.

THE CHERUBIM.

165

duced

as positive proof for this theory,

sive.

It rests

name and

the

upon the supposition

the sphinx

is

name and

the

Allow that

of a king.

title

is

that

anything but deciall

sphinxes bear

this

is

so,

when

intended to represent royal qualities, cannot the serve directly to designate the possessor of

title

these symbolized qualities, not designated by the symbol self?*

But where the sphinx has

may

the inscription

king who

built

appropriately immortalize the

Were

the temple.

it-

a religious import, there

it

name of the human

true, that the

faces of the sphinxes represent the countenances of the kings

whose name they bear,

might be accounted

it

for,

by suppos-

ing that they considered the face of the king as the most noble representative of the

The Cherubim

We

human

—

their

face.

Form and

Import.

That this symbol, as such, which includes a real, original, Israelitish element, did not spring up on Jewish ground, appears probable from the merely scattered notices of it which turn to the cherubim.

aside from

its

are found.

significance,

We

cannot, however, appropriate to ourselves

the argument which

Bauer

has adduced in favor of

its

was not first introduced by Moses, since the law speaks of it in a manner that it could not do, except on the supposition that it was already

foreign origin, namely, that

definitely

known among

'

the cherubim

the people;' for indeed, at the time

which the law was written down, cherubs with companying things, for which Bauert argues in

in

all

the ac-

like

man-

—

had already existed a long time, a circumstance which could not fail to modify the record, and cause the thing to

ner,

*

The crown

Wilk. Vol.

es, are for the t

also

and other symbols of royalty, which according to be often represented on the sphinx-

111. p. 362, are said to

same purpose.

Rel. des Alt. Test. Th.

I.

S. 300.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

166

appear, in various ways, as

were well known

if it

at the

time

of its introduction.

We

are specially guided to the Egyptian origin of the che-

rubim, since of

all

the people with

whom

ancient times were closely connected, only tians are

compound animals found

recollect

B a h r,*

But the information

Moloch."

a bullock's

head

darschan, A. D.

1310! t

no importance what

is

!

found

is

that the

found in R. S

And in the

like

in

the

Egyp-

"Among

in history.

Phoenician animal combinations," says

Moloch had

the Israelites in

among

i

"

we

the

only

image of

m on H a d-

manner,

it is

of

same author| concerning

compound animals among the Carthaginians. But the real similarity of form between the Hebrew cherubim and the Egyptian sphinxes is of greater importance. Even in the cherub of Ezekiel, this agreement is still in a considerable degree perceivable. Two of the same elements, lion

and man, are found here and

in the sphinx.

But

it

is

generally agreed that the form of the cherubim in Ezekiel

is

not the original one, but that the prophet, as from his whole character cannot be supposed improbable, expanded variously

In what the additions and changes consisted

the symbol.§

we

possess only so very imper-

is difficult to

determine, since

fect notices

of the figure of the Mosaic cherubim.

we can show,

||

But

with great probability, from Ezekiel himself,

that the changes have reference to just those things in

which

the cherubim of Ezekiel are unlike the Egyptian sphinxes. 1:

10 appear to be made

Compare MUnter

Relig. der Carthag. S. 9.

Thus, while the cherubim * I. S. 358. t

S. 68.

§

See,

among

e. g.

t

among

those of

in

Ezek.

the ancient writers, Witsius Egyptiaca, p. 158,

modern

times, Bahr, S. 311

Witsius remarks correctly,

ff.

Moses speaks of the form as only twofold, primum quod passas habuerint alas sursum versus quodII

que suis versus

alis

sibi

p.

155

:

obtexerint propitiatorium, dein quod facies habuerint ob

mutuo itemque conversas ad

propitiatorium.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CHERUBIM.

up of four elements, and have four ox, a lion

and an eagle;

that of a

man and

may

in

faces, that of a

Ez. 41: 18

—20,

man, an

only two faces,

of a lion, are ascribed to them.

L

167

Now we

M

i c h a e 1 i s,* assume g h t f o o t and that the two other faces are to be considered as existing, but

certainly, with

i

not in sight,t an assumption which receives confirmation

from Ez.

1;

which the ox and the eagle But yet this at least remains in

10, according to

were on the reverse

side.

cherubim of Ezekiel, the man and the lion and therefore when placed against the wall

force, that in the

were

in front,

they only

came

This leads us

in sight.

to the result, that

the change before spoken of by Ezekiel, consisted in his addition of the element of the

ox and the eagle, just as also in

the sphinxes, to the original and principal elements, the lion

and man,

in

many

cases others are also added. |

form of the cherubim

The

is

Thus, the

reduced almost to that of the sphinx.

only remaining difference of importance, namely, that

the simple cherub yet

has two faces, while the sphinx,

al-

though composed of two elements, has only one, is probably That the Mosaic also to be set to the account of Ezekiel. cherub had only one face has been rightly shown§ from Ex. 25:

20

:

"And

their faces shall

wards the mercy-seat

As

be towards one another

shall the faces of the

;

to-

cherubim be."

respects the significance of the cherubim, their real

agreement

in this particular

with the Egyptian sphinxes can-

not be doubted, and the difference and opposition respects not so

much the import of the

qualities signified

* Bibl.

Heb. on

symbol, as rather the possessor of the

by them.

"

The

cherub," remarks

B a h r,

this passage.

Alias quatuor, quia hie duae tantum in piano apparebant. Duae itaque aliae facias coneipi debent quasi parieti obversae et ab eo obt

scuratae. X

§

Latuit facies vitulina a sinistris et facies aquilina a tergo.

See the passage cited from Creuzer, S. 159. See,

e. g.

Ges. Thesaurus, same word.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

168

who

of all writers has comprehended most correctly and thoroughly the nature of this symbol, " is such a being as standing on the highest grade of created existence, and containing in itself the

most perfect created

of God and the divine in its highest grade,

communicated

life, is

the best manifestation

It is a representative

life.

The

an ideal creature.

to the

most elevated existences

of creation

in the visible

are collected and individualized in it."

creation

ingly the difference

powers

vital

would perhaps consist only

Accordthis, that

in

cherubim, the divine properties were only indirectly

in the

symbolized, so

far

came

as they

creation, whilst in the sphinx,

works of which

into view in the

directly,

a difference

cannot be considered important.

AZAZEL.

LEVITICUS, CHAP. XVI.

An

Egyptian reference,

it

appears to us, must necessarily

be acknowledged in the ceremony of the great atonement day.

we must

But

in order to exhibit this reference,

tiate

our view of the meaning of the word bTNT?., Azazel,

which seen

is,

at

that

general survey of the whole tion

rite,

then follows in

v.

— 10

we

this

substan-

can only be

in the first

place, in a

point out definitely the posi-

which the word Azazel takes

First, in verses 1

It is

And

designates Satan.

it

a right point of view, if

first

in

it.

the general outlines are given, and

11 seq. the explanation of separate points.

of no small importance for the interpretation, that this

arrangement, a knowledge of which has escaped most preters, be understood.

sin-offering for himself

pan

full

Aaron and

of coals from the

goes within the

*'

offers

He

his house. altar,

inter-

a bullock as a

then takes a

fire-

with fragrant incense, and

There he puts

vail.

before the Lord, and

first

the incense on the

the cloud of the incense (the

prayer) covers the mercy-seat which

is

fire

embodied

upon the testimony,

THE AZAZEL OF

169

Aaron then takes of the blood of the bullock

that he die not."

and sprinkles

LEV. XVI.

seven times before the mercy-seat.

it

After he

has thus completed the expiation for himself, he proceeds to

He

the expiation for the people.

n^t^nb

offering,

he places before the Lord

The he

9,

rtlh"*b

and one

,

goat upon which the

These

of Israel, verse 5.

door of the tabernacle of the

casts lots

upon them, one

Azazel, bT^(T5>b

lot for

the Lord, Snrfb,

lot for

,

lot for

verse 8.

verse

fell,

offers as a sin-offering, brings his blood within the vail

and does with is

at the

He

congregation, verse 7. the Lord,

takes two he-goats for a sin-

for the children

,

it

as with the blood of the bullock.

In this

way

the sanctuary purified from the defilements of the children of

Israel, their transgressions

and

all

their sins, so that the Lord,

the holy one and pure, can continue to dwell there with them.

After the expiation

which the

He

verse 10.

Vlry

ns^b.*

is

completed, the second goat, the one on

Azazel, b.T^iTy?,

lot for

is first

brought forward,

fell, is

placed before the Lord to absolve him,

Then Aaron

lays

both his hands upon his

head, and confesses over him the (forgiven) iniquities, transgressions and sins of the children of Israel, puts them his head,

man

and gives him to a

upon

to take away, in order that

he may bear the sins of the people into a solitary land,t verse 22, into the desert, for Azazel, verse 10. fers a burnt-offering for himself,

Now,

and one

in respect to language, there

interpreting Azazel as

low shows

Then Aaron

can be no objection to

meaning Satan.

The

exposition be-

this conclusively.!

*

Verse 10, with 16 and 18.

t

nnp

7'^.^'.""^'!^

The Seventy

:

»

literally, in terrain abscissani, sc. a terra habitata.

sig yijv

a^arov.

Vulgate

:

in terrain solitariam. /

t

of-

for the people.

That the Hebrew root hiv corresponds

to

the Arabic

/

/

JjC

,

was asserted by Bochart as early as his time, and afterwards by Schroder in Scheid and Groenewood, Lex. Hebr. II. 397, is now generally acknowledged. Vti^ty (for hfhiy) belongs to the form which as

"

15

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES,

170

But

this explanation, as

cerned,

like

in

is

jections.

The

so far as

it

no well grounded ob-

doctrinal significance of the symbolic action,

has reference to Azazel,

they, with sins forgiven of

God, but

to

is this,

that Satan, the

harm those

the people of God, cannot

enemy of

in the case are con-

facts

as

far

manner exposed

forgiven by

God, can go before him

with a light heart, deride him and triumph over him.

The

which favor

positive reasons,

oppose every other, are the following

The manner

1.

is

We

there

referred

to

is

Azazel,

for

personal existence and

a

2.

no reason

if

If by Azazel, Satan

for the

that

lots

were

can then see no reason why the decision was

God, why the high

one goat

in his smaller

Grammar,

other for sending away

In reference to this form " The form indeed

333, remarks

§

simply as-

priest did not

for a sin offering, the

repeats the second and third radicals.

Ewald

and

Jehovah, necessarily requires

for

Satan can be intended. meant,

not

cast.

sign

,

Azazel should designate

so, only is

which the phrase bTNti^b,

in

contrasted with ^ih"^b

that

explanation

this

:

:

also expresses general intension, but the idea of continual, regular repetition, without interruption,

is

In reference

to

the /

of the

word we

fies in that

language, semovit, dimovit, removit, descivit

;

and the

part,

•5 / c 5 In like manner, Jt-'C) ,

jungens.

ijr 5

/

^

means,

;

signi-

in the pass

a ceteris se se-

> c V

tj^r^^

signify, semotus, re-

Accordingly two explanations of VtSiTS relating

motus, abdicatus. to

fuit

/

The word ^jfC-

are referred to the Arabic.

remotus, depositus

by the meaning

also especially expressed

whole word.'"

repetition of nearly the

Satan are furnished, either the apostate (from God) or the one en-

tirely separate.

descivit,

abode

is

It is in

favor of the latter,

only a derived one, and 2. that

in the desert.

The goat

is

divided land (terram abscissam).

1. it

that the signification, is

appropriate to the

sent to Azazel, in the desert, in the

How

could he then be designated

by a more appropriate name than the separate one

?

:

THE AZAZEL OF

The

into the desert. that

Jehovah

made

is

with respect to which

circumstance that

all

equality of this being with Jeho-

Azazel, as a word of comparatively infrequent form-

3.

best fitted for the designation of

is

In every other explanation, the question remains,

Satan.

then (as

formed here

lots are cast, implies

designed to exalt the unlimited power

it is

ation and only used here,

why

171

the antagonist of a personal existence,

of Jehovah, and exclude vah.

LEV. XVI.

it

has every appearance of being)

and why

for this occasion,

is

is

the

word

never found except

it

?

By

4.

this explanation the third

into a relation

chap.

iv.

Here

of the same prophecy stands to Exod. chap. 25: 31.

as there, the Lord,

Satan

wishes

relations

chaper of Zechariah comes

with our passage, entirely like that in which

Satan and the high-priest appear.

by his accusations to destroy the favorable

between the Lord and

his people.

The

high-priest

presents himself before the Lord not with a claim of purity,

according to law, but laden with his

Here Satan thinks

people. attack,

he

but he mistakes.

own

sins

Forgiveness

baffles his designs

compelled to retire in confusion.*

is

the doctrinal import of both passages

and the one

in

and the sins of the

to find the safest occasion for his

is

It

is

;

evident that

substantially the same,

Zechariah may be considered as the oldest

commentary extant on the words of Moses. In substance v/e have the same scene also in the Apocalypse, 12: 10, 11 "

The

accuser of our brethren

them before our God day and by the blood of the 5.

The

Satan

is

is

cast

down, who accuses overcome him

night, and they

Lamb."

relation in which, according to our explanation,

here placed to the desert, finds analogy in other

passages of the Bible, where the deserted and waste places

appear as peculiarly the abode of the 12: 43,

where the unclean ^

spirit cast

Christol.

evil spirit.

out from the

Th. S. 33

seq.

See Matt.

man

is

repre-

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

172

Luke

sented as going through "dry places,"

8: 27,

and Apoc-

alypse 18: 2, according to which the fallen Babylon

the dwelling of

all

unclean

given the Egyptian reference which the this explanation,

may be added

—

for the

to be

already

has according to

rite

which

a reference

markable that no room can remain

is

To the reasons

6.

spirits.

is

thought that

so reit

has

arisen through false explanation.

Among

the objections to this explanation the one which

is

most important, and has exerted the most influence is this, that it gives a sense which stands in direct opposition to the spirit

of the religion of Jehovah.

made

so

many

pret the passage as

The

It

we have done.* many

objections which so

Bahr

was

this objection

which

of the ancient theologians disinclined to inter-

modern

in

times, even as

have cherished against

this interpretation, pro-

ceed almost entirely from this point.

Most of its opposers same opinion with his Biblical Theologyt

late as

expressly declare themselves as of the

Bau mgarten-Crusius, who says

:

spirit,

in the

" In

fact,

in the

Now, were

as well as the significance of this

it

really

ceremony

was

*Deyling,

offered

e. g.

necessary to connect with the expla-

meaning Satan, the assumption that to him, we should feel obliged to abandon

as

notwithstanding

it,

to the evil

oppose?"

nation of Azazel sacrifice

made

which the common precepts of religion

desert,

Mosaic law

entirely

in

could an offering properly be

who

all

the reasons in

after

its favor.

Especially in

he has been candid enough to remark, in

Lamed Jehovae

et Azazeli prefixum casum eundem, nempe dativum notat, nee possunt ei significationes diversae in eodem commate attribui,yet, p. 51, shrinks back from the explanation of Azazel as meaning Satan, with these words Quid fingi potest ineptius absurdiusque, quam doum ex duobus hircis altcrum sibi,

the Obss. Sac. 1

p. .50:

:

alterum diabolo dcstinasse et ficare

explanation, S. t

oft'eri

jussisse.

daemonibus expressis verbis vetat

S, 21t4.

103*^.

?

Nonne Lev. 17: 7, sacriLund also gives a similar

:

THE AZAZEL OF the it

manner

in

which

Gesen

LEV. XVI.

173

u s* understands the passage,

i

presents an opposition to the the vital being of the religion

of Jehovah, so atrociously unjust, that whoever adopts this

cannot think of assenting to

But nothing

is

that.

show

easier than to

understanding the explanation following reasons prove that

manner

that this

entirely

is

made

an offering

to

of

The

arbitrary.

Azazel

cannot be supposed 1.

Both the goats were designated

Israel

verse

in

5

as a sin-

''And from the congregation of the children of

offering.

he

two goats

shall take

That

sin-offering."

a

for

these goats were taken together as forming unitedly one sin-

one of them was

offering wholly excludes the thought, that

brought as an offering to Jehovah and the other as an offering

Azazel

to

and further an offering which

;

is

given to a bad

The

being can indeed never be a sin-offering.

idea of a sin-

offering implies holiness, hatred of sin in the one to

the offering *

is

whom

made.t

In Robinson's Gesenius,

p. 751, it is said:

Irender

it (V^lii'jS)

with-

By

out hesitation, the averter, the expiator, averruncus aXe^iHaxog. this

name

1

suppose

is

to be

appeased with sacrifices

;

understood originally some idol that was

but afterwards, as the names of idols were

often transferred to demons,

it

seems

to

denote an evil

and to be placated with victims, very ancient and also gentile rite. in the desert,

t

It is

acknowledged that

this reason

would

demon dwelling

accordance with

in

lose its force, if

allowable, with Bahr, S. 679, to generalize the

meaning of

it

this

were

nt^tah

.

most limited sense, as a sinoifering, but it may be translated in a general way, as the Seventy have done, by nsQc a/ua^ziag ; Aaron shall take the two goats on account of sin. But this generalizing, of which even the Seventy had no conception, we must consider as entirely arbitrary. The word rstijn has everywhere only the two significations, sin and sin-offerit

need not, he remarks, be taken in

ing,

(compare Ges. Thes.

s. v.,)

its

and since the

first

can be understood. That this sense

only the

last

can the

less be doubted, since the

text itself with this meaning.

15*

word

is

is

here

is

not suitable,

the correct one here,

so often used in the con-

It is especially

required by the antith-

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

174 2.

Both the goats were

first

placed

at the

gate of the taber-

To him when afterwards one of them

nacle of the congregation, before the Lord.

therefore

they both belong, and

is

Azazel,

this is

done

in

original relation, since the

also without destroying the

and

Azazel does not cease to belong to the Lord. The casting of lots also shows that both these goats are to

one sent 3.

sent to

accordance with the wish of Jehovah

to

be considered as belonging to the Lord. The lot is never used in the Old Testament except as a means of obtaining

which goat

to

is

then, here also, Jehovah decides

So

the decision of Jehovah.

be offered as a sin-offering and which shall

be sent to Azazel.* 4.

The

absolved shall

esis

goat assigned to Azazel, before he

"And

:

whom

upon

the goat

the lot

is

sent

away

is

Azazel,

falls for

be placed alive before the Lord in order to absolve him,t between

l-it^tah

and nVV', inverses.

Who

can doubt that in

the connexion with burnt-offering so frequently

must designate and n^iyV we ,

sin-offering? also

occurring nstari

Just the same connection of nsttahV

have in verse

3.

two reasons are stated even by Rabbi Bechai upon this Uterpassage, quoted in Mauritius, De Sortione Hebraeorum, p. 35 que hircus isle erat oblatio domini, ad indicandum non debere nos *

The

last

:

aliter cogitare

de utroque,

quam

soli

deo benedicto esse oblatum, atque

ideo sacerdos statim ab initio hujus operis duas res istas fecit nimirum obtulit utrumque hircorum in oblationem dei et projiciebat sortes su:

per illos resenim ilia, quae opera sortitionis dividitur, est portio, quae a domino venit, uti scriptum exstat in sinu projicitur sors et a deo omnis ejus causa. Quodsi enim sacerdos ipse ore tenus sanctificasset :

:

eos dicens fecisset,

:

hie est dei et hie est Asaselis, tunc utramque

quomodo autem non

hoc factum

sit,

en deus

facere licet.

ipse Asaseli

Jam

vero,

rem similem

cum medio sortis

hircum dedicat, atque

ita

ab ipso

veniebat hircus ad eum, sicque deus ipse electionem faciebat, non nos. t The endeavor to give a different sense to these words is vain. The proposition V? accompanying -iE3 designates always and without

exception the object of

sin,

same chapter -£5 with V^

(compare BJlhr, S. 683,) and even in this is so used. Even Cocceius says that he

cannot find that iDD with V^

is

used otherwise,

nisi vel

de personis.

— THE AZAZEL OF I'^'by^^SSb,

The

to

which the second goat

act by

with the

and then send him

LEV. XVt.

to transfer

first,

176

Azazel is,

as

ing' in verse

—

the desert."

were, identified

which the

to the living the nature

For

a sin-offer-

Spencer

indeed per-

dead possessed, shows to what the phrase ceived,

in

it

5 has reference, and what

the two goats, says he, are as

*

were, one goat,

it

that the duality of the goats rests only on the physical impossibility

of making one example represent the different points

Had

to be exhibited.

been possible, in the circumstan-

it

ces, to restore life to the goat that

The two

have been done.

was

a relation entirely similar to that of the rification of the leprous

one

let

go was dipped

as the second goat

is

sacrificed, this

would

goats in this connexion, stand in

two birds

person in Lev.

1:

in the blood of the

4, of

one

slain.

in the

pu-

which the

As soon

considered as an offering to Azazel, the

connection between

conceived why 5.

According

Azazel

in the desert.

there

sins, 6.

to verse 21,

The

the already forgiven sins of

These he bears

on the head of the goat.

Israel are laid

of

it and the first ceases, and it cannot be was absolved before it was sent away.

it

is

goat

But where there

no more

is

is

to

already forgiveness

offering.

sent alive into the desert.

ance with the view of the thing animal offering

is

made without

in the

But

in accord-

Old Testament, no

the shedding of blood.

Thus, therefore, this first and principal objection to the interpretation of Azazel by Satan is to be considered as fully What Bah r remarks: " Now if we understand confuted.* pro quibus expiatio facta, vel de instimmentis cultus sacri altari et similibus.

what Schroder, De Azazele Marb. which the two goats sustain to each other Notari et hoc inprirais meretur, ambos hircos in ipsa consecratione ita fuisse sibi mutuo implexos, ut neutrius ritus * It

is

1725. S.

worth while .31,

adduces

to consider also

for the intimate relation :

seorsim absolvendi, sed utriusque cerimoniae pariter inchoandae, alternjs vicibus administrandae et junctim quasi consummandae unius

:

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

176 Azazel

superhuman being, opposed

as a personal

to Jehovah,

the text, verse 8, does not permit us to understand the phrase, for

vah

Azazel, in an entirely different sense from ;

on the other hand,

it is

that, for

Jeho-

necessary to recognize an offer-

ing in the second goat, as well as in the

first,

both before in

verse 5 are particularly represented as appointed for a sinoffering,"*

Ba

h

—

will

not easily lead any one into error.

approved by us,

far

more strongly opposes

other explanation, than that by Satan. at least, ir

which

is

the

According

,

as in the

The demand

Azazel.

to the

verse 9, offered to

Azazel

is,

one animal,

at

Jehovah, and the other to

one and is

him

to the other is entirely

expressly said.

share of the Lord,

is

first

The

goat

indeed, according to

as a sin-offering, the one

according to verse 10,

alive to him.

can, I think,

that both shall belong in precisely the

as offerings to the

inadmissible, since the contrary fell

own, and every

same grammatical con-

to our interpretation,

least in a certain sense, belongs to

same sense

his

We

point insisted on, understand the

first

and in ^tiXTrb

in rfTn'^b

struction.

which

What

here adduces as an argument against the interpretation

r

which

fell

to

absolved and then sent

The hypothesis of Bah r is not wholly withThe symbol is intended to exhibit diversity

out foundation.

piacuh sacra referre videantur.

Aharonem

tunc unus mactatur,

ej

usque sanguis spargitur

prece manibus dimittitur

cum

pelle extra castra

sicque

Uterque accipitur quasi unus, ad

adducitur, coram domino sistitur, utriusque sors ducitur

:

dum

illius

;

alter impositis

exta exemta super

altari,

cum caro

cremantur, hie in desertum loeuni abducitur

ambo una expediuntur. Praecedebat alias in sacrificiis piacuuna tantum victima constantibus manuum impo-

laribus simplicibus,

mactationem quod inconveniens plane esset jugulato animali eo imponere sed quod hoc sacrificium et mori et superstes esse deberet, unius hirci morte ac sanguine sparso reatus ante auferendus erat, quam alteri vivo imponeretur poena. Ita sane uterque sitio

}

ritu peccata

hircus deo,

omnia

fidelis

* S. 68G.

:

ille

maclatione, sparsionc, incensione, combustione, hie

populi peccata portans, vindicatus est.

THE AZAZEL OF

LEV. XVI.

on the ground of a certain equality design

is

177

in the beginning.

The

oppose the heathenish and peculiarly Egyptian

to

view, which represents the evil principle as equally powerful,

with equal right to be propitiated in like manner with the

With

good being. were

first

reference to this notion, two like things

simply placed together, in order that the difference

between both, and the dissimilarity of that which

done

to them,

Bahr* Mosaic

adduces a

ritual are

a general way,

is

to be

much the clearer light, second objection: "Nowhere in the

may be presented

in so

Jehovah and the Devil placed together

much

less

in

then in such a manner, that lots

are cast between the two, in order to determine their claims.

This would have had, in the eyes of the people, an appearance of equality between the two beings." But the whole rite,

according to our explanation, rather has the tendency to

destroy the inclination existing

The

such an equality. posed to

this

tendency,

This follows

vor.

among

a people to believe in

casting of lots, instead of being oprather firmly established in

is

directly, if

it is

ing to the view of the Old Testament, the

That

direction of Jehovah.

third agency decides to shall

lot

under the

is

the casting of lots here

a mediation between the two, so that

which the other

fa-

its

only settled, that accord-

it

as

is

not as

an independent

which of the two the one and

fall, is

to

clear from the fact, that both goats

are represented as belonging to the Lord, before the lots are cast,

by the phrase,

for a sin-offering, in verse 5,

and by the

them before the Lord. The passage therefore by no means exhibits an equality, or even direction in verse 7 to place

the appearance of

Ewaldt

it.

refers

to

Azazel, which those

a third objection:

later

"A

than the exile have

bad demon, first

made

from the passage, cannot be found in the Pentateuch." an explanation which *

S. 687.

is

demanded with absolute t

Gr. Gram. S. 243.

out

But

necessity

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

178

by the laws of interpretation, cannot be disproved by such They in any case have force only when the thing

objections.

cannot be decided with certainty on exegetical grounds.

And why

is it

said, that

an account of Satan cannot be found

Because

it was first notorious after the But even E wald allows that the book of Job was composed long before this time, and should it be asserted that the Satan of this book is still not possessed of the real attributes of Satan, every one will easily perceive, that that which seems to favor this belongs only to the poetic drapery.

in the Pentateuch

?

exile?

vanish as soon as that only

It will

clear

same degree,

The

understood, which

as

a poetical character, that the speeches do.

the Israelites until

after

the exile, has been

evidently called forth by a motive external to the thing

by the feeling that

But

it is

scarcely possible to conceive

how

believed, that one, even with this object in view, to Persian times.

Is

it

not unaccountable, that

the

much Egyptian Typhon as

this

view

ceived, that just as

is

is

to

it

can be

confined

is

it is

not per-

accomplished by a reference to the Persian

Ahriman

?

That

so firmly adhered to, appears to be explicable,

only on the ground that at the time arose, the

itself,

knowledge is of heathen origin, and cast a shadow upon the truth of the ac-

this

consequently able to count.

Zendavesta was

lost popularity, the

come

is

in the

hypothesis, that the knowledge of Satan does not ap-

among

pear

is

open day, namely, that the prologue bears,

as

historical

just

when

in fashion,

this interest first

and

that

as this

hypothesis already strengthened had be-

tradition,

which was received without

ar-

gument.

From belief

is

a theological point of view, which according to our

the true and only scientific one,

it

will,

from the

nature of the case, be found almost impossible, that a dogma,

which

in the later period of the revelation holds so important

a place, should not also at least be referred to in the statement

of the

first

principles of that revelation.

So

far, therefore.

from expelling

it

THE AZAZEL OF

LEV. XVI.

by force, wliere

it

does

179

exist,

inclined to search carefully for the traces of

Besides, our passage

we

are rather

its

existence.

not the only one in the Pentateuch

is

That

which contains intimations of the doctrine of a Satan. such a doctrine

shown

mue

is

also

among

in recent times,

1 1

e r,t

prominent in Gen. chap,

H a h n,J

and

others, by

iii,

has been

S c h o 1 1,* Rosen-

in the Christo]ogy.§

After exhibiting the positive reasons for the explanation of

Azazel by Satan, and obviating the objections to

now

also subject to examination those

among

planations that have been given, which are whilst in reference to the rest

Ew aid,

According to

we

refer to

it,

we must

the various ex-

now

current,

B a h r.

Azazel designates ''the unclean, But

1 1

the unholy (literally, the separate, the abhorred) sin," this explanation

must, on philological grounds, be considered

as questionable.^

It

however appears much more untenable,

when we examine the context. According to this, what can be the meaning when it is said in verse 10, ''to send it to Azazel, bt?«ti>b in the desert 1" or in verse 26, "he who ,

brings the goat to Azazel,

bTNTS^M"

be said that the goat was sent to sin

Moreover,

this explanation

one except

its

abandoned

it.

originator,

There

Tholuck** among which

is

defended by

^

Theol. Dogmat.

t

Dogmat.

II

p.

In what sense can

has indeed been adopted by no

who has perhaps

is

it

?

himself long ago

another, to which the authority of

others has given

Bahr

:

more currency, and

ft " for complete removal."

128.

t

S. 345.

As

S. 109.

27

§ I. 1. S.

fF.

Gr. Gram. S. 243.

H The

signification

which Ewald gives

to the

No authority

word

is

quite

unhke

for the

change.

If it were allowed to proceed It stands entirely by itself. way, VrSTy could signify something very different still.

in this

that of the root in the Arabic.

** ft

The A. T. 8,668..

in the

N. T. (Beit,

zum

is

found

Br. an die Hebr.), S. 80.

:

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

180

assent to tirely

any rate no objection to

at

is

The

this.

explanation

pose of val :"

Even "

it.

A

lot for

The

not congruous.

this is

sitions in iiin'^b

and bTJ^T^.b

1

uck

God

the

at

We one

lot for

But the interpretation, thus modified, translate

moval,' but,

complete removal

^

for

*

:

words of the same verse

:

plete removal, in the desert.'

the animal devoted.

for the

'

Azazel.'

for

fell

and just

;'

to send

And

lot

animal destined

it,

for re-

so, also, in the

VJ.^i^'.b

for

,

com-

the ^ in these last two

if

cases can only be interpreted by /br (denoting purpose),

not proper to translate

in

it

verse 8,

demands hy for (denoting possession). explanation of Azazel

he who

let

translate

whom, first

are

not congruous, again,

is

10: 'the goat on which the

There we cannot last

we

the other lot for the animal destined for removal.'

;

in verse

Azazel,

for

see, therefore, that

modify the explanation with

'

:

use of the prepo-

Jehovah and

for

,

outset, to

who translates

,

on

not to be carried

lot is

for similarity in the

then be grossly violated.

compelled,

this in the context lies

8 we do not know how to disJehovah and a lot for complete remo-

in verse

away. Also the demand

to

But we cannot

rather philologically en-

is

one can succeed with

little

the surface.

Tho

very confidently,

,

it."

untenable.*

How

will

Bahr

concerned," says

far as philology is

''there

:

to

go '

(or sent

for

is

away) the goat, it

or whither, the goat

(the individual to

whom

it is

sent)

even the

—Also

not suitable.

complete removal,'

whom,

as

it

is

rrrtT^b

in verse 26, this

It

bTJ^Ti'b

there said

is

If

•

will neither

we here

be said

for

That

the

is

sent away.

is

designated by

btJ^Ti^'b

so entirely evident, that any one will scarcely be able to

is

deny

it

without doing violence to his conscience as an inter-

preter.t * The forms like VtST y Gram. § 333,) not absiracta, come from words originally t

The h

in

VtSTyV

in

are only adjccti.ra, (compare least of all noviina ar.tionis,

Ewald

Kl.

which cannot

adjcctiva.

verse 8 and 10 can the less be explained by for

THE AZAZEL OF If

it

is

now

LEV. XVI.

established that Satan

is

181

to

be understood by

the term Azazel, then an allusion to Egypt, in the whole

rite,

cannot be mistaken.

Among

which necessarily

the great errors

man having

attained to reflection

to the depth of

human sinfulness, human life, is

plain the riddle of

which

arise as soon as

abandoned by insight inwhich insight alone will ex-

is

dualism, an error propor-

Egypt also took very deep root. " Every bad influence or power of nature, and generally the bad itself, in a physical or ethical respect," was there personified under the name of Typhon.* tionally harmless,

in

The doctrine of a Typhon among the Egyptians,

is

as old as

firmly established.

Representations of him are found on

numerous monuments

as old as the time of the Pharaohs.t

it is

Herodotus But

speaks of

Plutarch

counts with indeed

The

Typhon

in 2.

144,56. and 3.5.

gives the most accurate and particular ac-

many

incorrect additions.|

barren regions around Egypt generally belonged to

Typhon.§ residence,

The desert was especially assigned whence he made his wasting inroads

secrated land.

"

He is," says C r e u

ze

r,|l

to

him

as his

into the con-

"the lover of the

degenerate Nephthys, the hostile Lybian desert, and of the sea-shore, trary,

—

there

Egypt the

is

the

kingdom of Typhon

;

on the con-

blessed, the Nile-valley glittering with fresh

(denoting purpose), and some other than a personal being be understood by Azazel, since V is used in other places to designate the person to whom a lot belongs. Compare Josh. 19: 1 "And the sec-

—

came forth -^iya \aV to Simeon." Verse 10 lot came out for the children of Zebulon, ih^':2l in other verses in the same chapter.

ond

lot

^

Creuzer, Myth.

t

Compare

§ T(juv

I.

S. 317.

t

:

"And

Compare Creuzer,

the third

^^^ so

"'-^^j

S.

322

also

ff.

Jablonski, III. p. 59, 60.

ioxdrajv dnr6fji,ivo?, Plutarch in Jabl. p. 83.

16

||

S. 269.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

182 crops,

is

Herodotus*

the land of Isis."

ascribes a similar

dwelling to Typhon.t

In a strange but very natural alternation, the Egyptians

sought sometimes to propitiate the god

whom

they hated, but

and indeed by those which consisted of

feared, by offerings,

Sometimes, again, when they supposed that

sacred animals.

was prevalent and sustained them

the power of the good gods against him, they

allowed themselves in every species of " The obscured and broken power of mockery and abuse. Typhon," says P 1 u t a r c h | " even now, in the convulsions ,

of death, they seek sometimes to propitiate by offerings, and

endeavor to persuade him to favor them

on certain

Then

festival occasions,

they cast

mud

and throw down an

at

those

ass

;

but at other times,

they scoff at and insult him.

who

are of a red complexion,

from a precipice, as the Coptites do,

because they suppose that Typhon was of the color of the fox

The most

and the ass."

Typhon

found on

is

some heat

prevails,

important passage on the worship of

" But when a great and trouble380 which in excess either brings along with it p.

:

destructive sickness or other strange or extraordinary misfor-

some of the sacred animals, in profound There they threaten them first and them, and when the calamity continues they offer these

tunes, the priests take

silence, to a dark place. terrify

animals in sacrifice there. "§ Now the supposition of a reference to these Typhonia sacra,

W

t

i

s

i

u

s

considers as a profanation.

that the reference contended for by * B. 3. t

this passage, Biihr

p. ^85. §

II

is

seen

it is

at

once

materially different

C.5.

Compare upon

and Creuzer X

Compare Comm. upon

et Sacrif.

But

|1

him

Aeg.

Aeg. L.

II.

p.

312

De

in

Comm.

Herod.

Iside et Os. p. 362.

the passage in Schmidt,

De

Sacerdotibus

seq.

c. 9. p.

110

:

Num

permisit suis deus,

nedum

ut jus-

genium aliquem averruncum agnoscere, quem sacratis placarent animantibus, aut quicquam facere abominationibus Aegyptiorum

serit

simile.

THE AZAZEL OF from that adopted by

The

us.

LEV. XVI.

latter is a

183 polemic one.

In

opposition to the Egyptian view which implied the necessity

of yielding respect even to bad beings generally,

ensure themselves against them,

if

to bring Israel to the deepest consciousness, that is

the punishment of a just and holy God,

their sins, have offended, that they

only with him

when

men would

was intended by

it

whom

all

this rite

trouble

they, through

must reconcile themselves

done and the forgiveness of sins is obtained, the bad being can harm them no farther. How very natural and how entirely in accordance with circumstances such a reference was, is evident from the ;

that

that

is

facts contained in other passages of the Pentateuch which show how severe a contest the religious principles of the Israelites had to undergo with the religious notions imbibed in Egypt. This is especially exhibited in the regulations in

Leviticus xvii, following directly upon the law concerning the atonement day, which prove that the Egyptian idol worship yet continued to be practised

same thing

is

with the worship of the golden

The

among the

Israelites.

The

from the occurrences connected

also evident

calf.

assumption of a reference so specially polemic might

indeed be supposed unnecessary, since in a religion, which teaches generally the existence of a powerful bad being, the error here combated, the belief that this being possesses other

than derived power, will naturally arise in those not found the right solution of the riddle of

deeper knowledge of

human

But yet the whole

rite

human

who have life in

the

sinfulness.

has

too

direct a reference

to

a prescribed practice of propitiating the bad being, and im-

were made to him

plies that formal offerings

as has

never

been

the

—such

product of Israelitish

a thing

soil,

and

could scarcely spring up there, since such an embodying of error contradicts fundamental principles

among

the Israelites

respecting the being of Jehovah, which indeed allows the existence of no other power with exists here a peculiar

trait,

which

itself.

in

And

finally,

there

our opinion makes

it

'

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

184

certain that there

is

an Egyptian reference, namely, the

cir-

cumstance that the goat was sent to Azazel into the desert. The special residence of Typhon was in the desert, according to the Egyptian doctrine, which is most intimately connected There, accord-

with the natural condition of the country. ingly,

is

was

this

Azazel placed

in our passage, not in the belief that

but merely symbolically.

literally true,

NUMBERS, CHAP. XIX. In the law concerning the manner of purifying those who have defiled themselves with the dead in Num. xix, it is said, verse 2

" Speak to the children of Israel, that they bring thee

:

a red heifer without spot, wherein

is

no blemish and upon which

never came yoke." inquiry whether an Egyptian reference is prominent must depend upon the significance of the red color

The here,

demanded by the law. For, that this is not without significance we consider as evident without argument. "As respects the red color,"

demanded

else

for

Bah

that

this is

nowhere

an animal offering or in general even any

determinate color, so its

*'

r* correctly says,

determination

much

the less then can

in this

case

is

it

be doubted

That

intentional."

has at

generally acknowledged, although

has been declared

cult and in

import;

for

exclusion of

We

all

Symb.

\

Compare

potest cur,

Rabbins

said,

its

that not

the heifer must be of red to the

other colors.!

maintain that the

*

ine

example, the old

knew why

even Solomon

diffi-

respects impossible to fully determine

some

as,

it

all

the

times been

color here must have a significance,

red

color

of

the heifer

serves

2. S. 498.

Aeg. 115 At quae tandem causa dici omnibus sine colorum discrimofFerrentur, solam banc lustralem vaccam

also Witsius,

cum

in caeteris sacrificiis

munda animantia

rubram esse necesse

rite

fuerit

:

:

THE RED COLOR DESIGNATES to characterize

arguments

Isaiah

1.

1:

We adduce the following

as a sin-offering.

it

in proof

185

SIN.

of this assumption

18 shows undeniably that the red color

your sins be as

be as white as snow, though

scarlet, they shall

The

they be red like crimson, they shall be as wool."

Your hands

''

verse 15,

text,

" and

now murderers," shows

cance

rests,

namely, on the

in the

"Though

symbolic language of the Scriptures denotes sin:

are

full

con-

of blood," verse 21,

once, on what this signifi-

at

fact that in the

shedding of inno-

cent blood their sin was consummated. 2.

According

this

to

interpretation both the designated

peculiarities of the beast for sacrifice

the

same

root

female and

;

as a sin-offering,

The answer

red.

must here be offered, while

it

grow up from one and at the same time a

is

to the question

in Lev. 4:

why

14 the rule

is

a heifer

laid

down

that each sin-offering for the whole congregation shall be a

Nin Diirsh it is a sin9 and verse 17. Since sin in Hebrew is of the feminine gender, so must the animal also be which bears its image, which representing it shall atone for it. 3. According to this explanation, the red color of the heifer corresponds accurately with the scarlet, with which and cedar wood and hyssop her ashes are to be mingled. That also bullock, lies manifestly in the phrase offering, literally,

it is

,

sin, in verse

this designates sin is evident

from

Isa. 1: 18, already

quoted,

which must be considered as an approved interpretation.* B a h rt exerts himself in vain to show that in Hebrew the He has not adduced in favor of scarlet is the symbol of life. Let it not be said that the scarlet it, the semblance of a proof. cannot, on account of its union with cedar and hyssop be a symbol of sin. This connexion which occurs once besides, in the directions for purifying the leprous person, in Lev. 14:

may be

4,

*

the t

explained as follows

The nyVin first

clause,

Symbol.

1.

''SttJ

in

Num.

:

The key

xix. is in Isaiah separated

and yV^n in the second.

S. 334

if.

16*

for the interpreta-

:

ca/r

is

in

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

186

which are not

tion of cedar and hyssop

one another,

B a h r*

as

to be separated

furnished by

1

upon Lebanon even

to

connection, as they never appear singly,

Kings

5: 13, (4:

33)

From

:

the cedar

is

The

the hyssop that springeth out of the wall. loftiest

among

are the cedars of God, Ps.

his lowliness

;

in

his ele-

11, (10),

the hyssop on the contrary, as the least,

and condescension which David celebrates

in

In the cedar and the hyssop, both the divine qual-

Ps. viii.t ities

cedar as the

— hence the cedars Scripture 80: —symbolizes

created things

vation and majesty

from

has done, but must be considered in

are represented which are exercised in the atonement

and forgiveness of sin;

and power, and ensures the

his

majesty which gives the right

and compassionate love which

his lowliness

The

will.

scarlet represents the object with re-

ference to which both these divine qualities are exercised, the occasion for 4.

The

with the

which they are displayed.^

reference of the red color to sin

of the whole

spirit

Everything

in

it

accordance

in

in

Num.

xix.

points to the fact that the consciousness of

image and recompense of

sin unfolds itself in death, the

* II. p. 503. X

is

described

rite

t

Compare

Grotius was substantially in the right

when he remarked upon Lev.

xiv

:

way

sin.§

Ps. 18: 36.

of explaining this

Superbiam cedrus

rite,

significat, ver-

miculus, sive coccinum peccatum, et hyssopus oppositam virtutem,

He erred only in making the sinner instead of God, the possessor of the attributes represented by cedar and hyssop. Bahr says, Th. 2. S. 503 " Purifying power is ascribed to the hyssop But why it is asked, and this question cannot be anin Ps. 51: 9. swered from the passage itself, but from the 'locus classicus' to which David the same as expressly refers. If it is correctly understood, It is the this verse of the Psalm li. also appears in its true light. condescending love and pity of God in which David takes refuge, when he desires to be purged with hyssop.

ra7iatvo(pQoavvTjv

.

:

.''

§

This appears so

much

the

more

account the immediate occasion of

as such,

this law.

bente," remarks Deyling, Obss. Sac.

p. 73,

when we

take into

"Occasionem

prae-

pollutorum multitudine

THE RED COLOR DESIGNATES

The whole Heb.

has the remembrance of

10: 3, for

sents sin, and

is

its

all

here repre-

itself,

it

cannot be slain in the holy

other offerings, but this must rather be done out of

While

the camp.

sin-oflfering

designed to awaken the consciousness of the

odiousness of sin for place like

sins, avdf^vrjcrig afiagiLMv,

Since the

object.

187

SIN.

in other cases of sin-offering for the people,

the blood was sprinkled seven times before the vail,*

it

was

here from without the camp, sprinkled only in the direction of the

The whole

vail.t

part of

it

was

laid

animal was burned, and not even a

on the

altar as in

ofTerings for the congregation.

ing

its

self,

the case of other sin-

The ceremony

notwithstand-

importance was not performed by the high priest him-

who must

not defile

himself,

but by the oldest of

and even he performed only that which must necessarily be done by a priest ; all the rest was executed

his sons

;

by persons who were not

poyed were

defiled,

the clean person.

All the

priests.

persons em-

even the water of purification polluted

The

clean

man who performed

the puri-

was in consequence of doing this, impure until evening, and must then wash his garments and bathe himself; fication,

according to verse 21, every person

who touched

the water

of purification was unclean.

These

are the reasons which declare in favor of our inter-

pretation.

But the following objection

how

is

raised against

it.

which sin is to be removed can itself be characterized as sin. " Indeed all sinofferings are themselves considered as something most holy after death, so that they can be eaten only by holy persons,

It

can scarcely be conceived

by priests."

Every thought of

sin

that by

is

here especially excluded

in castris Israclitarum qui ex cadaveribus seditiosorum

cum Korah

tumultum contra Mosem

Yet, in this

excitaret, contaminati erant."

case, the general import of death

is

only

shown

in a particularly con-

That according to the Israelitish view death genconsidered as the image and recompense of sin, is shown by 17 and 3: 19.

spicuous manner. erally

Gen.

is

2:

*Lev.

4: 17.

t

Bahr, S. 501.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

188

is

no blemish, and on

which yoke never came." The most simple and natural answer

to this objection is

by the phrase

this

perfect one, in

''a

which

If the heifer could be called

:

only this, not sin-offering,)

literally

its

interpreted

is

and the way

word nNtan means

color could as well at

When

symbolize the same thing.

least,

same

sin, (the

the symbol thus

explained as inappropriate, the name

is

closed against

antithesis

which

is

considered as inadmissable in the

qualifications of the heifer,

and which

is

it

attempted to ex-

are seen everywhere throughout the whole

clude,

that nothing

is

gained,

is also,

Farther, the

its justification.

if it is forcibly

rite,

so

As

excluded here.

the purifying power which exists in the ashes of the offering

corresponds with the declaration, "a perfect one, and in which is

no blemish," and

that

all

who come

are defiled,

is

is

founded on

this

quality

;

so the fact

with the animal and his ashes

in contact

accordance with the character of sin express-

in

ed by the gender and color. If

we go back

basis of

all

to the idea of substitution,

whole

ried through the

rite

is

once requires two things

at

which lies at the which is car-

sin-offerings, the twofold character

:

explained. original

The

substitution

purity and imputed

The

impurity, or natural sinlessness and assumed sinfulness.

union of both appears most conspicuous

in the antitype of

him whom when he knew no

sin-offerings, in

sin

all

God made

to be sin for us."* *

Compare Deyling, Obss. Sac. p. 78 " Haec enim vacca, quae ab omni macula esse debebat immunis, ob suscepta tamen in-

n^iwri

:

,

quinamenta populi immundissima facta est, quid aliud significavit, quam Christum. Hunc enim /urj yvovra a^aqxiav deus vuIq I'jfAOJv dfjLaQriav eTtoiyasp, 'iva TjueTg ytvojfisd'a Sixaiooi'vTj d'sov iv arrw," 2 Cor. 5: 21. The twofold nature which belongs to sin-offerings generally, and specially to this one, is explained with substantial correctness " E legis usa factum est, ut animalia omnia ad pecp. 503 immunditiem tollendam scposita, puritatem quidem offerenmaximam autem immunditiem sibi ipsis conciliarent prout

by Spencer,

catum tibus,

:

et

:

;

THE RED COLOR DESIGNATES It

might be further objected, that

it is

189

SIN.

inadmissible to un-

derstand here, that in the gender and color of the animal sin is signified,

while in other sin-offerings, the quality

them with

to

objection

is

this

not symbolized in this way.

is

common But

this

entirely without force, since the feminine gender

and red color are peculiar

Buf

to this case.

only in accord-

ance with our view can an appropriate explanation of the peculiarity of this case be given.

Since sin was here made

so specially prominent a thing, and was even symbolized by

gender and color, as

is

done

in

no other

uncleanness was the greatest of

this

aimed

awakening

at

ingly of sin

a just

case,

all,

it is

clear that

that the lawgiver

abhorrence of death, and accord-

whose type and penalty

it is. In it is also shown, most striking manner, that we are dead through trespasses and sins, vtxQol jotg nagumM^aai xal ralg afjiaqxiaig*

in the

If

it

now

be

we have

established, that the red heifer

was

a type of sin,

a remarkable parallel from Egyptian antiquity.

the symbolic colors,

Drumann,

as

"In

arranged by the Egyptians," says

the passage before quoted, "black was the

in

color of death and mourning, for slaughter and

red color was chosen."

Herodotusf

designated for sacrifice were

among

its

author the

says, the animals

the Egyptians accurately

aqua ad manus a sordibus purgandas usurpata lavanti quidem munditiem

afFert,

dum

interim puritatis propriae jacturam patitur.

cui hircum piacularem dimittendi provincia

demandata

Ille,

est et sacerdos

juvencum pro expiatione combussit, immundi facti sunt, nee iis ad sanctuarium aditus concessus, donee vestes et corpora abluissent 80 quod populi immunditiae in animalia ilia, prout corporis sordes in qui

aquam purgatricem expresses himself

transire atque adhaerere crederentur."

still

more

mundos, quia imputative

erat

PfeifFer

Dubia Vex. p. 290 " PoUuebat piaculum sive catharma, praefigurans

definitely,

Christum, pro nobis factum naraQav. Gal.

:

3: 13.

2 Cor.

5: 21.

Mun-

dabat vero ^avrio/uog aquae, ejus cinere et quasi pulverisato sanguine mistae pollutos, designans ^avrta/uov sanguinis Christi nos ab omnibus peeeatis mundantis et expiantis. ""

Eph.

2: 1, 5.

Col.

2: 13.

+

B, 2.

c. 38.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

190

examined beforehand, and if only one black hair was found on the bullock, it was proved unsuitable for offering. What PI u tar ch* says in his book on Isis and Osiris, performs

commentary on this passage. We see from must be throughout entirely

the office of a

animals offered

that the

it,

"The

red:

Typhon

Egyptians, since they suppose that

is

of a red complexion, devote to him red bullocks, and they an inspection of them, that they consider

institute so close

the animal unfit for sacrifice is

found on him."

single black or white hair

if a

Besides, says

Plutarch,

the Egyptians

celebrated certain feast days, on which they, in order to re-

D

i

men who had

and disgrace Typhon, abused

vile

od oru

offered

red hair.

of Sicily, says, in ancient times the Egyptians

s,t

men, who

like

Typhon had

red hair, at the tomb of

Osiris.

Now base

is

the choice of red color to designate the evil and the

not certainly arbitrary.

depends in

It

all

probability

among the Hebrews, upon the fact Thence it might be supposed that red is the color of blood.| that both of these nations came independently of one another With reference to to one and the same symbolic designation. among

this,

it

the Egyptians, as

is

proper to remark further, that these two are the

only nations

among whom

red

is

found as a fixed and na-

and that the connec-

tionally recognized designation of evil,

tion of the color with the thing designated is a looser one, * P. 363. X

A.

According

t

to

Bahr, Symbol. Th.

color, " as the personified

2.

1.

88.

S. 234,

Typhon

has the red

burning heat, which dries up the

fertilizing

and scorches everything." But no proof for this derivation of the red color is adduced. We could quote in our favor Goulianof, who, in the Archeologie Eg., Leipz. 1839. t. 3. p. 89 seq., has a separate section entitled Etude des allegories de la couleur rouge, in which Nile,

:

it is

attempted

impiety.

to

show, that red as the color of blood

Compare

the section, p. 422 seq.

a la couleur pourpre ou cccarlate.

good authority.

:

Etude des

is

the color of

alleg. attaches

But we do not consider him

as

THE EGYPTIAN REFERENCE A PARTIAL ONE.

19'1

than, for example, in the case of white as the color of inno-

cence, and black as the color of mourning, then also,

among both

be added, that obtains

among

it

may

these nations this symbolic view

influence directly upon the offering of sacrifices, the Israelites only in particular cases, but

Egyptians generally.

we

If

dependence of one of these nations upon the other very probable, and then

among

the

take this into c%isideration, a

we can decide

will

for ourselves

the origin of the symbolic designation was not

appear

whether

among

the

Egyptians. Finally,

evident from the foregoing remarks, that the

is

it

Egyptian reference

in

Num.

the whole

is

a very partial one

but

rite,

chap, xix, by no

also be

added, that the color has an influence

in the choice of the victim.* for finding, with

Aquinas

and

limited to the

red color, to which

identity of the symbolic import of the

may perhaps

means respects

it is

;

Spen

c e r,t

Du Vo

i

s

i

n,

There

who

is

no direct authority,

has followed

instead of the bullock, which on other occasions

* Witsius,

Aeg.

p. 115,

Thomas

choice of the heifer

in the

was taken,

seeks to destroy the connection between the

red bullock which was sacrificed by the Egyptians and the red heifer,

Aegyptii rufos boves immolabant non by the following remarks quod pretiosiores eos aut diis suis gratiores esse existimarent, sed ex odio et contemptu. Dictabant enim d'vGt/Liov ov (pilov tlvat d'sdlq. (Compare Schmidt, De Sacerdotibus et Sacrif. Aeg. Bahr, Symbol. Th. 2. S. 235.) But if the significance of the red color of the heifer is correctly determined, this remark serves rather to bring both nearer each other. :

t

is

This author,

p. 486, after

proved that the cow

says

:

Cum

is

he has referred

to

considered sacred

passages by which

among

it

the Egyptians,

itaque eo dementiae et impietatis prolapsi essent Aeg., ut

vaccam tanto cultu studioque honorarent cerimonia mactari voluit et lixivium ex munditias expurgandas confici

banc disciplinam,

;

:

iilius

deus vaccam multa

cum

ceneribus ad populi im-

ut Aeg. vanitatem sugillaret et per

cum Aegypti more sensuque pugnantem,

Israelite

ad cultus ilhus vaccini contemptum atque odium sensim perducerentur.

J

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

192

an Egyptian cus-

a reference, and indeed a hostile one, to

an — he supposes the designation of the of the Egyptian noing of of the sacredness of the cow, — since the choice of the heifer for

tom,

purification

is

offer-

a practical derision

tion

heifer is sufficiently explained by the reasons already given,

without such afeference. Yet sition

it

may be remarked, that

the po-

taken by us, by no means excludes the reference claimed

by S p e n c e reconciled.

r,

may

but on the other hand, both

If the heifer

commonly offered,

very easily be

was chosen instead of the bullock

in order to designate

it

as

impersonated

sin,

there would even in this be found the strongest opposition to the Egyptian notion of the sacredness of the cow.

LAWS WITH REFERENCE TO FOOD,

The

Egyptians and the Israelites stand alone among the

nations of antiquity, in reference to the great care which they

bestowed upon the selection of food. tions of this kind

Among

had extensive influence.

both, regula-

Through

these

some of the most important means of subsistence were either withdrawn, or at least made odious, as, for example, fish, which could not be eaten by the priests,* and the leguminous fruits.t How much the regulations which had reference to food influenced them in life, is best shown by the passages collected by S p e n c e r. laws,

This

fact

indeed leads us to conjecture, that the Israelitish

laws respecting food, were not without an allusion to Egyptian customs.

If no such thing

is

supposed, the coincidence

perceived between the two nations appears very remarkable. *

See Herod.

t

Larcher zu Herod.

t

Page

130.

atinentia, B. 4.

2. 37.

Plut.

De

2. S.

252

Isid. et

Os.

p.

363.

ff.

See also the wonderful passage of Porphyry, De Abc. 7.

CLEAN AND UNCLEAN ANIMALS. That the admission of such

]J^

a reference detracts from the

dignity of the Israelitish law, no one should affirm.

depends wholly upon the manner

That

understood.

ent nature of animals, in very

mind of

argument, since the

many

respects, speaks

signs, clear without reasoning

Thus, we

antiquity.

the

flood,*

This which the reference is

a distinction of food originated very an-

ciently, is indeed certain without

guage of

in

allegorizing

even in the time of the

find,

made between

distinction

to the

differ-

a lan-

the clean

and un-

But that a beginning merely was made so anciently, these same passages show, since there is not a trace of a distinction between the clean and unclean clean beasts and birds.

wild beasts found in them.

Now

in

Egypt from these

elements a complete system was formed.

first

The Mosaic code

of laws found a people which was accustomed to a distinction

of food of extensive application.

was

natural,

— which,

In these circumstances

it

case the Israelites yet occupied the

in

position of the patriarchs,

would have been entirely unna-

tural,— that the laws of diet had reference, not merely to

in-

dividual things, but that they extended into the whole province

concerned, even to

furthest limits,

its

and arranged

all its

parts

with respect to the fundamental idea of the Israelitish religion.

The

fear

of too great minuteness could not here have had any

place, since the laws

law, and to

its

were made

remain unenjoyed.

imoccupied,

for

a people

accustomed

to

advantages and blessings would not be allowed

it

Besides,

if

the ground had been

left

would have been immediately seized upon, or

rather retained in possession by the opposer,

whom

it

was

important to expel from the borders of the Israelitish jurisdiction in

which he had already so strongly intrenched him-

self.

Not

mon

is

com-

Israelites, but they also both

agree

the existence alone of certain dietetic rules

to the

Egyptians and ^

Gen.

17

7: 2, 3.

8: 20.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

194

in this, that these regulations have in

them

a religious-ethical

In respect to those of the Israelites, this could

significance.

be denied, and a mere dietetic object asserted only

in a time,

which through its peculiar impiety has lost the key to those phenomena which take root on religious ground. From the reception of dietetic reasons merely, the designation of ani-

mals not to be eaten as unclean, an abomination, not accounted

neither

for,

its

God ;" nor

This permission

not touch."

a consecrated people to the

is

command

this

a terror, is

the foundingof the prohibition,

Israel "

on the declaration that

Lord

is

:

"

:

"

its

dead body you

To the stranger may

thy gates mayest thou give

it,

that he

mayest

is

also explainable only

sell it to

a stranger,"

eat

shall

which

is in

or thou

it,

on

the^

supposition that the uncleanness was founded on symbolic reasons, which applied only to the Israelites.

Deut. 23

:

18 (19),

as

We

reason of the prohibition of certain kinds of food shalt not bring the hire of a i.

e.

(as appears from ver.

17 [18,]

)

tives of moral uncleanness,

were unclean.

a dietetic object,

his station, if

he here

Thou

see that the dog

Indeed, in accordit

Moses would

for the

and

as the representa-

it,

ance with the general character of the law,

low

"

:

of licentious men, into the

other animals placed on an equality with

posed to have

in

harlot and the price of a dog,

From which we

house of the Lord."

have

good as an express declaration of the

cannot be supfall

entirely be-

time acted as a mere guar-

dian of health by appealing to the fears of the people.*

That

also

among

the Egyptians the prohibitions of food rest

on religious-moral grounds cannot be doubted. They abstain from that food which stands in any supposed relation to Typhon, the

evil principle

certain animals

lies,

;

and the reason of the hatred against

among them, above

all in this,

that they

are considered the representatives and the physical manifesta*

Besides, even Spencer argued against the dietetic view

:

" dcuiii

animalia nonnulla inter impura imposuisse, quae veterum gula non tan-

tum

salubria sed

mensarum suarum

delitias habuit," e. g. the hare

ANIMALS OF TYPHON. tioii

195

Thus

of Typhon, as Typhoically infected.

P

they abstain,

because they come out of the sea, which belongs to the dominion of Typhon. The according

to

1

u

a

t

r

c h,* from

fish,

swine was hated by them, on account of incarnation of the unclean

spirit.

tarch, "they

all

well as

consider

its filthy

"In

habits, as the

general," says Plu-

hurtful plants

and animals as

To

unfortunate events, as the acts of Typhon."t

all

the religious significance, a

The

moral was joined.

repre-

Typhon, in the animal kingdom, were considsame time as symbols of the men devoted to him. "The guilty person," remarks Champollion,| " appears under the figure of huge swine, upon which is written, in great letters, gormandizing and gluttony,' without sentatives of

ered

the

at

'

doubt the capital crime of the

culprit,

perhaps of a glutton of

that time."

But together with

this

agreement between the Egyptian and

the Israelitish regulations in respect to food, there

portant difference, which

which might

is

adapted to meet

all

a very im-

is

apprehensions

from a supposed too near contact of the

arise

two, and which fully excludes the supposition of a crude

Among

transferring of a heathenish institution. tians, the separation

tion

between the rational and

Egyp-

the

irrational crea-

was removed, and accordingly the uncleanness of

mals was to them something indwelling and physical

and a

man

a

ani-

swine

given to excess, were entirely in a like manner the

creatures of Typhon.

The

eating of the flesh of animals be-

longing to Typhon, introduced with into the

;

one eating.

the divine law.

it

a

Typhonic element

Entirely otherwise was

it,

according to

At the very commencement of the Penta-

teuch, the limit between the rational and brute creation strongly -

De

drawn.

only

has the

I

is

image of God, and

Isid. p. 363.

Compare upon the relation in which unclean animals Typhon, Jablonski Panth. Aeg. 3. p. 67, 8.

i

to

Man

Briefe, S. 153.

are placed

—

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

196

therefore he alone can properly be the subject of cleanness

and

uncleanness

and

;

in the

these qualities

when mention

is

made of

there

animal kingdom, this can be only as

a symbol and representative of that which belongs to the rea-

On

soning creation.

Jewish ground only, such laws respect-

ing food could find place, and notwithstanding their formal abrogation, they will for substance always exist.

THE INSTITUTION OF THE HOLY WOMEN.

An

Egyptian reference

stitution

upon and

it is

its

in

Ex. 38

8

:

undeniable

is

of the holy women.

—"

in the Israelitish in-

The first and principal passage And he made the laver of brass,

of the mirrors of the female servants

foot of brass,

who

served at the gate of the tabernacle of the congregation."

That

the institution did not probably end with the Mosaic pe-

riod,

but rather continued through the whole period of the

kings,

we

see from

I

Sam.

crimes of the sons of Eli,

women Vi^hich An inquiry

it

2: 22,

is

where,

among

the great

mentioned that they defiled the

served at the gate of the tabernacle.

concerning the nature of Contributions, and

instituted in the

we

this

institution

was

what was

will insert

there said here.

The

service before the door of the tabernacle of the con-

gregation,

Niy

is

designated as the employment of these women.

signifies military service.

Figuratively

8

23, 35, 43. the

God of

:

25.

it

stands, there-

Num.

4:

Their leader and standard-bearer

is

fore, for the militia .s«craof the priests

and Levites,

In addition to the sacred host composed

Israel.

of men, there appears in our passage a corresponding one consisting of of,

shows

ganized to,

it

was

institution.

the

manner

in

which

a general, important

The

—only by an

it

is

spoken

and formally or-

expression in the passages referred

does not imply, that they had external service

nacle the

women; and

that

inapposite reference to the

word service (Dienen), has

this idea

at

the taber-

German

been found

use of in

it

INSTITUTION OF THE HOLY WOMEN.

and

197

must be altogether doubtful whether they were so emNeither the law nor history give any information of

it

ployed.

women

the service of the

at the tabernacle in this sense.

That the ancient Jews did not understand occupations were implied

our passage, that

in

that any

such on the conwhich have

it

trary has reference to spiritual service, to offices

God which

direct reference to the worship of

occupied with

the sanctuary,

at

who

phrase of the Alexandrian translators, vice,'

'

fasting,'

ix

women were

the

shown by

is

x&v xatonjQMv xav

the

para-

substitute for

*

ser-

vrjcrtsvcaawv, at ivri-

as well as by that^of Onkelos, who, in remarkable agreement with these, translates the same word by to pray.'

ffisvaav,

'

Aben-Ezra understands

same way

in the

it

"

:

They came

and to hear the words of the But of special importance for understanding what this

daily to the tabernacle to pray

law."

service was,

holy

of Christ.

Anna

"

:

It

who

upon the

the third passage

is

women, which shows

that

it

found in Luke 2

is

37, where

:

it

said of

passage to Ex. 38

:

7, is the

more

The

distinct if

God

relation of

we compare If we

with the translation of the Seventy and of Onkelos.

take these into the account, the Jewish institution in

widow in

it is

departed not from the temple, but served

with fastings Sind praters night and day." this

institution of the

continued even to the time

1

we

shall also find a reference to

Tim. 5

:

5

— " Now she

that

is

a

indeed, and desolate, trusteth in God, and continueth

supplications and prayers night and day,"

which implies

that the service of the

a reference

women was not performed

with the hands but with the heart.

This

institution

had a

—

strictly ascetic character.

This

is

connexion with Ex. 25: 1, where Moses is required to take from the Israelites free-will offerings " from every one whose for the construction of the sanctuary evident from the fact

in

:

heart

moves him *

shall

ye take

my

offering,"*

—

that the article

Comp. Ex. 38: 24seq. and Num. chap. 17*

vii.

'

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

198

which the holy women gave was their looking-glasses, their means of pleasing the world. This giving up of the use of the mirror is of the same nature as the leaving of the hair to grow in the case of the Nazarites, by which they gave a practical demonstration that they, for the time in which this was done, renounced the world, in which the cutting of the hair belongs to the proprieties of social

The new

might serve God only.

life,

so that they

use to which Moses de-

voted the mirrors, also indicated that the offering of them had

This

this significance.

Not

positive reason.

gives, in addition to the negative, the

we

but for God, ought

for the world,

to

adorn ourselves, and seek to please him alone.*

That women of rank devoted themselves

to the

Lord

is

once opened,

it

the

is

also

made of the

mir-

it

which

especially evident from the mention ror.

a

in

will

higher than of the

evi-

is

— where such way be trodden by more proportion of lower order of people — and

dent indeed from the nature of the case,

is

Metal mirrors were, as even the fact that they were

offered shows, an article of luxury,

and they are represented

as such also in the third chapter of Isaiah.

That

the institution has an Egyptian reference,

is

very

probable without argument, from the circumstance that was, in

all

probability, not introduced by

Moses by

but was found by him as an already-existing institution. evidently arose of

and since

this

itself,

it

a law,

from the Israelitish manner of

It life;

stood under manifest Egyptian influences,

we

should expect to find an analogous Egyptian institution, after

which the spirit

one was,

Israelitish

in form, copied, whilst the

of both institutions must necessarily be as different as

the service of the Holy

One of Israel

from the natural religion

of the Egyptians.

This expectation classical writers

is

accordingly entirely realized.

Herodotus "

1 Pet.

first

mentions the holy

3: 3, 4.

Among women

INSTITUTION OF THE HOLY WOMEN.

among

He*

the Egyptians.

199

"concerning the two oracles,

says,

namely, among the Greeks and in Lybia, the Egyptians gave

me

the following account

said that

The

:

two holy women

priests of Jupiter at

(literally priestesses)

Thebes

were carried

away from Thebes by the Phoenicians, and they had learned one of them was sold in Lybia and the other in Greece.

that

And

women were

these

among

the

first

Further,

these people."

founders of the oracles " If the Phoenisaid

it is

:

women," and "As was Thebes in the temple of

cians really carried away the holy

who

natural, she

ministered at

Jupiter was mindful of

Herodotus

Besides holy

women

Belus

at

Egypt

in

him

:

in other places.

" In the temple (of

Babylon) there stands a great couch beautifully

spread and near

it is

times one native-born

God

there, except

is

no

some-

woman, whoever, as the Chaldeans say, These same all who are his priests.

chooses from

Chaldeans relate

comes sometimes

also,

but

I

do not believe them, that the God and sleeps upon the bed,

into the temple

just as the Egyptians relate of

sleeps in the

women

But there

placed a table of gold.

image there and no mortal passes the night the

which she came."t

in the place to

also| alludes to the institution of the

Thebes,

for there also a

temple of the Theban Jupiter.

they say, never have intercourse with man.

at

Patarain Lycia, there

he

is

there, for there

when he

is

is

there, she

a chief priestess of the

is

woman

Both these

So

also

God when

not always an oracle at this place, but is

shut up at night with him in the

Temple."

D

i

odo

r

piter," that

u s§ of Sicily speaks of " is,

of Anion.

whom they most honor, a woman is devoted, whom

St

r

a b

very

they

o|l

The

concubines of Ju-

says

beautiful

" But to Jupiter

:

and noble young

the Grecian

call

but this one has intercourse with whatever

*B.

2.

C.54.

IB. I.e. 181, II

B. 17: 1171.

t

2.

men

B. 2. c. 56.

§B.

1.

47.

Pallas;

she wishes

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

'200

until she arrives

the

After that she is

a lamentation

What S tr abo here says of the impurity of young woman devoted to Amon rests without doubt upon misunderstanding of the expression, " The concubines

made the

womanhood.

the age of

at

But before her marriage there

married.

IS

for her.

Amon." Herodotus gives us a contrary account: "These women are said never to have intercourse with a man," and in another place, he says that among the Egyptians

of

impurity

is

excluded from the circuit of the holy places, in

which these women had

their abode.*

The monuments confirm the accounts of classical The data which they furnish are found collected in

writers.

W

s

o n,t where there

Rose

given, and in

women

bore the

i 1

according to

whom

of "bride of God."

See

1 1

title

i

n

i,§

these also

k ni

womea

also an engraving| of the holy

is

young

M

i

n u-

Travels where it is said in the innermost part of the " Near the king and the priests maidens temple at Carnac

tol

i' s||

:

are also seen represented."

The

characteristic peculiarities in

which the

agrees with the Egyptian institution of the holy following

:

1.

Among

women

the holy

with

are not priestesses

all

among

office

still

both the priesthood belongs only

mentions

in B. 2. c.

distinguishing peculiarity of the Egyptians

performs the

are the

the Egyptians,

the respect which they enjoy,

among

What Herodotus

men.

to the

;

the Israelites as

Israelitish

women

of a priest

for a

35

as a

"A woman never

:

god or goddess,"^ applies

also accurately mutatis mutandis, to the Israelites. 2.

*

That the holy women among

The

women p.

the Israelites had no ex-

declaration of Strabo concerning the impurity of the holy is

confuted also by Rosellini

1. 1.

p. 216,

and Wilkinson, Vol.

I.

250. t

Vol.

1.

§1.1.

p.

p.

258 seq.

|

216 II

H'/^ctTtti yvvi] fxh ovdefiia ovie egafvog

dgtg de

naviwv

tf xixl

naaiwv.

p.

260.

S. 181.

&sou ovie

&)]Xs7]i:,

«V-

INSTITUTION OF THE HOLY WOMEN.

201

ternal service in the tabernacle of testimony, that their service

was rather

among

Ba

we have already seen. Just so is it That their holy women were not as

a spiritual one,

the Egyptians.

h r* supposes, servants of the priests, (hierodulen)

says, indeed, that they served the temple of Jupiter at

But

that their service, just as in Ex. xxxviii,

stood as spiritual service,

women

Egyptian

is suffi-

Herodotus.t

ciently proved by the quotations from

is

the account shows,

He

Thebes.J under-

to be

since these

are supposed to have founded the oracles in

Greece and Lybia.

If they served Jupiter in these countries

by foretelling future events, they were also employed in a

manner in their father-land. That also among the Israelites, noble women especially were devoted to the service of the temple was previously shown. Just so was it among the Egyptians. According to St r ab o,§ the most beautiful and the most noble maidens similar 3.

were devoted to Jupiter or Amon.

Wilkinson

whilst speaking of the tombs of the holy

women

D

i

odo

r

u

s,

which are now seen

at

Thebes

behind the ruins of Medeenet Haboo

feet

show

that they

:

says,

described by

in a valley

"

The

3000

sculptures

were women of the highest rank, since

all

the

occupants of these tombs were either the wives or daughters of kings." Rosellin i||says " We shall find in the sequel, :

examples of royal young maidens devoted to Amon, from which it may be inferred that it was a custom in the earliest period of the Pharaohs to place by this rite some ot also other

the king's daughters in a nearer relation to religion." 4.

That the holy women among the

unmarried, either young Contributions.^

in the *

Zu

Herod. B.

women

II

P. 217.

were always

shown

with the holy

women

Just so also

is it

2. c. 54.

t

\"SlantQ Tjv oinog, aficpmoXsvovaav sv anUito, iv&avxa fivtjfirjv avtov l^ftr. § EvsideaTotTTj

Israelites

or widows, has been

B. 2.

Ori^rjtri

c.

54-56.

Igov /tiog,

yal yivovg XttfingoTocTov nagd^ivog.

M Th.

III. S. 142-3.

IV^«

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

202

among

Egyptians.

the

According

brides of Amon were excluded from

According

Herodotus*

to

the

intercourse with men.t

all

Strabo the most beautiful and noble young

to

women were

devoted to Jupiter, and when they wished to

marry, there was previously a great lamentation made for

them

as for

one dead.f

THE NAZARITES.

From

the institution of the holy

ence more or

women we

We must naturally expect

the Nazarites.

less distinct here

turn to that of

an Egyptian refer-

For the

also.

of

institution

the Nazarites originated, not by the appointment of the lawgiver, but stitution,

But

if

it

and

implied, in

is

Num.

chap,

vi,

as an existing in-

there only sanctioned.

is

we examine

the matter more closely,

indications of Egyptian influence, yet

it

here, than in the institution of the holy stitution in general,

Egypt furnishes no

is less

women. parallel.

we

perceive

conspicuous

For the inAn Egyp-

tian reference can be pointed out for only a single feature of

the system, the leaving of the hair to grow, and that

which has no connection with of the people.

could with 'B.

yvvrj

'

one

full

is still

certainty assert

not so characteristic that its

we

existence.

1. c. 182.

Kal

f

is

customs

Finally, the single allusion to Egypt, although

worthy of notice,

truly

religion, but with the

yccQ

dr]

iv tw toC Jt,6g tov Os/Sauog aliai XiyovxuL ulvSqwv ovdafiwv eg o^u)driv

i^l&i, xoifioiiai

u^cpoTiQtti ds

(fOirSv. t

TIqIv Se §o&7Jvaij Trtv&og avrfjg aytrat utra xov rijg naXXay.iiag

naiQov.

This lamentation on leaving

this

community agrees remark-

ably with the mourning of the daughter of Jephtha it.

In both cases

the relation,

it

when

she entered

depends uj)on the view of the exclusiveness

of

THE NAZARITES. necessary for our purpose, that

It is

we

first

determine the

unshorn by the Nazarite.

significance of leaving the hair

We

203

begin with an examination of the view of

B a h r.*

obligation of the Nazarite, he asserts, to let the hair

Among

The grow

freely,

has

entals,

and especially among the Hebrews, the hair of the

head the

is

its

the

basis in the idea of holiness.

same

ance with

this is the

year, but allow it

Especially in accord-

trees.

naming of the vine

is

leaves and branches to

its

evident, that the

of jubi-

in the year

(nazyr), in Lev, 25: 5, since they prune

lee, *i'^n

this

the products of the earth, the grass of

as

and the growth of the

field,

the ori-

grow

growth of the

not this

it

From

freely.

hair,

according to

But

men.

oriental view, signifies grass, shoots, blossoms of

Hebrew looked upon men as distinctively the human blossoms and shoots represent ho-

in so far as the

moral beings, liness.

This view

by no means new

is

;

but

it is

discarded by

following reasons are especially decisive against 1.

The

all

The

judicious investigators, as mere mystical refinement. it.f

proofs which are brought for the position, that ac-

cording to oriental and especially Israelitish views, the growth of the hair

is

one which

a

symbol

The one

very weak. is

which groweth of

its

own accord

grapes of thy undressed vines a year of rest

been said before

Symbol. Th.

is

it

in verse 4,

and thy vineyard thou *

is

the only

worth the trouble of a closer examination.

there said of the sabbatical year in verse

gather,

of man, are

for the thriving condition

derived from Lev. chap. xxv.

5

"

:

It is

grain

thou shalt not reap, and the (nazarites) thou

for the land," after

"Thy

shalt not

The

field

prune."

shalt not

that

it

had

thou shalt not sow,

Then

in

verse 11,

2. S. 432.

Compare, e. g. Carpzov. Appar. ad Antiq. p. 153 Ut eos taceam, qui mysticam commenti rationcm, nutritionem capillamenti symbolum instituunt nutritionis interioris, quo Abarbanel in h. 1. et Gregot

rius, L. II.

:

Moral,

c.

26, tendit.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

204

concerning the year of jubilee reap that which groweth of rites."*

It

is

:

"

You

shall not

sow, neither

neither gather

itself,

not entirely certain, that there

is

its

naza-

a special

reference in these passages to the leaving of the hair to

grow

in the case of the Nazarites.

The

general idea of separation, which

the basis of

lies at

the whole institution of the Nazarites, might here also apply.

As

the Nazarites were separated from the world, so

vine from the use of

But

of jubilee.

if

which the

hair of the Nazarites,

pruning' in verses 4 and 5

comparison

unpruned vine

is

the opinion of

Bah r.

done

is

to

not gathering' and

'

its

not better, but worse, It shoots

true growth. t

not

That

the-^

decidedly against

is

out in wood, and an injury

This

is

decisive against the

opinion that the growth of the hair

among

symbol of prosperity, namely, that

it

among

'

any rate the point of

favor, yet at

only with respect to the separation.

is

was the

man in the sabbatical year and the year we suppose a reference to the unshorn

the Israelites

is

a

belongs to propriety

the Israelites to go with shorn hair, whereas accord-

ing to this view, long hair must have been considered an

ornament 2.

among most

as

The fundamental

nations of antiquity.^

idea in the institution of the Nazarite

that of separation from the world, with

oppose holiness, and tive point

its

is

enjoyments, which

its

corrupting influences.

This nega-

of separation, involves the positive one of sanctifi-

* Besides the

establishment of the law in chap, vi, these passages which before the giving of the law concerning the Nazarites allusion is made to them, show that the lawgiver found it as an existalso, in

ing institution, t

John

I

Carpzov.

15: 2. p.

153:

Communis

inter prlscos

ut tonsis incederent capillis, secus ac Gracci

aut Germani, qui comati erant. sideration in

which long

collections by

Lampe

hair

Judaeos mos

ita

tulit

veteres Romani, Galli

Compare, in reference to the conwas held among these nations, the

in the Miscell.

Groning.

t.

4. p.

209

seq.

—

THE NAZARITE. cation, the separate person

Lord

—since

every renunciation of

it is

Lord, and the separation

That

of the Lord.

same time holy

the

at

is

world stands

the

205

opposition

in

to the

Lord,

to the

same time a union with the here made directly for the sake

at the is

the idea of separation lies at the founda-

name, by which the significance of the institution must be expressed, indicates.* -i^n (nazyr) means the se-

tion, the

parate "

Equally in favor of

one.

The vow

of a Nazarite

idea

this

Num. 6:2:

is

separating to the Lord."

for a

is

This fundamental idea of the institution m.ust be traceable That especially the command all of its separate points.

upon

leave the hair unshorn rests

press explanation of the lawgiver.

vow of

the days of the

upon

head

his

until

:

it,

we have even

It is said in verse

his separation,

no razor

to

the ex-

5

:

shall

"All

come

the days be fulfilled in the which he

separateth himself unto the Lord he shall be holy let

in

The

the hair of his head grow."

separation

Even

as a reason for allowing the hair to grow.

;

he shall

here given

is

the hair of

9 and 18 named T^T2 separation, but with the accompanying idea of designation. Now ac-

the Nazarite

is

in

verses

B a h r,

cording to the view of

The

tirely lost.

,

the idea of separation

must form the foundation upon which the positive falls entirely

is

en-

negative idea which, as has been alleged,

away.

Thereby then

tution of the Nazarite will

this

is

supported,

element of the

insti-

be entirely separated from both

the others in which the negative idea, as can be demonstrated

and

*

allowed, prevails.

is

At ner,

the

same time with the view of B a h

(after

Carpzov.

the authority of

p.

151

:

Haud

dubia

L amp e,) ->.-T3

est a -iT2

r,

that

which

has proposed,

,

W

i-

falls

separavit, abstraxit,

continuit se a re aliqua et propterea segregatum, separatum notat. Satis

omnino

primaria,

praesidio huic interpretationi est ex sede hujus instituti

Num.

6: 2,

ubi

dovnino.

18

votam Nasaraei

dicitur ad

separandum

se

|

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

206

to the ground :*

**

The head

of the Nazarite with

ornament was regarded as

ral

touching of that

it

with a razor

which belongs

ing to this view,

to

and the

consequently a profanation of

The

Jehovah."

also

is

is

natu-

its

specially devoted,

robbed of

negative idea, accord-

Long

just right.

its

hair

cannot, according to the notions of the Israelites, be consid-

ered as

The is

**

a natural ornament."

proof

of the

for the interpretation

rite

given in the confutation of other views.

long hair

we have

us,

believe that

a symbol of separation from the world.

is

longs, as

claimed by

We

It be-

already seen, to the Israelitish ideas of

propriety to go with shorn head.t and he

who

left his

hair

to grow, furnished by this act a practical confession that he

renounced the world, and abandoned

That

men.

all

intercourse with

on other occasions, those who -considered

also,

men

themselves as separated from

suffered their hair to grow,

shown by Deut. 21: 12, where, concerning the captive which an Israelite determined to marry, it is said **And is

:

thou shalt bring her into thine house, and she

By

head and pare her nails."

her nails she enters again into

shall shear her

shearing her head and paring

human

society.

If the significance of leaving the hair unshorn

mined, the Egyptian reference

Indeed

it

in this rite lies

must appear remarkable

is

deter-

on the surface.

that the Israelites agree

with the Egyptians almost against the whole of the rest of the * f

In

dem

Geier,

Rrallexicon,

De Hebr.

II. 1. S. 165.

Luctu,

comam

alere

fuisse

hi ipsi

ab

iiair to

It

was the

israelitish

be long, but to cut

it.

custom

The

6 and

7.

mourning.

in

mourning, not

cutting of

eat from shaving, calvitium facere. priate condition in

quod

aliis

po-

ex coma.

This passage shows very distinctly with what justice Bahr

S.437:

§

Israelitarum

vel inde colligi potest,

proprium esset Nazaraeornm, adeo ut

pularibiis facile internoscerentur i

correctly sa.ys:

p. 203,

populum comatum haudqiuiqnam

it

to

asserts,

allow the

must indeed be differwas the appro-

Onl}' the latter

Comp. Geier, De Hebr. Luctu.

c.8.

^

THE NAZARITE.

207

world in considering short hair as belonging to social propriIndeed, this agreement is explained most easily by

ety.*

the long-continued residence of the Israelites in Egypt. it

is

a point of

not less than

more importance,

among

that

among

But

the Egyptians

the Israelites, the temporary withdraw-

ing from the world, the going out of society, was symbolized

by leaving the hair

to

We

grow.

according to which the captives shorn, and also from

see this from Gen. 41: 14,

in

Egypt

Herodotus

2.

the gods wear, in other lands, long hair

cut

it

among

off;

left their

36: " ;

The

hair un-

priests

o

but in Egypt they

it is the custom to shear the But when any of their friends die,

other nations

beard when a relative

dies.

the Egyptians leave the hair which was before cut, to grow?

both on the head and chin."

Whilst the proof that the leaving of the hair to grow, among theNazarites, was a sign of separation, shows on the one

hand

that the rite stood

customs,

pothesis of the whole

serves,

it

Spencer,

rite.

in

an external relation to Egyptian

on the other hand,

T he

for

confuting the hy-

concerning the heathenish origin of

cases in which the heathen devoted the

hair of the head and the beard to their divinities, appears from this point of

Our

view as entirely

different.

inquiries concerning the Egyptian references in the

religious institutions of the books of Moses, are finished.

It

only remains now, in a last chapter, to collect together those things for which, until now, no suitable place has been found. *

Compare remarks upon Gen.

41: 14,

where we have shown that

cutting the hair was considered as a distinguisixing peculiarity of the

Egyptians.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

208

CHAPTER

VII.

MISCELLANEOUS PASSAGES. The Genealogical Table

in

Gen.

x.

has often been asserted that the genealogical table in

It

Gen.

cannot be from Moses; since so extended a know-

X.

beyond the geographical horizon of

ledge of nations

lies

the Mosaic age.

This hypothesis must now be considered

far

The new

exploded.

discoveries and investigations in

as

Egypt

have shown that they maintained even from the most ancient times, a vigorous

commerce with

times with very distant nations.

Creuzer,* Heeren,t

W

i

1

k

i

n

s

on

.

This

§

in

other nations,

marks, that the strongest

domestic

life,

found

in ^^

among other things, reproof for the commerce of the

last author,

Egyptians with distant nations of Asia, materials out of which

and some-

The proofs are found my Contributions,! ^"^

many of the

in the

is

furnished by the

articles in use in civil

and

tombs of Thebes which belong

to

made in Egypt; for example, the vessels of wood, which are commonly made of foreign wood, and not seldom of the mahogany of India. the 18th or 19th dynasty, are

But not merely

in EgypMoses was the author of the account in this tenth chapter of Genesis. On the Egyptian monuments, those especially which represent the conin general

do the investigations

tian antiquities favor the belief that

quests of the ancient Pharaohs over foreign nations,

(con-

quests which certainly were oftener achieved in imagination

than in

reality,

*

Symb. Th

X

Th.

2, S.

I.

451

as S. ff.

indeed the almost regular recurrence of 310

ff.

t

S. 275, 321

§

Vol.

I.

ff.,

p. 1G4.

376

ft'.

571

ft".

THE GENEALOGICAL TABLE, GEN. these representations under nearly

all

209

X.

the ancient Pharaohs

so that nothing can be

more erroneous than the present popular way of relying upon them, without inquiry, as sources of historical truth,) not a few names have been found which correspond with those contained in the chapter before shows,

We

us. is

here speak only of those where the agreement

will

perfectly certain.

could be effected

must be allowed

It

if

more

that far

still

our knowledge of hieroglyphics were not

so very imperfect.*

Among ras are

W

i

nations

1

k in

s

who

Remeses.

on

They

t

.

engaged

also appear, according

are shown, indeed,

Their identity with Tiras

These

Asiatic nation

Wilkinson|

last

who resemble

among

the

Wilkinson

other,

is

named along with

designates as "another

tures and the shape of their beards."

Toersha on the

the less doubtful,

is

is

the former in their general fea-

tween Meshech and Tiras on the one

indeed

as

are said to have been conquered by the third

since another nation, the Mashoash,

them.

the Asiatic

monuments

war with the Egyptians, the Toersha

to

Among

in close connection.

nations which are represented on the in

Meshech and Ti-

the sons of Japheth, in verse 2,

mentioned

The agreement

side,

be-

and Mashoash and

the less exposed to suspicion since

did not think to place both in connection, as

present attempt at comparing the

in general, the

names

of the people represented on the monuments with those found

Gen.

in

x., is

Among the

the

tirst.

sons of Japheth, in the same verse, Javan, the

lonians or Greeks,

is

mentioned. According

to

Rose

1 1

i

n

i,<5

the Uoinim, the lonians are found

among

bolic painting, representing king

Menephthah T. the 12th Amon-re he slays

king of the 18th Dynasty as

I

II

Wilkinson, Vol.

I.

Wilk., Vol

379.

I. p.

377.

Vol. III. 1. p. 426.

18*

sym-

in the sight of

one individual of each of the conquered -

others, in a

t

§

nations.

Wilkinson, Vol. Vol. III.

1. p.

I.

425

Thesejj 378.

EGVPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

210

same people were also mentioned on the monuments which belong to Thothmes V.* Among the sons of Gomer, the son of Japhet, consequently Riphat

as a Japhetic nation,

on the monuments as engaged early as the time of

mentioned

is

in verse 3, prob-

Pouont or Fount who are represented

ably identical with the

in

Amun-m-gori

war with the Egyptians, as II, which the more recent

chronologers place at about the year 1680 B. C.t

Among

the sons of

The Cush

ed.

Ham

Cush

in verse 5,

according to

W

1

i

k

i

n

s

o

n,i:

mention-

is first

are represented

the African people who are conquered by the mon" These," archs of the eighteenth or nineteenth dynasty. " were long at war whh the Egyp-. (the Cush,) he remarks,

among

tians

and

;

a part of their

country which was reduced

at a

very remote period by the arms of the Pharaohs, was obliged to

pay an annual tribute

Ro is

s

e

1

1

i

n

monument

represented on a

same author,^ they appear

among

According to Horus over the same people According to the Selsilis.

conquerors."^

to the

the victory of king

ijl

at

in the painting already referred to,

by Menephthah

the nations conquered

with verse

7,

according to which Cush

is

not the

Eleven

I.

agreement

separate Cushite tribes are there mentioned in

name of a sep-

arate tribe but of several tribes belonging to one general family.

As

the second son of

of a family, Mizraim

is

Ham,

the second Hamitish head

This name was, as name of the land. The

mentioned.

the dual form signifies, originally the

division of the land into the upper

which

it

ancient

C

h a " I

§ II

appears on the

refers,

In

times.

m p o 11

i

o n'

proof of this see

s Letters,tt

most

Wil ki nson**

and

\

277

seq.

** Vol. II. p. 73.

fe S.

to

in the

where an inscription

P. 210.

Vol.1 p 387. See also Chanipollion Bik III. 1. p.

and lower regions

monuments even

See Wilk.

105.

M

p. 420.

ttS. 140.

1.

is

quoted

374.

:

GENEALOGICAL TABLE, GENESIS *'

I give

211

X.

thee the upper and the lower Egypt in order that

you may rule over them as king."

According

Mizraim was the progenitor among Lehabim and Naphtuhim. It serves

to verse 13,

other nations, of the

for a confirmation of the

statement that the Lybians (the

Lehabini) are an offshoot from the Egyptians, that they even to the time of the Ptolemies

phaiat

were considered a part of the

Champollion*

Egyptians.

(=Naphtuchim) on

affirms

that

he found Ni-

monuments

the

as a

name of

Lybian nations.

The

Canaanites and Amorites (called Asmaori) are rep-

monuments with Lemanon (the The land Canana is specifically named among the inscriptions upon a representation of the triumph of Menephtha I., together with the region of Nahareina or Mesopotamia and Singara or Sinear.| In

resented on the Egyptian

people of Lebanon)

and Ascalon.t

reference to a representation of a campaign ofOsirei, the father

of Remeses the Great, of Lemanon

is

W

shown by

i 1

k

i

n

s

o n§ says

:

"

The

country

the artist to have been mountainous,

inaccessible to chariots, and abounding in lofty trees, which the affrighted mountaineers are

engaged

in felling in order to im-

pede the advance of the invading army.

The Egyptian mon-

arch, having taken by assault the fortified towns on the frontier,

advances with the light infantry

had escaped and taken refuge ald to offer terms

induced to

of the fugitives

who

woods, and sending a her-

on condition of their surrender, the chiefs are

trust to his

as are those of

in pursuit

in the

clemency and return

to their allegiance,

Canana, whose strong-holds yield

ner to the arms of the conqueror."

in like

It is readily

man-

seen from

these representations with what justice an argument against the Pentateuch has been derived from the knowledge of Ca-

nana which

its

author exhibits.

* S. 124. +

§

See Ros, Vol.

I.

111. 1. p. 437, also

p. 387.

t Wilk. Vol. I. 385. upon Canana, p. 341.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

212 '*

The

sons

ofShem,"

it

Lud

and Aram."

highest degree probable that Asshur appears on

It is in the

the

"are Elam

said in verse 22,

is

and Asslmr and Arphaxad and

monuments under

the

name

That the Shari, who Remeses the

Shari.

especially under the reign of Osirei and his son

Great, are represented as engaged in war with the Egyptians, are the Assyrians,

name

indicated not only by the

is

the similarity of dress between them

but by

and the captives of

Tirhaka.*

The Ludim

on the Egyptian mon-

act a conspicuous part

In a representation of a triumph of Menephthah

uments.

five foreign

I.

Romenen, the Scios, the land of Omar, the Tohen and the Sceto.

nations are found, the

people Ots from the

All of these with the exception of Ots are represented in the inscriptions as belonging to the land of

whole expedition

it is

And

Ludim.

repeatedly said, that

Ludim, which

against the people of the land of

of the

was directed

it

accord-

in

is

ance with the book of Genesis, in which likewise, Lud

is

represented as a single tribe but as an entire nation.

Since

same

in these

inscriptions the land of

Canana

also

is

and the region of Nahareina and Singara, just as

Lud

is

closely connected with

that the land

Ludim

lay in the

R ose

Aram,

1 1

i

in

n

not

named

Genesis

if

argues

neighborhood of Canaan and

Mesopotamia, and he asserts that

it

must be sought

in the

western part of Asia.

Abraham and Sarah In Gen. 12: 14, 15

when Abraham came

it

is

said

in :

Egypt Gen. ^

**And

it

came

xii.

to pass, that

into Egypt, the Egyptians beheld the

woman that she was very fair. The princes of Pharaoh also saw her and commended her before Pharaoh, and the woman was taken into Pharaoh's house." "

Wilk.

I. p.

375-G.

nil. l.p. 437-8.

Compare

also

Champollion,

S. 105.

GENESIS

213

XII.

Sarah must therefore have been unveiled.

show

that according to

The monuments

Egyptian customs she could only so

" We find from the monuments," says appear in public. o r,* " that the Egyptian women in the reign of the Pha-

T ay

1

raohs, exposed their

much

and were permitted to enjoy as

faces

liberty as the ladies of

tom was changed

after

modern Europe.

But

this cus-

the conquest of the country by the

Persians."

The

recognition which Sarah's beauty finds

explained,

if

we

take into the account that

women, although were yet of

a

is

more

easily

the Egyptian

not so dark as the Nubians and Ethiopians,

browner tinge than the Asiatics.

uments the women of high rank,

commonly represented with

compliment

in

fairer

On to

the

mon-

them were

complexions than their

at-

tendants.t

That Pharaoh is immediately thereupon ready to take his harem appears not to be consistent with He-

Sarah into

rodotus B. 2,

c.

92, according to which each Egyptian had

But

only one wife.|

common

practice

that

Herodotus

among them and

that

speaks only of the

polygamy was there

shown by what D i o d o r u s§ says "Among woman, but the rest of the men, each one as many as he chooses." That polygamy was infrequent among the Egyptians is evident from numerBut ous representations of domestic life on the monuments. allowed by law,

is

;

the Egyptians the priests marry only one

|j

with their wives the noble Egyptians had also other inmates

harem which were sometimes merely servants and ''most of them appear to have been foreigners, either taken in war or brought to Egypt to be sold as slaves"^ Of this class are the women at Medee-

of the

sometimes also concubines

;

net Haboo, attending upon Remeses, and not the wives of the

*P.4. tThis tirely

tibid. p. 4. is

wrong

§1.80.

clearly in

the

making II

meaning of the passage, and Bahr it

mean the

Wilk. Vol.

is

opposite.

II. p. 62.

IT

Ibid. 64.

en-

—

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

214 monarch.

were

in

The concubines were members

of the family and

rank next to the wives and children of their

Without doubt Sarah was intended the gifts which

Abraham

for

such a

station.

received from Pharaoh, male and " Domestic

female slaves are mentioned, in chap. 12: 16. slavery," says in

T ay

Egypt from the

uments

I

or,*

lord.

Among

"seems

earliest ages,

that the mistress of a

have been established

to

and we

find

from the mon-

mansion was very

rigid in en-

We

forcing her authority over the female domestics.

see

these unfortunate beings trembling and cringing before their superiors,

beaten with rods by the overseers, and sometimes

threatened with a formidable whip wielded by the lady of the

Hagar was one of the female slaves obAbraham at this time." See upon slavery among the Egyptians, Wilkinson:!" The Ethiopians were obliged mansion herself

tained by

to supply the Egyptians with slaves, which the Egyptians

sometimes exacted even from the conquered countries of Asia."

Genesis 13: 10.

In Gen. 13: 10, the author says the plain of the Jordan was everywhere well watered, " as the garden of the Lord (Paradise), like the land of

Egypt."

Less wonderful

is it

here that

the author understands the natural condition of Egypt than

same land presents means of comparison. that just this

Exodus 20 In Ex. 20: 25

it

is

said

:

:

of stone, thou shalt not build

thou

lift

ration of *p. 7.

tool

upon

hewn stone

is

it

directly as a

thou wilt

make me an

25.

"And

altar

up thy

him

itself to

if it

of hewn stone;

for if

The

prepa-

thou hast polluted

it."

represented in a tomb at 1

Thebes

Vol. I.p 388.

THE GOLDEN CALF.

'215

some workmen stand there smoothing the surfaces of a stone with chisels of different forms; others are examining to see

whether

it is

The

perfectly square.

tians, in the preparation

of

hewn

pal causes of the durability of the

T

Festival of the Golden Calf,

lie

great skill of the Egyp-

stone,

is

one of the princi-

Egyptian monuments.*

Exod.

etc.

and Lev.

xxxii.

17: 7.

A

succession of allusions to Egypt are found

That

chapter of Exodus.

the

in

32d

the representation of Jehovah un-

der the image of the golden calf

is

only explainable on the

supposition of Egyptian influence, and that

it

stands in con-

nection with the worship of Apis, has been fully discussed in

In the same work,

the Contributions.! that striking analogy

among

of the gods

is

found

was

it

the Egyptians, for the

shown

also

of the feasts

in the descriptions

manner

in

which

the festival of the golden calf was celebrated by the Israelites, as exhibited in the following passages

people sat

down

Verse 17: " in the

camp."

song

hear."

I

—

'*

And

the

and to drink and rose up to play

And when Joshua

as they shouted,

the dancing."

to eat

verse 6

:

J'"'

heard the noise of the people

he said unto Moses, There

is

Verse 18, where Moses says

:

a noise of

"

The

war

noise of

And in verse 19 " And he saw the calf and The most ancient popular rites of the Egyptians :

were, according to

Creuzer,j: of the nature of

orgies,

and

was Bacchanalian. Sensual songs were sung, with the accompaniment of noisy

the fundamental character of their religion

Of the yearly journey to Bubastis, H e r o d o tus§ says: "Throughout the whole journey, some of the women strike the cymbal, whilst men play the flute, and the rest of the women and men sing and clap with their hands; instruments.

^

X

Rosellini II. 2. p. 159.

Symbol.

I.

S. 448, 9.

t

§

Th. B.

2. S.

155

2. c. 60.

ff.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

216

and when they,

in their journey,

come near

town, they

a

bring the boat near the shore and conduct as follows

others

commit other unseemly

concerning the

feast

Especially

acts.

is

some

:

women do as I have already described, some jeer women of the town, with loud voices, and some dance,"

of the

at

the

while

it

said

of Apis,* " But

Memphis, Apis (whom the

when Cambyses came to Greeks call Epaphos) was shown

and as he appeared, the Egyptians forthwith

to the Egyptians,

put on their most costly garments and exulted. "t Just as here, in a manner throughout inimitable by one of later times, the circumstances, tendencies

and feelings of the

who had grown up under Egyptian

influences, are ex-

people

hibited with incontrovertible truth.

passage Lev. 17:7, already explained

So

are they, also, in the

at large in a

former work.t " They

there said, in reference to the rebellious Israelites

It is

shall

no longer

offer their sacrifices to he-goats

:

((-'^,''rt:;)

,

af-

which they have lusted." The opposition which exists between a he-goat and a god, was removed in the Egyptian

ter

religion and in in the t

it

"

only.

The

he-goat, and also Pan, were,

language of Egypt, named Mendes," says

u s,§ and almost

all

of names between the god and the he-goat

is

Herodo-

This identity

the Greeks follow him.

explained by the

pantheistic element in the Egyptian conception of the world.

The

he-goat was not barely a symbol of Mendes, for

the Greeks, looking

away from the other great

whom

differences, be-

cause of the form of the he-goat and his wantonness, substituted

Pan, but the physical presentation, the incarnation of this god, and was therefore considered holy and as worthy of divine honor.

The

service of the he-gont, as a deity,

was very

anciently performed in Egypt, and he was the participant of * t

!>.

B.

3. c. 27.

See also upon

tlie

s;icied

dance among the Egyptians, Wilk.

340. ;

In den Beitiligen,

Th

2. S.

lie

ff.

§

B.

2.

c. 4G.

II.

THE GOLDEN CALF.

among them,*

very high honor

so that

217

we must

necessarily

expect the idolatrous inclination of the Israelites awakened after a

short slumber, to be also directed specially to this

deity.

We

turn back to

Exodus

Aaron

xxxii.

demands, ac-

cording to verse 2, of the children of Israel, the golden rings

which are

wives, their sons, and their

in the ears of their

daughters, in order to fashion from them the

golden ornaments found

'*

calf.

consist of rings, bracelets, armlets, necklaces, ear-rings

numerous

trinkets belonging to the toilet

of the times of Osirtasen ries of

I.

and Thothmes

The same

Joseph and Moses."

commonly worn

ear-rings were

were so common

in

;

in

many III.,

and

of these are

contempora-

author| shows that

Egypt.

Egypt, according to

The

Wilkinson,!

Egypt," says

in

Rings of gold

Rose

1 1

i

n

i,§ that

they took, to a certain extent, the place of coin, and

many

times were used in trade.

According and burned

it

to verse 20,

and beat

it

Moses took the

calf that they

made

(namely, the elements of the

externally gold and internally wood,

calf,

which had escaped the

was fine as powder. In Deut. 9:21, Moses same transaction " And burned it with fire, and beat it, grinding it thoroughly, until it was as fine as dust," Wilkinsonjl says, certain persons were employed in the towns of Egypt, to pound various substances, in large stone mortars, with heavy metal pestles. When the substance was well pounded, it was taken out and passed through a sieve, and the larger particles were again returned to the mortar, until the whole was sufficiently fine. In verse 32, Moses asks of God " And now if thou wilt, fire) until it

says of the

:

:

forgive their sin

;

and

if not, blot

*

Compare Creuzer, Th.

t

Wilk., Vol. 111.

§

Vol. II.

p.

p.

III. S. 325.

225.

280.

t

II

19

me, I pray thee, out of thy

Vol. III. p.

371—1.

Vol. III. p. 181 and Drawing.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

218

book which thou hast written." tomary employment of

and

lists

These words imply the cuswhich have existed in

rolls,

The

scarcely any other land so generally as they did in Egypt.

monuments

resented in a tomb

at

The men, conducted in

Thus

often exhibit this frequency.

Gurnah

a levying of

there

Egyptian

rep-

is

soldiers.

by their commander, go before a scribe

order to be enrolled.*

Prohibition of Marriage between near Relatives, Lev.

The

law concerning unlawful intercourse,

in

Lev.

xviii.

xviii, in

which marriages 'between near relatives occupies the first place, is in verse 3 accompanied by the words: " After the doings of the land of Egypt, wherein ye dwelt, shall ye not

Truly,

do."

among no people of

among

ed, as

antiquity

marriage among

feeling, with reference to

the Egyptians.

The

was the moral

relatives, so blunt-

marriage with the

as

unconditionally allowable.

contrary to the to

marry a

common

Philadelphus,

"It

says:

among

its

who married

was

Pausanias| says of by birth He in this

consequences."

did that which was by no

is,

the Egyptians

since such a union, in the case of Isis,

sister,

so fortunate in

Diodorusf

custom, lawful

sister,

among them

so strongly forbidden by Moses, was considered

'*

his sister

:

means lawful among

MacedoEgypof the Egypthe

nians, but entirely in accordance with the law of the tians, over

whom

he ruled."

Philo^

tian lawgiver, that he gave permission to ters,

those

who

relates all

to

marry

their sis-

are sisters by birth, not less than step-sisters,

"

those of like age and older, not less than the younger.

Upper and Lower Egypt," remarks

kinson,i| "it

fully authenticated,

W

the sculptures in is

that this law

was

force in the earliest times." *

Rosellini, II. 3 p. 218.

B. §

I. c.

De

Compare

27.

Special Legg. p. 7dU.

also

Herod. B.

2. c. 177.

tAtt. 1.7. ||

Vol.

II. p. 63.

By i

I-

in

:

219

LEViTicxis 18: 23, etc.

Defilement with Animals. Lev. 18: 23. Ex. 22: 18,

The

prohibition of defilement with animals

is

etc.

in the

Pen-

tateuch so often repeated and so rigorously enforced, (see

Lev. 18: 23

:

Neither shalt thou

thyself therewith, neither shall

beast lo

down

lie

thereto;

is

it

with any beast to defile

lie

any

woman

stand before a

we

confusion, b^I?)),* that

are involuntarily driven to the supposition, that the author

has a very special reason for enjoining the prohibition of this so unnatural

and infrequent a crime, and that he takes into

account an immorality which ruled among those by

whom

the

had been previously surrounded, which was introduced among them through a pseudo-religious motive, and had acquired an influence which it could never have exerted Israelites

without that sanction.

such a

practice

vile

We

should the more expect to find

among

the Egyptians, the further er-

roneous views of the position of animals in the whole creation

and the changing of the proper relation of animals to human beings,

was

carried.

That

enormity really existed among shows " In this same pro-

this

Herodotust

the Egyptians,

:

vince (the Mendesian) the following prodigy happened in

time

:

eysvsro

S" iv

tw

vo(j,(a

tovto) in

jovto

vaixl TQoiyog ifilaytro avaq^uvdov. a7rtx£To."| *

eg

That the occurrence which

See also Ex.

18.

Qri:

Bahr says upon

Lev. 20: 15.

my

e^sv rovto to iSQug' yvinlds^iv avd^Q007i(av

H e rod o tu s

Deut. 27: 21.

t

here

2. 46.

Mendetis in urbe hircos mulieribus se miscere Pindarus quoque cecinerat (v. Strabo, 17. p. 1154), ex quo alii repetierunt laudati a Sclmeidero ad Pindari fragm. p. 122. ed. I

Heyn.

t. 3.

this

passage

et Bocharto, Hieroz. 2, 53.

retulerunt, v. Clem. Al. p. 27. religione

:

Ac

Idem

facinus de Thuiitis

turpissimi hujus amoris

repetendam esse, qua ductae mulieres Pani

symbolo, se permiserint, in dubium vocari nequit.

s.

hirco, ejus

The passage

Pindar quoted reads

MivdfjTa

NhIov

itaQo. nQtjfivov d^aXdaaag^ I'oxarov

xi^ag, aiyt^drai

od'i ZQctyoi

alii

causam a

yvvai^l /liayoptai.

of

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

220

mentions was not a single one,

evident from the declara-

is

tions of other writers.*

The

reference of the Mosaic law on this subject to the

regularities connected with the

the Egyptians, appears the

of the goat

among

in Lev. 17: 7,

ir-

among

worship of the goat

certain, since this worship

more

according to the passage

the Israelites,

was during the passage

already discussed,

through the desert yet very prevalent. We are still more confirmed in our belief of an Egyptian reference in this prohibition of defilement with animals, from its

being comprised in the number of those which in Lev. *' After the doings of the

18: 3 are introduced by the words:

land of Egypt, wherein ye dwelt, shall ye not do."

Leviticus 24: 10

—

12.

The account of " the son of the Israel itish woman whose 12, transfers us, father was an Egyptian," in Lev. 24: 10

—

and

manner peculiar and inimitable by

in a

a later writer,

must have existed at the time of the departure of the people from Egypt. If any narinto the very heart of things as they

rative carries the proof of

the

name

father in

its

authenticity along with

The name of the mother and

does.

is

of the tribe of the latter

to the

is

Israelites,

common

entirely

relation of the Egyptians

mother,

is

hardly supposable.

entirely natural that in the son of an

heathenish blood should show

itself,

fa-

It is

Egyptian father, the

so that he curses the

of Israel.

Numbers In

is

while the opposite case, an Israelitish

ther and an Egyptian

God

That the

also stated.

an Egyptian and the mother an Israelite,

accordance with the

this

it,

her father are given, and

Num.

11: 4

it

is

said: "

11: 4.

The mixed

See the preceding note.

multitude that was

.

THE HELBEH. with them

fell

again, and said,

"

We

221

a lusting, and the children of Israel

who

remember the

shall give us flesh to

which we did eat

fish,

eat?" in

wept

Verse 5:

Egypt

freely

j

the cucumbers, and the melons, and the grass (helbeh), and

the onions, and the garlic."

This passage

is

especially important, in respect to the con-

nection of the Pentateuch with Egypt. in

certainly existed in

it

Egypt

All the things

in great

named

abundance, and most

of them were distinguished for their excellence

;

and among

those means of subsistence, which ancient Egypt produced in great abundance, which were generally in favor with the

whole people, and specially with them, there

Among

ted.

which

is

those named, one

fail

to

is

no one omit-

found, the grass (helbeh),

so entirely peculiar to Egypt, that interpreters

to the latest times have erred in

Egypt.

is

reference to

it,

down

since they

derive the explanation from accurate knowledge of

These

peculiarities

can appear natural to

connection, only on the supposition that Moses

is

us, in this

the author

of the Pentateuch, but on that hypothesis they are entirely in

accordance with the circumstances of the case.

We

begin with that product, the naming of which

is

espe-

cially

worthy of notice, and suited to convince us of the au-

thor's

knowledge of Egypt.

The Grass (helbeh),

The s e

n

current opinion, as

mue

saurus,

1 1

r,

upon

same word,

account of

But

e

this

its

it

is

found, for example, in

this passage,

is

this

:

-T^2£h

and in

Gesen

i

T'iin means here, leek,

R o-

Thewhich on u

s'

grasslike appearance takes this name.

opinion

is

entirely without foundation.

Appeal

cannot be made to the authority of the ancient translators.*

For who can give us *

security, that they, supposing that

Septuagint, nqdoa, Vulgate, porri.

19*

all

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

222

herbage used

fodder

excluded, and looking around

is

men

for food, for

merely guessed

one they have taken

at the

But the correct view argument.

The

food for cattle

—

is

has etymologically the meaning of

^"*:»:h

it is

?

arrived at through a different counter-

originally not grass, but pasturage, fod-

common

der,* and so also according to

The

use.t

terion for the correctness of the interpretation that the article of food

which

is

same

Now

table with them.

first cri-

therefore,

is,

must be

identified with ^''^zh

man

appropriately food for beasts, so that

the

one that

furnishes an external similarity to grass, have not

least

at

for

the productions which serve

among

goes, as

such an

if

it

were, to

article of food

could by no means be found,

we should be warranted

giving up this criterion, which

is

wanting

entirely

in

in

the

leek.

But among the wonders of the natural is

mentioned by travellers that the

history of Egypt,

common

The

with special relish a kind of grass similar to clover. pression which the sight of this travelled

"

A

much,

is

it

people there eat

im-

makes on those who have

Mayr:J

very graphically described by

was thrown before the beasts, and a smaller pile of clover-like fodder was placed before the The quadrupeds master of the house and his companions. great heap of clover

and the bipeds ate with equal greediness, and the pile of the latter

plant

was

•leaves

all

gone before the former had finished

very similar to clover, except that

is

•wards,

Enormous

and whitish blossoms.

by the inhabitants, and

when hungry,

the fields where *

See Gesenius,

t

E.

g.

1

Kings

it

theirs

—

this

has more pointed

quantities are eaten

not unpalatable.

it is

I

in a situation to lay myself

was

after-

down upon

grows, and gi-aze with pleasure."

loc. cit.

18: 5.

Job 40

:

15,

and

Gesenius. I

it

Reise nach Aegypien

u.

s.

w. S. 226.

otlier passages.

Compare

THE HELBEH.

223

^

RaffeneauDelile gives a more scientific description :* "The fenu-grec (trigonella foenum Graecum, Linn.) is an annual plant,

much

very

young

the

known

in

Egypt under the name of Helbeh

The

resembles clover.

;

it

people of the country find

fresh shoots, before blossoming, a very delicious

food."

But the most particular and the best account is found in S o nFrom him we make a somewhat copious extract,

nini.t since

clearly

it

shows us how the emigrating Egyptians and

the Israelites could

among other things "Although

to the ^rass of Egypt:

a nourishing food for the

is

plains of the Delta eat

it

;

also look

back longingly

helbeh of the Egyptians

numerous beasts who cover the

although horses, oxen and the buffaloes

with equal relish,

for the

this

it

appears not to be destined especially

sustenance of animals, since the harsim furnishes an

aliment better even and more abundant.

appear very extraordinary

is,

But that which

will

that in this singularly fertile

country, the Egyptians themselves eat the fenu-grec so

much

can properly be called the food of men. In the month of November, they cry, " Green helbeh for sale," in the that

it

streets

of the towns.

It is tied

up

in large bunches,

which

the inhabitants eagerly purchase at a low price, and which

they eat with an incredible greediness, without any species of seasoning.

They pretend

that this singular diet

is

an excel-

worms and dysentery in Fifine, a preservative against a great number of maladies. nally, the Egyptians regard this plant as endowed with so many good qualities that it is, in their estimation, a true panalent stomachic, a specific against

cea.

upon

Prosper Alpinus its

ties, real

use in medicine. or supposed,

it is

;

has entered into long details

After so

many

excellent proper-

not astonishing that the Egyptians

" Hist, des Plantes cultiv. en Egypte, Du Trefle d'Egypte et § 2 du Fenu-grec, cultives comme fourages, in the Description, t. 19, :

p.

59seq. t

Voyage dans

la

haute et basse Egypte, Tom.

I. p.

379 seq.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

224

hold the fern-grec in so great estimation that according to

one of

their proverbs

Fortunate are the

:

feet

which tread the

earth on which grows the helbeh."

Besides those named, von Schubert* may be compared. " The kinds of clover whose young shoots and leaves

He says we saw beh

:

eaten in

(trig,

many ways by

the Egyptians, were the hel-

foenum, Gr.) and the gilhan (Lathyrus sativus)."

The Fish.

The

fact that fish

also the phrase

cate

only refer to

W

i 1

numerous.

they were very

that

k

i

n

in the narrative,

first

" which we ate in Egypt freely^''

:

known that almost we need not quote and

were placed

incredible all

numbers

it

is

so well

Egypt, that

the separate proofs of the fact.

Oedmann,t Mayr,| s

And exist in

o n.**

But

mentioned that according

it

to

Bahr,||

and indi-

We

Taylor,^

should, perhaps, be particularly

Herodotus

a part of the in-

habitants of the marshes of the Delta, shepherds,

who proba-

were not of Egyptian origin, and were hatedtt by the

bly

cultivators of the soil, lived entirely on fish.ft

The Cucumber.

Upon -

the cucumber, also,

we need

not delay long.

It

is

Reise, Th. II. S. 107.

Verm. Samml. 1, S.136. Radzivil says there " We saw, to-day, about a hundred fishermen lying in the turbid waters of the Nile, and catching fish with their hands. Some of them came up with three one in each hand and one in the mouth. The fish were an ell fish long, and of different kinds." t Mayr, S. 188. t

:

—

II

Zu

Herodotus,

I.

S.658.

** Vol. III. p. 63.

ft

U P. 62seq.

SeeBahr,l.c.S.687; Heeren,

S. 150.

Minutoli stands entirely alone in his assertion, S. 406 " In fish the Nile is poor, as well in respect to numbers as in variety of species, of whicli there are not many." Were this correct, we should despair tt

of ever finding truth in history.

about that in anticipation.

:

But we

will not trouble ourselves

MELONS

ONIONS.

225

known that tliey exist in Egypt, and of peculiar excellence. They .are large, of fine flavor, and very much eaten.* The Melons,

The melons

D'^n'^tSlN

.

The

are of very great importance to Egypt.

Son nin

i,t

best

pulp and

its

refreshing water, best

show how they could become objects of general longing in the desert, where " The souls of the people were dry," verse 6. But the spefollowing passages from

cies of fruit which, by

its

serves to moderate the internal heat which the climate generates,

The

the pasteJc or water-melon (cucurbita citrullus).J

is

markets are

with them, and they

filled

sell at

so very

small a price, that the poor as well as the rich can refresh

They

themselves with their watery and sweet juice. healthful nourishment,

and useful

are a

where the

in the climate

heat makes the blood boil, and gives sharpness to the hu-

mors."§ Onions.

The

onions of Egypt are also

They

praised.

cording to

far

renowned and much Ac-

are often represented in the sculptures.

Ar V

i

e u x,^

better than those of

that there are in the

diet of the people,

Hasselquist**

Smyrna.

whole world none

shows that they were,

in antiquity,

and a

|1

they are sweet and large, and taste

common

protests

Herodotus

better.

frequently an article of

food of those

who

labored

* Compare the passage from Prosper Alpinus which has already been quoted by Rosenmueller ; Forskal, Flora, p. 169 ; Description, De Sacy upon Abdollatiph, p. 125 ; and Abdollatiph 1. 19. p. 109 ; Hartmann, Aeg. S. 180. himself, p. 34 ;

t

§

and II

Th.

3. S.

101.

See also Sonnini,

Aegyptiis battich Forsk,

I

p.

109; Abdollatiph,

p.

35;

De

8.

Wilk.

II. p. 373.

** P. 562.

IT

Hartmann,

S. 180.

p. 75.

Sacy,

p.

127

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

226

In what estimation they are now held, upon the pyramids.* we see from S o n n n i :t " This species of vegetable is yet i

extraordinarily

common

in this country

it is

:

the aliment of

more ordinary of the people, and almost the only food of

the

Onions, cooked or raw, are sold in the

the lowest class. streets

and markets

for

These onions have

almost nothing.

not the tartness of those of Europe; they are sweet; they sting not the

weeping

mouth unpleasantly

in those

who

and they do not produce

;

cut them."

The Garlic. Finally, the garlic, just as here, t

u

is

spoken of by

P

food, especially of the poorest classes.

of the two in connection.

among

garlic

Herodo

-^

connection with the onion, as a principal article of

in

s,

I i

n yj also speaks

Dioscorides

the plants of Egypt

;

and

Rose

describes the 1 1 i

n i§ thinks

It is upon a painting in Beni Hassan. not now produced in Egypt ;|1 just as also other plants very abundant in Egypt in former times, especially the papyrus-

he has discovered

plant, are

now

it

either entirely or almost entirely extinct.^

Numbers According

to

Num.

17: 2,

17: 2.

Moses takes from each one of

the twelve princes of the tribes of Israel a rod and writes their

name

thereon.

The name

of each person,

Wilkin-

*

B.

+

Hist Nat. 19.6: allium cepasque inter deos in Jurejurando ha-

2.

c.

125.

t

Tom.

II. S. 66, 67.

bent Aegyptii. §

Vol.11.

1.

S. 383. II

Sonnini,

p. 68.

What Michaud says, torn. 8. p. .56, concerning the manner of living among the Fellahs in the Delta may be compared with this whole pas1i

sage

:

" Rien ncgale

quelques

licrbes^

dourah ou

la sobrietc de ce peuple il soutient sa vie avec des concombres, des oignons, un mauvais pain de

lentilles.

:

DISEASES OF EGYPT SEVERE. s

227

o n,* remarks was frequently written on his stick, instances of

wliich I have seen in those found at

Deuteronomy

The them

6: 9,

and

9 commands) upon

passages, Deut. chap. 6:

(the divine

Thebes."

11: 20.

''And thou

:

the

shall write

posts of thy house,

and on thy gates," and 11: 20, imply that the custom of giving was quite common among the people

to houses inscriptions,

with

whom

ments, the

According

the Israelites dwelt.t

name

of the owner of a house

to the

among

was not unfrequently written upon the " Besides the owner's name," says

tians

W

the

lintels

kin

monuEgypof the

o n,§ " they sometimes wrote a lucky sentence over the entrance

doors. f

of the house for a favorable omen, and the

i

1

s

and imposts

lintels

of the doors in the royal mansions, were often covered with hieroglyphics, containing the ovals and titles of the monarch."

The Diseases of Egypt severe. Deut. and 60. Ex. 15: 26. In Deut. thee

all

15

it is

said

sickness, and

will

7:

"And

:

the

28:

7: 15,

Lord

will

put none of the

27, 35

remove from diseases of

evil

Egypt, which thou knowest, upon thee." A similar expression is also found in Ex. 15 26, " If thou wilt diligently :

hearken to the voice of the Lord thy God, and

which

is

will

right in his sight, and will give ear to his

do that

command-

all his statutes, I will put none of these disupon thee, which I have brought upon the Egyptians, In Deut 28 60 for I the Lord am He who healeth thee." ''And the Lord will bring again upon thee all the it is said

ments, and keep

eases

:

:

* Vol. III. p. 388.

tSee engraving §

Vol.

II. p.

in

t

Wilk. Vol.

II.

See Beitr. Th.

2. S. 459.

102.

123-4, and concerning the inscriptions on the gates of

the gardens, p. 144.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

228 diseases of

Egypt of which thou wast afraid, and they shall In verses 27 and 35 of the same chapter,

cleave to thee." erring Israel peculiarly

threatened with the infliction of a sickness

is

Egyptian concerning which we have already in

another connection

made

investigation.

All of these scattered passages diseases,

in reference to

ited

by them

particular attention,

Wagn er*

agree in

his

in

The

the diseases of

show

this, that

o

r

1

Egypt is

all

Egypt an object of

that the author

is

right in this.

Natural History of man, calls Egypt

in his " enquiry

vis-

accounts of

"a

De Cha-

great focus of the diseases in universal history."

b

and

a very peculiar land,

a very special degree.

in

who have made

those

is

concerning the customs of the modern-

inhabitants of Egypt," of the most important diseases, says

:

With an almost equable temperature and with an always serene sky, Egypt can have only a small number of diseases, '*

but they are for the most part terrible."t

The same

author then speaks of single maladies, the plague,

almost never wanting in Cairo, and particularly in " This disease Alexandria, the dysentery of which he says

which

is

:

causes great destruction the children, which

it

among them and

especially attacks

carries off in a frightful

manner

;"

the

diseases of the eyes with which one at least out of five indi-

viduals

is

and rages

afflicted,

far

the small-pox which in

worse than

in

Europe,

Egypt

is

frightful

etc.

In the " observations upon several diseases which attacked

French army," four seasons of the year are madet with reference to healthfulness. The first comprises the time of the inundation, '* I name," says the author, "this first season of the year which continues about three months, the damp season it may be considered as the winter of the the soldiers of the

;

country.

*

\

Th.

The

II. S.

west wind which then blows, increases the

270.

In the Descr.

t.

t

13, p.

216

Description seq.

t.

7. p.

43 seq.

§.

8

—

DISEASES OF EG\PT SEVERE.

229

dampness of the atmosphere which at evening and especially in the morning is full of mist. The consequence is a coolness which is uncomfortable and detrimental to animal secreIn this season of the year diseases of the eyes, the and catarrhal pains prevail."* " The

tions.

hospital fever, diarrhoea

third season of the year says the same author further, "which I will give the

name

of the sick season, since

to the health of the inhabitants

begins about the

first

of

about the end of May.

it is

March and continues

The

destructive

and especially of strangers, generally until

south wind takes the place of

the east wind which had prevailed during the earlier part of

These south winds are

the year.

gradually

—

first

light but they increase

they afterwards decrease in the

same way

— and

indeed to such a degree that during a period of about 50 days, from which they have taken the

name chamsin,

are very violent and hot, and hence would able,

if

At

they blew without cessation.

they

become insupportthis

season of the

year wounds heal with difficulty, and are easily seized with

Sicknesses of

mortification.

all

kinds take an unusual char-

acter and require the greatest carefulness on the part of the

physician, and in general

living beings

all

more

are

or less

affected.f"

Land in Egypt and Deut 11: 10, 11.

Cultivation of the

In Deut. 11: 10 and 11

thou goest

in to possess

whence ye came *

Of

this

out,

it

it,

is

is

said:

Palestine,

"For the land whither

not as the land of Egypt, from

where thou sowedst thy seed, and water-

same time says Abdollatiph,

p. 4.

De Sacy

season of the year unhealthful evaporations prevail putrid diseases, caused by bilious and

;

:

During

the air

is

this

bad

phlegmy humors, rage among

the inhabitants. I

Compare

also

Medicina Aeg. peculiaribus

upon the diseases of Egypt Prosper Alpinus, De

ed. Friedreich,

eorumque

20

causis

;

De morbis Aegyptiis t. 1. p. 95 seq. and Hartmann, Aegj'pt. S. 54 ff, where :

:

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

230 edst

it

with thy foot as a garden of herbs

ye go to possess

a land of

is

it,

but the land whither

:

and valleys, and drinketh

These

water of the rain of heaven."

verses furnish occasion

remarks

for the following

The

hills

supposition that Egypt

lies at

the

foundation of this passage.

Against the correctness of

this

implication, the accounts of

modern

1.

duced

in

Egypt

it

certainly sometimes rains; for these rains

which reference

have so

and, what

are yet

the principal

thing,

immediate connection, they

in this

accustomed

speak of Egypt as

to

Herodotus*

there.

rains not in

made

is

is

influence in fertilizing the earth, that the clas-

little

sical writers are

rained

cannot be ad-

travellers

argument, according to whom, especially in Lower

proportionally so seldom to

without rain

is

their

F

be

a

if

it

never

plainly,

"it

Collections concerning rain in

land."t

Egypt are given by

says perfectly

Nordme

r,|

i

and

e r§

Hart-

man n.|| 2.

The

author in designating Canaan

in

opposition to

Egypt, as a land of mountains and valleys, places in the

flat-

ness of country of Egypt the cause of absence of rain, and that he in this

way proves himself acquainted with the Egypt no man can deny.^

nat-

ural condition of

is designated as tJie most to be feared of any of them. Volney found among 100 persons who met him, oftentimes twenty entirely blind, ten blind with one eye and twenty others whose eyes were either red or festered or diseased in some other way.

blindness

* B. 2. c. 14. 1

Compare Diod.

1.

deberct.

Plinius Panegyr.

41.

augcndieque seminibus

ita

30

c.

Mela names Aeg. expers imbrium.

Nat. Quaest IV. 2

:

Nemo

:

Aegyptus alendis

gloriata est, ut nihil imbribus coeloque

Lucilius in Seneca,

aratorum aspicit coelum, and Tibullus

:

nee pluvio supplicat herba Jovi. 1

§

Zu

den Beob.

a. d.

Orient, B.

In the Calend. Aeg.

p.

Vossius upon Mela L.

1. S.

4

ff.

11 and 20.

2.

S 347

ft'.

||

S. 197.

Tzschuck. III. says: Quaerit vero causum Aristobulus apud Strabonem IT

1. c. 9.

§ 1. ed.

1. p.

1.

247.

15. (p.

RAIN IN EGYPT AND PALESTINE. appears at

It

3.

resents

view remarkable that the author rep-

first

as a superiority of

it

subject to

rain,

and

is

Canaan over Egypt, by

not watered

Herodotus*

compare what

231

that

a river.

is

it

we

If

says of the inhabitants of the

region below Memphis, the thing will assume quite another

"For now

phasis.

their land with

indeed these people obtain the

far less trouble

even than the other Egyptians.

of

fruits

and labor than other people, They need not trouble them-

up furrows with the plough, nor to dig with the which men bestow upon the earth, but the river comes of its own accord upon selves to turn

hoe, nor with any other kind of labor,

and waters

their land

and having done

it,

this,

of cultivation in Egypt

cility

But

we examine the

if

author

also asserted

by it

falls

rather on the side

great

R ose

1 1 i

it

fa-

n

i.t

appears that the it is

altogether

ofHerodotusJ

and those

take him as authority.

First,

476

is

more minutely,

perfectly right, and that the error, if

is

an error,

who

affair

leaves

it

The

again, and then each one sows his ground."

s.

it is

to

Herodotus

be remarked, that

particularly

quare, cum in Syene imbres cadant, intermedia tantum omnino careant. Quaestio haec ibi proponitur, sed non Ratio tamen est manifesta, quia nempe ilia Aegypti pars,

692.)

loca pluvia solvitur.

ubi nullae cadunt pluviae, plana, hurailis, sicca, arenosa ac calida est

admodum,

Vapores itaque, qui a terra aut noclu deciab aestu consumuntur, priusquam in

utpote torridae zonae vicina.

arida egrediuntur,

cum

rari

admodum

et tenues sjnt,

dunt in rorem mutati, aut toti pluviam abeant. At vero tractus Syeniticus, quia excelsus et monUbi enim montes, ibi nivium et tosus est, nessessario pluviis abundat.

aquarum lapsus perpetui. *B.

til.

2. c. 14.

1. p.

288.

Bahr upon Herodotus says: Herodoteis similia proferunt Diod. 1. Sed recentioris aetatis scrip36., Columella II. 25., Athenaeus V. 8. +

tores

si

audias, vix ulla invenitur terra, quae quo fructus ferat magis

hominum erroris

opera indigeat

quam Aegyptus.

patrem historiae incusare

Aegyptum erunt referenda, eximia agrorum

fertilitate

sed ad

Quae cum

velis, ejus

unam modo alteramve

insignem.

ita

verba non ad

sint, nisi

omnem

ejus partem,

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

232

designates only those labors as unnecessary for the Egyptians,

which

But

other lands precede seed-sowing.

in

Egypt,

in

the burdensome labor, the watering, begins not until

the seed

is

sown, and

circumstance

this

That

cularly prominent in our passage.

a very laborious employment, *'

F o r s k a 1," The

made

irrigation

is

" has

shown

Egypt requires more

that the culti-

must be cleared out

and sustained by hedges,

yearly,

planted on their banks.

for that

These canals

by canals.

intersected

is

really

than one would

toil

watering must be often repeated, and

purpose the land

after

very parti-

confirmed by many witnesses.

O e d m a n n,*

says

vation of the land in

imagine.

is

is

And

S

in

h a w,t

it

etc.

can also be

seen with what indescribable pains the water must be con-

ducted through the numerous tenance

for the

various machines which are

The

cisterns are dry." i

drawn by

buffaloes,

and are used

carrying up the water to the gardens, after the canals and

for

G

channels, to furnish sus-

little

productions of the land, to say nothing of the

r

a

r

d| also asserts.

requires, according to him, a

Prokesch§

ing.

of cultivation in Egypt Feddan Doorah' sometimes

difficulty

A single

'

hundred days' works of water-

"The

says:

watering

is

indispensably

necessary, and must be performed at stated intervals.

It is

the custom to water the fields in winter once in fourteen if the dew falls sufficiently, once in twelve summer once in eight days." The same

days, in the spring, days, but in the

author describesll the various machines for irrigation. nally,

Michaud^

says:

"The

labor of tillage

is

Fi-

not that

which most occupies the agricultural population here; the land

is

easy to cultivate.

The

great difficulty

is

for

to water

the fields; even the most robust of the Fellahs are employed to raise the water

••

Verm.

t

In the Descr.

II

S. 137.

and perform the irrigation."

Beitr. 1. S. 126. t.

17. p. 56.

t

§

Page

172.

In den Erinnerung. Th.

2. S. 135.

r Correspondence from the East, Vol. VIII.

p.

54

IRRIGATION IN EGYPT. Further,

must not be overlooked,

it

233

Herodotus

that

speaks only of a single region of Egypt, of that which enjoys the blessings of the Nile in the fullest measure. He expliof the region below

citly contrasts the inhabitants

Memphis

But our passage has particularly in view that part of Egypt which was inhabited by This lay upon the borders of the desert, and the Israelites. with the rest of the Egyptians.

the blessings of the Nile could be appropriated to

them only

by means of the greatest exertions. Finally,

to

is

it

the author speaks

never what in its

it

be considered that the Canaan of which in a manner an ideal land. It was

is

might have been, since the bond of allegiance,

consequence of which God had promised rain in

to give the

land

season, was always far from being perfectly

its

complied with. 4.

That our passage

all

is

spoken

in opposition to the boast-

who looked down

ing of the Egyptians,

with proud pity upon

other lands, since these had no Nile,

comparison of

Herodotus,

lation to our passage:

2. 13,

probable from a re-

they heard that in

all

"For when

the country of the Greeks the land

is

which has a striking

watered by rain, and

is

not by rivers, as in Egypt, they said,

*

the Greeks, disap-

pointed in their brightest hopes, will sometimes suffer severe

famine

;'

which means,

if

God

at

some time

shall not

send

rain, but drought, then famine will press upon them, for they

can obtain water only from God."

This phrase, 'only from

God,' which seems so terrible to the Egyptians, sented as a its

friend,

mark of

favor to the people,

is

here repre-

which has God

and to which the eyes of the Lord

its

God

for

are di-

rected from the beginning until the end of the year, verse 12. 5.

The words

teredst

it

that the author in

:

"

Where

thou sowedst thy seed and wa-

with thy foot as a garden of herbs," shows at least

Egypt, and

was acquainted with the manner of

is

most

easily explained

he was acquainted with the manner of

20*

irrigation

on the supposition that life

among

the Egyp^

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

234

At

tians by personal observation.

the

view, these words

first

appear without doubt to have reference to an Egyptian watering machine described by

Ph

the water from the Nile and

its

machine, a wheel

water turned by the

now

D

i

for raising

use in Egypt.

in

odo

r

u

for the

s,

i 1

o,* with

which they carried

canals into the

This

fields.

foot, is

even

Nevertheless, since the authority of

newness of the invention of this machine, itself, (he mentions! that it was in-

scarcely sufficient of

vented by Archimedes,) that this

machine

found

is

confirmed by the circumstance

not represented in the sculptures,| whilst

now most common

the machine, is

is

even on

very

for irrigation, the shaduf,

monuments,^

ancient

most

is

it

natural to refer the words rather to the carrying of the water

which the

in

foot has the

This process we find

most to do.

represented on the Egyptian monuments.

1 1

also

Two men are there

employed in watering a piece of cultivated land. They bear upon their shoulders a yoke with straps at each end, to which earthen vessels are fastened.

They

fill

these with water from

a neighboring shaduf or from a pool, and carry

it

to the field.

Another stands there with a bundle of herbs which he appears to have just collected, by which the phrase, herb-garden,' G.

is

The whole

'

like

an

very naturally suggested.

passage transfers us, in a manner inimitable

by a modern writer, to the time stationed

in which the Israelites were midway between Egypt and Canaan, yet full of the

advantages which they had enjoyed in the former land, and

want of

in

they had

a counterpoise to the longing desire for that

Deuteronomy

Among the precepts *

De Confusione

t

Wilk.

II

See

which

lost.

II. p. 5.

tlie

Ling.

17: 16.

for the king,

p.

255.

§

Wilk.I.

Deut. chap, t

p. 53.

engraving from Beni Hassan

descrip. in Ros. II. 1. p. 382-3.

I.

II.p.4. in

Wilk.

34.

xvii,

it is

said,

5. 37.

Ros.II.l. p.385. II. p.

137, and the

HORSES IN PALESTINE. verse 16

235

" Only he shall not multiply horses to himself, nor

:

cause the people to return to Egypt, so that he

Lord hath said to you back again that way." It was shown horses

that

;

the

for the

apprehension

may

multiply

shall not return

in the Contributions,*

spoken

here

Ye

:

of,

that

the

love of

horses in the king could finally cause the whole people to return to Egypt, was entirely natural in Moses' time,

uniting of the band just

when

now

when

a

severed appears not impossible,

the people from the most trivial

cause uttered their

longing for Egypt, or even their determination to return,! but not natural in the period of Solomon and the later kings. Indeed, such a thing could not even have been in Joshua's time,

when

the people had

come

to a full

consciousness of their

national independence, and every thought on the possibility of a reunion with the Egyptians

place

it

was

also

was

In the same

obliterated.

remarked, that Egypt also appears

in this

passage as the only country in which horses were raised, while indeed in the age of Solomon, Palestine was to a certain extent distinguished for the

sessor of

many

same

that a king

no longer be supposed

thing, so that

who wished

to

it

could

be the pos-

horses must go to Egypt.

Kind Treatment of the

Israelites

by Individual Egyptians.

Deut. 23: 8 (7). In the arrangement concerning those

who

are to be re-

ceived into the congregation, and those who are to be ex" Thou shalt not abhor cluded, in Deut. 23: 8 (7), it is said :

an Egyptian, because thou wast a stranger in his land."

This passage implies that the Israelites received in some respects better treatment from individuals of the Egyptians separately, tlian from the State, so that the Israelites for grateful

regard to them in turn

^

Th.

t

See Ex. 14

3. S.

;

247-8. :

11.

Num.

had cause

since the phrase, " For

11: 5 seq. 21: 5, 7.

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

236

thou wast a stranger in his land," is not a sufficient reason tor the command, " Thou shalt not abhor an Egyptian," unless

it

means

that the Egyptians performed the offices of hos-

pitality to the Israelites,

Exodus

that

and earned

for

themselves the claim

In accurate agreement with this,

of reciprocity.

God gave

we

read in

the Israelites, as they were departing,

favor with the Egyptians, turned their hearts to

them

in love

and compassion, so that they gave them rich presents for their The agreement in so nice a circumstance between journey. passages so entirely disconnected, the contents of each passage by

is

worthy of notice, as also It is natural in a rep-

itself.

drawn from acquaintance with the actual condiof things, that the contradictions which real life always

resentation tion

furnishes, should

come

in for a share

;

a mythic representa-

on the contrary, would certainly avoid this apparent contradiction, and would here leave to the Egyptians only

tion,

hatred and hostility and a correspondent relation of the Israelites to

them.

Deuteronomy 23:

The

12, 13.

precepts upon the not defiling of the camp, etc.,

in

Deut. 23: 12, 13, reminds us of what Herodotus* says of " They tvixugsT] xQ^ojviat in houses, and eat the Egyptians :

without, in the streets

;

for they think that things

unseemly, but necessary, must be done in secret is

not unseemly, before

all

the world. "f

;

which are but what

If a custom of this

kind had been established among the Egyptians, from among

whom

the Israelites came,

it

could not be violated by the Is-

raelites without offending against

with

in

*

t

B. 2.

its

mandates

c. 35.

Compare Bahr concerning

S. 557.

decorum, and the law comes

to obviate this difficulty.

the varying custom

among

the Greeks,

:

;

DEUTERONOMY

25: 4. 28: 56.

Threshing with Oxen, Deut. 25 In Deut. 25

4

:

is

it

237 4.

:

forbidden to muzzle the ox

when he

Both ancient writers* and the monuments show that oxen were used in Egypt for threshing. treadeth out the corn.

Champolliont apartment

says,

in

describing the

Elkab (Elethya), which belongs

at

Remeses Meiamun

:

"Among other

subterranean to the reign of

things I have myself seen

there the treading out or the threshing of the sheafs of grain

by oxen, and over the engraving may be read, in almost enphonetic characters, the song which the overseer sings

tirely

while threshing " Tread ye out

for j'^ourselves,

Tread ye out

for yourselves,

Tread ye out Tread ye out

for yourselves,

O oxen

1

for yourselves,

the straw

For men, who are your masters, the grain."

Of

this

same representation

says: ''They

make

a great

threshing-floor, and cause

which are kept

R

o

s

Elethya,

to

Rosellinit midst of the

in the

be trodden out by six oxen,

motion by a

man who

goes behind

In regard to the signification of the hiero-

with a whip." glyphics,

them

in constant

at

heap of ears

e

1

1

i

n

i

Champollion.

agrees with

Deuteronomy 28

:

56.

In Deut. 28: 56, the " tender and delicate woman" is mentioned, " who would not adventure to set the sole of her foot

upon the ground for delicateness and tenderness." Here The also we are reminded of the state of things in Egypt. luxury of the Egyptian

women exceeded

that of

all

nations.^ *

See Bahr upon Herodotus

±

il. 1. p. 308.

I. p.

508.

t

§

Taylor,

Briefe, S. p.

173,4.

other

EGYPT AND THE BOOKS OF MOSES.

238

Deuteronomy

5: 15. 4: 20. 6:

20seq.

7: 8, etc.

In numerous passages of Deuteronomy, the Israelites are

admonished

to

keep the law by reminding them of their sad

condition in Egypt, and the favor

—

shown

bringing them out

in

which implies that the consciousness of this conIn dition and this favor was yet entirely fresh and lively. Deut. 5: 15, after it had been said that the rest of the Saba motive

bath shall be granted to the servant,

member

is

it

added

*' :

And

re-

and

that thou wast a servant in the land of Egypt,

Lord thy God brought thee out thence." In the same verse is the duty of keeping the Sabbath holy, founded

that the

on the deliverance from Egypt.

In chap. 24: 18, after the or-

der not to pervert the right judgment of the stranger or the fatherless, or take the

widow's garment

in pledge,

it is

said

:

remember that thou wast a bondman in Egypt, and the Lord thy God redeemed thee thence there'*

But thou

shalt

:

fore I

command

thee to do this thing."*

are found indeed in the earlier books. t cially

numerous

in

Deuteronomy,

is

Similar references

That they

are espe-

explained from the pre-

ponderance of the admonitory element in the book from the fact that it, more than the remaining books, (which present ;

the law in

its

bare objectivity,) appeals to the heart of the

Israelites, in order to bring the

law nearer to

it,

which was one

principal design of the book.

We in his

have reached the limit of our inquiry.

V.

Bohlen,

Introduction to Genesis, J supposes that the knowledge

of Egypt which

is

found in the Pentateuch, can be wholly

explained from the intercourse between the Israelites and the

Egyptians

in the

age of Solomon.

But those Egyptian

ences with which he was acquainted, '

t

Compare chap.

4: 20. 6:

See Ex.22: 20. Lev.

20

filled

refer-

scarcely half a

seq. 7: 8. 15: 15. 16: 12. 24: 22.

19: 34.

t

S.41.

CONCLUSION. page,* and indeed

in

239

order to explain these from later circum-

was obliged to labor by availing himself of a number of" mistakes and inaccuracies" with reference to Egypt, stances, he

to bring

and

counter-arguments

for his position

pretended

*'

for the later

out of Egypt.

We

age of the narrator,

have proved that these

mistakes and inaccuracies" are just so

proofs of the ignorance of

him who alleged them.

many

We

have

shown that the Egyptian references of the Pentateuch are beyond comparison more numerous and direct than was hithalso

erto supposed.

The

unprejudiced critic henceforth

will

be

obliged to recognize in the connection of the Pentateuch

with Egypt, one of the most powerful arguments for bility

and

for its

composition by Moses. * S. 54.

its

credi-

APPENDIX. MANETHO AND THE HYCSOS Manetho.

I.

The

prevailing opinion

the priests in Heliopolis

is,

Manetho was the chief of

that

who were

the most distinguished for

learning of any in Egypt, and wrote under the patronage of

king Ptolemy Philadelphus, by the aid of the writings found in the sanctuaries

But there are

of the temples.*

several

strong

objections to this opinion

In the specification of the gods and demi-gods

1.

Egypt, according to

Manetho,

ignorance of Egyptian divinity gling of

and

:

ruled

before men, a remarkable

is

exhibited, a strange min-

Greek and Egyptian names of

Ammon

who

deities,

— Mars, Apollo

are found as demi-gods, and Jupiter

divided into two divine persons, etc.

From

Ammon

is

these facts, upon

which Jablonskit as long ago as his time, and after him and copying from him e i n e r s| commented, R o s e 1 that this list was drawn up by one i n i§ has justly argued

M

1

*

See

t

Fanth. Aeg. Proll.

Heeren, Ideen Aeg. S. 426.

e. g.

author says

:

In reference to these things this p. 67 seq. Totus animi pendeo, ancepsque haereo quodnam de

scriptoris hujus, aut diligentia, aut peritia, aut accuratione, aut

denique

fide

bona

judicium ferre debeam, and therefore was in the best v^^ay,

with their help to perceive the indications of the truth. I

Religionsgesch. der altesten Volker, besonders

S. 122. §

Vol.

I. 1. p.

12.

21

-^

der Aegypter,

,

242

APPENDIX. Egyptian

entirely unacquainted with

proceeds further

:

The

Manet h o,

the books of

Manetho

this therefore

R o se

on the supposition that

1

1

well

is

founded only

n i's prejudice in favor of

i

Until further proofs are adduced,

is just.

perfectly satisfied that that

part

But when he

affairs.

cannot therefore be taken from

list

which

is

we

are

an argument against the

also against the whole, since every trace of a later in-

is

terpolation of this part, while the whole existed without

it, is

wanting.

Manetho

In the notices of

2.

in J

o

e p h u s*

s

said of the

it is

since he found in the Saitic

upon the Hycsos preserved king of the Hycsos

first

nome

a

"But

:

very convenient city, which

This geo-

lay on the east side of the Bubastic channel," etc.

graphical designation involves an evident contradiction. city could not

be situated

at the

same time

For the

and east of the Bubastic arm of the Nile.

nome

Saitic

lay in the western part of the Delta, the Bubastic chan-

on the other hand,

nel

A

nome

in the Saitic

of

eastern difficulty

is

the

same with the Pelusiac, the most

Lakemacherf

all.

wishes

for

*

:

in

in the Saitic

order

to

avoid

nome,' to read

:

'

this

in the

So E d. B e r n h a r d. This is very well shown that Manetho was a native Egyp-

Sethroitic nome.' if

it is

tian

only

who

first

Ptolemy Philadelphus.

lived in the time of

meantime, however, we intend to make use of

show

to

In the

argument

the opposite.

Others suppose that by Sais in the

this

west but another

Tanis, from which

is

nome known commonly called

not meant the

much more

Herodotus

easterly,

borrowed

his designation

of Saitic arm of the Nile, while his other accounts have reference to the western Sais.J * Contr. Ap. QoruTTjv,

I.

xfiiiiivjjv

14

:

^h

f

obs. Phil.

G. :vr..

Mannert.

alt.

Geog.

H e r o d-

Evgoiv 8s iv vo/am tw SnCTrj noXiv iniytainqoq aronoXi]v tov Bov^aailtov noTa^iov

X. T. A.

X

But the passage of

10.

1. p.

562.

MANETHO. o t u s* spoken granted

called in

is

of,

tiiat it is

admitted,

which some

M an e

can be of no service to

h

t

in the

words

:

S t r a b of seems to have " the Tanitic arm of the Nile,

call the Saitic,"

most improbable.

is

this

renaming of the

arm of nome on the East. But the Saitic, the

on

this side

over

as

bounds the Saitic Tanis had been called Sais, a

the Nile which if

The Egyptian

nome.

mis-

more probable, he designates

Bubastic channel could not

city over the

Saitic

is

called

is

Herodotus made a

Either

take in writing, or what

He-

by 'some' probably means

But the attempt to explain

Tanitic arm of the Nile by supposing that Tanis Sais,

It is

o.

arm of the Nile

very probable that the Tanitic

the Saitic as even

it

who

rodotus.

243

in the

lie

Tanitio-

nonies were small, and one being

of the Bubastic Nile-arm, could the less extend

since the land on the two sides of this channel was

it,

was not considered as bethe names of the nomes in the region without the Pelusiac arm of the Nile.§ Let any one judge whether so great ignorance of the geogcarefully divided, and that

beyond

longing to Egypt proper. I

it

Besides

we knoAv

raphy of his native land can be accounted

noble

for in a

Egyptian of the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus. 3.

In the account concerning the Hycsos

whole nation were called Hycsos,

Hyc

signifies in the

where ^

:j:

is

else

B. 2

the

Champollion 11

common

said:

"But their

t

Cellarius. 2. p.

For

and from

dialect, ||

There

Not.

s. 1.

Phar.

is

no

a sacred

any trace found of the co-existence of

c. 17.

Compare

it is

shepherd-kings.

word Hycsos compounded."

Compare CliampoUion, L'Eg.

§

e.

sacred tongue, a king, but Sos means

shepherd, and shepherds in the these two

i.

B. 17. p. 802.

2. p.

269.

Orbis Ant. ed. Schwarz

II.

p.

709.

277 seq.

^Ey.cdHio ds to irvfinav uvtmv sd^vog vy.(T(xk, romo ds iaxi. noijxBveg. To yaq vh na^ hquv ylMaaav ^acrilm atj^ui-

^aailus ysi,

TO ^5 acag 7ioiui]v iaxi, xal

7T0i,f.iivsg

xul oiTco avpTiS^sfxspov ylvsTai macag.

naia

t)]v y.oivijv

diaXmiov

J

t

APPENDIX.

244

common

and

in his great

dinlect in Egypt, as

is

ignorance of Egyptian

common

difference between sacred and

La

Mane

justify

t r

t

o n n e in

writing, the difference

a

mpo

1 1

i

The

o n'

s

unfortunate

"Precis"* to

h o for this distinction between the sacred and

common language shows in favor of

Ch

author

puts in the place of a

between the sacred and common language. attempt of

The

here implied. affairs

Manetho

only to what violence the prejudice

leads.

If

we look

critically at this one

circumstance, the gross ignorance of the author which

is

re-

vealed in this expression in regard to the Egyptian language,

we

shall

have sufficient ground

Moreover

prejudice.

for freeing ourselves

author's knowledge of Egyptian language

Hyc which

the fact that

mean

arises

—

is

to

also,

the

from

according to one declaration must

king, and according to another captive

ference

from this

some suspicion with regard

— no

slight dif-

found elsewhere neither in the one or the other

signification. 4.

Manetho refers

to certain

columns

cred dialect,

his notices as to their original source,

in the Seriadic land,

and with sacred

letters

engraved

in the sa-

by Thoth, the

first

Hermes, whose contents were translated before the deluge from the sacred dialect into the Greek language, and written upon papyrus, were deposited by Agathodamon the son of the second Hermes, the father of That, in the sanctuaries of the temples of

Egypt.

* p. 407. t

" In linguae Copticae monumentis omnibus," says Jablonski Von.

Aeg., Opusc

1. p. 357, concerning Hyc in the sense of king, "quae ad manus nostras pervenere, vocis istius vestigia nulla occurrunt." The same autlior remarks that the meaning captive is just as little capable

of proof,

Kx

p.

362.

xbiv (V

tfi 2Sr]oia8i-Afi yj] xsifjsvMV CTrjXwv IfQa Xixro) y.al UQoyQdcpiy.nlg yQu^if.ia(TL )tf/({^»xT7]Qi(Tjiiivbn'

\

cpi](iL

dia~

vno 0a>&

70V TTQMTOv 'JCo/.iov, xtu iQfj.r)vfvf^eiab)v jLifTu Tov y.niaxXvafiov ea Tf/5 hqug di(dsxrov di; r7jv 'Mh]vlda (fojrlp' ygn^fntatv isfJoyXvq)ixoiSf xul unoii^ivKtiv iv ^ijSkoig vno TOv^Ayn&odalfiOPog, vlov

MANETHO.

The prominent

245

doubt which arises here

how an Egyp-

is,

rank of the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus could believe that even in the most remote antiquity, there could

tian of high

own

be any necessity of Greek translations in his

were deposited

that these translations

Zoega

temples.

endeavors to avoid

much endangers

sees very

a change of the text.

have written instead of: "

common

which he

M an e

t

h

Manetho

to him,

o,

by

must

in the

Zoega

had he written as

for

and

Greek language," '* in the But the change is of little advantage to

dialect."*

Manetho,

this doubt,

the reputation of

According

land,

the archives of the

in

supposes he did,

he would here again merit the reproach of making a distinction between the sacred

which he indeed change proposed lowed only

why should

mon one fied

how

is

common

and

an unwarranted one

?

It

AW

which

such attempts also that of

without argument preface

the

all

knowledge of Greek.

Manetho

of

things merely, but

had been taken

at

if,

S

belongs, yn ce

as spurious,)

1 1

of

who u

s

This

M a n e-

sets

down

copies from

would have been

had been directed not to particular

on the other hand,

all

which

is

related

once into view.

toil dsvTSQOv "EQfiov, nuTog ds zov Tax Iv roig advTOig Alyvmov. Syncelli Chronographia, p. 40. ed. Gear.

ed.

com-

Greek form divine

its

for the vindication

H e y n et

of that which

spared, if the attention

is al-

Finally,

should evidently have been speci-

the author obtained his

o, (to

such a one

;

the translation from the sacred dialect into the

be mentioned

authority.

h

Further, the

of established reputation.

in a writer

writer even claims for the writing in

t

an error

dialect,

another place.

into in

fell

tSiv t.

hqav

1. p.

72.

Bonn.

He

*

says,

De

Obeliscis, p. .S6

:

Scripsisse

Manethonem ng

Ti]v yoiv}]v cpMvr]v v, tig TVfV xoiv')]v

diuAsHTOv quovis certarem pig-

nore

r;

T

:

at Graecis compilatoribus

In der Gott.

Comm. 21*

Vol. V. Hist.

xoivrj cpcavi} erat p.

103.

7]

ekXijvig.

246

A

APPENDIX. second suspicion arises from the mentioning of columns

A

in the Seriadic land.

cannot be mistaken

is

Jewish fable of a similarity which

furnished by J o

s e

p h u s.* Traditions

of certain Egyptian columns are found even period, but in the form in

This

of Jewish origin.

is

information

is

which is

it is

found in

clear, since in

it

in

all

M anetho,

Egyptian tradition knows nothing

On

make

it

it

uncon-

is

wretch-

heathenish notices in

use of these

confirmation or deprecation of the Mosaic history.

made use of some one account of the deluge

they are

writers should be

flood,

generally

at all, as

heathen antiquity no single reference to

to

account

But of the

nected with Jewish influence appears, so that edly uncritical

it

as in Josephus,

given in reference to the flood.

of the impending flood they were erected. original

at a very early

Before

in

heathen

referred to of an earlier date than

that of

this composition.

Now

granted that a possibility remains, even

it is

low that

this tradition is of

writer as early as the time of Ptol. Philadelphus

himself of

this,

but

it is

if

we

al-

Jewish origin, that an Egyptian could avail

not probable; for the whole Jewish

system of tradition of this kind appears to belong specially to a later time.

That

the Seriadic land

attempts to discover

all

do not wish

to lay

it

is

Utopian

shown by

is

have been vain

any great

stress.

;

f but

It serves,

the fact that

upon

however,

this

we

for the

counteraction of the current prepossession in favor of the true historical character of

not

make

it

as the reign

* Arch.

via

xat, ii]v

d

it

does

the Hycsos-city Avaris

is

2. §3: Oi ccno Zijd^ov aocpiav ii]v nsQi t« ovquTOvtMv dumoa^riaiv ijTtvorjffocv vtisq ds lov fj,}] di()iq)V'

la

Compare Zoega,

tvQijfAEva, TXQoeiQTjxoiog afpaviiJ^ov^ d8a(.iov

aT)]Xag

iii{t(tv ex

fiivsi d' ii/Qi t

work, but

1. c.

XbiV oLiav taKxO^ai 7i}v

So

of Philadelphus.

ynv xovq (xvO Qiimovq &0V,

Manetho's

entirely impossible that the author lived as early

dm

noLi]aufxsvoi, ii]v juiv in nllf-

Xli>o)P, «/
Tov

ddgo naza

p. 30.

fpt/Qaipav la svgr}fiiva

^/jv liiv

^iQiuda.

MANETHO. just as vainly sought as the Seriadic

following the example of L a

Heroopolis

ris is

of what

M ane

t

Champollion*

Land. r,

seeks to show that Ava-

but he does this merely by a comparison

;

h o says of the position of Avaris, with the

No

situation of Heroopolis. tian city Avaris

c h e

r

247

other writer mentions an Egyp-

and that the author had need to fear the

;

control of geographers he himself betrays, since he takes re-

fuge in a region not very accessible to them, and hints that the

name Avaris

belongs not to

common

language, but bears

a higher character, has a mystical significance. "t 5.

The

relates

striking coincidence

of that which

Ma net ho

concerning the Jews, with the declarations of such

C harem on, Lysimachus, Apion, and Apollonius Molo, who all of them lived under the Rowriters as

man

dominion, render

it

improbable that he wrote as early as

the age of Philadelphus.

pared with each other,

it

If the parallel narratives are will

be found improbable

if

com-

not di-

some centuries should elapse between and the more so as the traces of Egypto-Greek persecution against Jews upon which these rectly impossible that

the times of their composition

;

accounts are founded, cannot be referred to in the period of the Ptolemies, and especially of the

more ancient Ptolemies.

This persecution, on the contrary, meets us of the Romans.

For the

third

first in

the time

book of the Maccabees

dently belongs to this latter period, and transfers

its

Moreover

stances to the time of the Ptolemies.J

evi-

circumthis per-

*

Eg.s.l. Phar.

t

In one passage, naXovfitvtjv and rivog a^xaiag &6oloyiag ^vaqtv.

2. p.

In a second, ton di

?}

87seq.

noXh nard

xtjv d'£oXoyiav avojd'£Vj Tvcpojviog.

Dahne, (Darstellung der Jiidisch-Alex. Religionsphil. I. S. 25,) it is allowed, supposes that the most important facts of the narrative must be considered as worthy of confidence but the opposite was long ago proved and besides, it is perfectly clear to every one who reads the book, and has sufficient knowledge of tiie world not to start with the presumption that everything which claims to be history, must X

;

;

t

least

have a

historical basis.

248

APPENDIX.

secution against the Jews, in the time of the earlier Ptole-

mies,

is

not only not demonstrable from history, but

scarcely have existence in

P

it.

numerous passages, persecution, was Alexandria show,

h

o and

i 1

that

;

could

both

head-quarters of this

that the

in

it

Josephus

grew out of the jealousy

it

which the Egyptian inhabitants of that place cherished against and that the Egyptians drew the those of Jewish origin ;

Greeks and Romans

Now

into a partnership of their aversion.*

the circumstances which called forth the persecution in

Alexandria, did not exist there

The

at all

under the

Upon

Ptolemies.

and Ptolemy Lagus be-

both Alexander

the latter,

stowed great favors, and administered justice

Not

with the Greeks.f

jected to great degradation

;

and were, as, for

;

to

them equally

come

did the Egyptians

until later,

among them by degrees

in

first

inhabitants consisted originally only of Greeks and Jews.

as intruders,

sub-

example, they were pun-

ished for crime in a far more severe manner than the Greeks

and the Jews who were on the same footing with the Greeks.f

The

position of these Egyptian inhabitants of Alexandria

that many entirely abjured their Egyptian origin. Thus Josephus§ relates of Apion, that he was born in an

were so low,

oasis of

Egypt

ashamed of

but,

;

Egyptian origin, he

his

The most

pretended to be an Alexandrian.

important pas-

sage concerning this whole matter, and that which best serves * In proof of this, see Pliilo in

tione ad

may t

§

Cajnm,

p.

Flaccum,

p. 969, 71, 76,

De Lega-

1615, 16, and Josephus contr. Apion, B.

2. c. 3,

be compared.

Josephus contr. Ap.

Compare

Pliilo

2. 4.

in

dia(pOQ«l diuavAoi^iivai naza

fxdlovTwv a^icoixuxa aftfi^e^rjKE,

Arch. B. 12

Flaccum, ti]v

1.

976 Tojv juaatlyojv elal noliv HQog tu iwv Tvmsa&aL p.

:

zoig fih yaQ Al/vnilovg kiSQaig alxl^ea^at xal n()og eti^oiv, tovg de'AXE^uvdgsocg anu&aig xal vno '

a d-rjcpoQ 0)1' 'Ah^updQtMv. Among those called Alexandrians, the Jevv.s belonir, according to hitn. They were beaten with the ihv&£()i(t}ii^(xig and noXnixMTSoaig fiuan^iv. (T 71

§

Contr. Ap.

2. 3.

MANETHO. of our hypothesis, namely, that

for the confirmation

later times the causes

were

Mane

t

first

which called

in operation

such representations as those of and

249

h

o, is

found

in

forth

J o-

in

s

e p h u

t

ho, as a native Egyptian of high rank, wrote under Ptolemy

s,

is

extant only in Latin.*

These objections Philadelplius, and

lie

Mane-

against the hypothesis that

show

who

that he or the individual

appro-

priated his name, (which was perhaps an honored one,) be-

longed

In favor of the correctness of

to a far later period.

we have

the commonly-received opinion,

own

this purpose,

same

is

inconceivable,

individual

emy

only the author's

But how such authority can be allowed

testimony.

who claims

to

when

it is

have lived

for

considered, that the in the

time of Ptol-

Philadelphus, and professes to be an Egyptian high-

priest, at the

same time assures us

that his original sources

of information are those fabulous columns, and his secondary

source the contents of a Greek translation

made even

the flood and laid up in the archives of the temple.

any confidence be placed

in the

word of

a

before

How can

man who

is

con-

victed of such palpable falsehoods in so important a matter

?

The *

suspicion of deception increases

Contr. Ap. 2. 6.

"

Any

one

who

when we

searches," he says,

recollect '•'

will find

Apion were the authors of sedition in Alexandria." Donee enim Graeci fuere et Macedones hanc civitalem tenentes, nullam seditionem adversus nos gessere, sed antiquis cessere Cum vero multitudo Aegyptiorum crevisset inter eos, solennitatibus. propter confusiones temporum, etiam hoc opus semper est additum. Nostrum vero genus permansit purum. Ipsi igitur raolestiae hujus fuere principium, nequaquam populo Macedonicam habente constantiam, neque prudentiam Graecam, sed cunctis scilicet utentibus malis moribus Aegyptiorum et antiquis inimicitias adversum nos exercentithat such citizens as

—

bus.

munt.

E

diverso

namque factum

Nam cum

est,

quod nobis improperare praesu-

plurimi eorurn non opportune jus ejus civitatis ob-

tineant, peregrinos vocant eos, qui hoc privilegium ad trasse noscuntur.

Nam

civitatis fuisse largitus

omnes impe-

Aegyptiis neque regum quisquam videtur jus

neque nunc quilibet imperatorum.

APPENDIX.

250 that

we

strictly

have not to do with a writer of history, but

with one of that class least of literary deception has

among whom With commonly over-

to be trusted,

all

always been the order of the day.

an almost natural confusion

it

now

is

very

Manetho's work

looked, although perfectly clear, that

has

was not his main obhim as a foundation serves rather but this history, ject to give According to his own declaration for his peculiar structure. in his letter to Ptolemy Philadelphus, his writings comprise not properly a historical design

that

;

it

the answer to the question put to him by Ptolemy, (I will leave

for others to

it

inquire whether this question

ac-

in

is

cordance with the manner of thinking of a king,) upon the

come

things which shall

Tw

pillars

mentioned by J o

tho

jmv

to pass in the world, nsgl

xocTfAO)

are a copy,

(asX-

on those

yl/veff&ai, as also the inscriptions

kovTdDv

M

a n es e p h u s, of which those of were not of a historical but theological

character; they were said to preserve the hidden wisdom of the fathers for their posterity.

Mane

t

Whence, we simply remark,

h o took that which was of subordinate importance

to him, his history,

we have

not so

much

he has not himself even referred back

and admirers

as his friends erately,

— since

assert,

Josephus,

as his declaration

to the

though they do

setting

;

temple archives inconsid-

it

them the example of

transferring that which belongs to prediction to history, fur-

nishes then no confirmation in this error.

done

this,

it

would not contribute

his credibility,

how

at

all

If

M

to the

a n e

t

h o had

advantage of

but would rather be a detriment to

it.

For

could the assertion that he drew from the archives, ac-

cording to the miserable and current manner, so

honor of our

critical age,

be isolated

little

how could

;

it

rated from the absurdities with which this assertion closely united

thinks

it

?

How

inappropriate this

necessary to defend

Mane

t

is,

to the

be sepais

so

Zoegafelt; he

h o against the opinion,

that he aflirms that he received his historical facts from the

same source from which

his

prophecies are derived.

He

could,

MANETHO.

251

Z o e g a supposes, have very probably received his history from This we willingly grant

other fountains.*

but must yet re-

;

mark, that we could not expect that great care and conscientiousness would be exercised in the choice and use of his historical sources

by one who,

in the specification of those

from which his prophecies are taken, so plainly shows himself

and one who, since

a vain boaster,

to retail prophecies,

is

is

his object,

'

ex professo,'

a boaster by profession.

Further, the suspicion of deception

is

also

intimated in

same Ptolemy Philadelphus at whose suggestion the book is said to be composed precisely the one among all princes to whom it would first occur to an impostor to that

it

is

this

;

dedicate his work.

The

passages of ancient authors which

show, that the exertions of Ptolemy Philadelphus with regard to learning,

and especially

in reference to the increase of the

much praised, are found The many unautheuti-

Alexandrian Library, were very collected in

Hod yt

and Stahr.|

cated stories which are fastened upon the fact that Ptolemy

Philadelphus took a strong interest in learning, go so

he

at last

was even made out

has by degrees become expressly

to be a

an author. §

far that

Ptolemy

mythic personage.

Let not the striking analogy, which, as soon as we recognize in the claims of

Manetho

mere pretension, we have

in the writings of the Pseudo-Aristeas,

be overlooked.

As

Manetho professes to be a high-priest of the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, so

absurd than to in criticism, to

Aristeas

claims to be a noble officer at

There is certainly nothing more attempt, in the manner of a base Juste milieu obtain from the work of Aristeas also a

the court of the

same

king.

" Etiam ad hoc atteiK^endum," he says, " quod ipse ex Hermeti-

*

cis stelis rias,

futurorum coguitiouem se hausisse

scribit,

non regum

quas ex ahis monumentis congerere potuit.

t

De Biblicorum Textibus

t

Aristotelia,

Th.

2. S.

61

originalibus. ff.

§

Stahr, S. 63.

histo-

:

252

APPENDIX.

share of historical truth

poses that

A

r

e a

s t

i

two learned men

is

only proper course

as,

;

for

example,

P

a

r

t

h e y* sup-

statement in regard to the seventy-

s'

be reduced to a half or a fourth

to

on the other hand, to seek

is,

the last thread of the tissue of

The

!

to destroy

and acknowledge that the

lies,

circumstance, that the translation of the Books of Moses

was made

command

obedience to the

in

of Ptolemy Philadel-

phus, cannot be considered as even furnishing a historical basis

for

the

The whole

fiction.

Alexandrian translation

is

reference in which the

placed

the Egyptian

to

king,

belongs to the vanity of the Jews, which has called forth so

many

The

similar fictions.

choice of Philadelphus in pre-

name

ference to others was caused by the fact that the

king had become classical

for

and the Alexandrian translation the wants of the *'

As Ptolemy

Jews

at

of this

the time in this department, the simple product of

is

What P

Alexandria.

a r

t

h e yt says

Philadelphus, influenced by his curiosity in re-

ference to historical subjects in general,

two interpreters

for

summoned

seventy-

the translation of the Jewish religious

books, so he caused the ancient Egyptian chronicles to be translated by the learned high-priest and temple-scribe,

M a-

netho, from

true,

the hieroglyphic writing into Greek,"

is

but in an entirely different sense from that of the author,

namely, in that he did the one as

M ane

t

h o and

Aristeas

fratrum,' for similar reasons

had recourse

If any doubt yet remains in

so confirmed in

gives of himself,

may

name of

tica,

it

as

falsehood as

also another

and that the author of

this

work

Das Alexandrinische Museum,

t

He

;

but

par nobile

testi-

Manetho

we have under

work, the Apotelesma-

also,

tion of his sources of information agreesj *

'

to him.

yet be considered, that

Manetho

the other

regard to rejecting the

mony which one the

little

in every respect a

who

in the declara-

so accurately with

Berlin 1838, S. 58.

t

Page 165.

asserts in B. 5. v. 1, y, that he has derivpcl his information i^

ufivTOjv I'eQoJv ^i'(i?MV^

y.at

y.QrffunDV ottjIojv^

rig

7]v(jaT0 TrdvaocfO? EQfMijq.

THE HYCSOS OF MANETHO.

253

his book to Ptolemy Philadelphus, and makes mention of his wife Arsinoe, but this statement of

our author, dedicates

sources

.his

now

is

ahnost unanimously declared to be

and indeed on much more

we have in the

The

trivial

false,

grounds than those on which

relied in the rejection of his testimony for himself,

work under

discussion. "*

testimony of other writers which substantiates

h o's account of himself

not in existence.

M a n e-

There

is no mention made of him by any writer who preceded the time of the Roman dominion. It is of little consequence, that one t

is

so credulous and uncritical, and so entirely governed by interest as

osep hu

J

and who even transfers! writers

s,

evi-

dently Jewish to the gentiles, gives credit to his testimony of himself, and does not even express a suspicion of forgery. It is

only necessary that the object of the quotations which

Josephus Greek

gives

M ane

from

t

h o be

taken into view.

writers have called in question the antiquity of the

Josephus

Jewish nation.

wishes to confute their

testi-

mony from the Egyptians and Phoenicians, nations who are much more worthy of confidence in historical matters than It is plain that it was for the interest of Josethe Greeks. ph u s to magnify the trustworthiness of M a n e t h o. But

special importance

is

attached to the contents of the

work, which are said to perfectly substantiate the claim which the author praise of

makes

its

honorable origin of the work.

In

excellence, those especially are exhausted

who

for the

have employed themselves

in

modern times

in the restoration

of the Egyptian chronology and history from her native mon-

uments. *

But

it

appears to us, that these commendations arise

So according

to Zoega, p. 255, the author of the Apotelesmatica is Aegyptius, Manethonis nomen sat impudenter mentituf," and forsooth because he " omnia ea, quae ad funerum curam

a "

man minime

pertinent Aegyptiis patrio ritu sanctissime

Compare t

See,

also Meiners, e. g.

1.

Contr, Ap.

c. S. 1. 23.

22

122

ff.

obeunda, adspernatur."

APPENDIX,

254 from the thing

far less

itself,

than from the certainly very

natural and pardonable desire, in so doubtful an undertaking, to have at least

w^ork on

some one

firm hold, a

which individual

test for the

facts, as

more certain frame-

they appear, can rest, a

correctness of things which are of doubtful ac-

ceptance. Nevertheless, this favor, shown to

Mane

general

leave

ticulars,

in

assertions,

order to

t

h

o, rests

if

we here

and direct our attention

to par-

But

only on the king's names which are found.

see

how

these

far

encomiums have

received confirmation from the latest discoveries,

will

it

be

perceived that they are not so important as might properly

have been expected

after

such eulogies, even

if

we

receive

the data without question, from those who, with regard to

them, are somewhat exposed to suspicion, since they

start

with the necessity of admitting an agreement between

M a-

n e t h o and the monuments.

Manetho gods.

It is

begins with the rule of the gods and demi-

evident of

no confirmation.

itself,

But

that the

monuments here

such a beginning

after

it

is

furnish

improba-

the stage, will

he brings change forthwith

romance

historian.

ble from the nature of the case, that he, as soon as

the

first

human kings upon

from a writer of

fiction or

our very well grounded suspicion

is

to

a

nation to be confirmed in a remarkable manner.

zealous friends of this

whole

first

Manetho

fifteen

them

in confutation

done as

names

to the

little

monuments

did,

who from

furnish

for al-

can be adduced from

of the assumption, that

Syncellus*

The most

must acknowledge, that

dynasties, the

most entirely nothing, and that

Thus

found on closer exami-

his

Manetho

own

has

invention gave

kings of the twentieth dynasty, which were

M an et ho.

W

il k i n sont says: whether any dependence can be placed on the names and number of the

omitted by

kings of those dynasties *

FageOl.

is

a matter of great doubt.

i

Vol.

I.

p. 18.

The

:

THE HYCSOS OF MANETHO. monuments indeed

furnish

no assistance

255 this portion of

in

early history, except perhaps in so far as the later dynasties of

Manet ho

names

in

the

are similar to those on the

monuments. Ro sell in i* says: "Shall the whole epoch which precedes the so called sixteenth dynasty be considered venture neither to affirm or deny

fabulous?

I

author then

summons

some confirmation of

What

period.

Mane

he adduces

t

h o from the

is

as

follows:

This

it."

everything in order to furnish

at least

monuments of this The name of the

man who, according to Manet ho, heads the succession of human rulers is found on the walls of the Ramesseion, in the representation of a religious train in which the statues of the

predecessor of the king are carried in procession by the

Rose

priests.

Mane

of

t

1 i

1

n

i

thinks he has discovered the Suphis

h o, the Cheops of

Herodotus,

Suten Oveb Sciuso, which he translates: propheta Sciuso.t

n

1 i

i

in

tomb

a

in

His inscription, according to this author, reads

the pyramids.

Likewise

in the

affirms that he has found the

said to be the second Suphis of

or Sensaophis of

sellini must

il

paro sacerdote o

tombs of Geezeh,

M

Rose

1-

name Sensciuf This is an etho, the Sensuphis

Eratosthenes, which

according to

signify the brother of Suphis.

R o-

Besides also

there are three other king's names, but those which corres-

pond are not found

in

the

lists

of

Manet ho.| The

connected names of three kings then

ments

all

that the

dis-

monu-

in this period furnish for the confirmation of the lists

Mane

of

is

t

h

o, or

rather

all

they seem to furnish.

It is true,

* Vol. I. 1. p. 111.

Compare II. 1. p. 36. III. 1. p. 2 seq. The t Ros. p. 126 seq. same name written Koufou has more recently been discovered upon Compare Lepsius in the stones of the great pyramid at Memphis. the " Eclaircissemens sur le cercuil du roi Mycerinus traduits de r Anglais et accompagnes de notes par Lenormant, Paris 1839, p.

44 seq. ;

Ros. Vol.

1. 1.

p. 132.

APPENDIX.

256

RoseUini

affirms that

number of other names of

he has discovered a considerable kings, which he from

conjecture places in the fifteenth dynasty

M anetho,

have no relationship to those of

uncertain

but their

;

names

and these sup-

posed facts can therefore furnish no verification of his list.* o s e 1 n it seeks to avert from his favorite the hazardous

R

1

i

consequences which result from ments,

silence of the

this

monu-

— the "great void beyond the sixteenth dynasty, where

only a few and disconnected fragments of earlier cultivation

and civilization appear

as little oases in the desert,"

hypothesis that the Hycsos have destroyed

ments

all

—by the

earlier

monu-

Consequently the Hycsos alone must have accom-

!

plished what a whole succession of conquerors for thousands

of years together have not been able to do, to say nothing of the absurdity of the attempt to support another fable by

These Hycsos must always be such

that of the Hycsos.

as

answer the purposes of Rosellini, a diligent scholar,

to

and

his

in

who

has,

own province historical

in

highly worthy of respect, but one too

criticism,

little

discrimination.

In their pretended second irruption having become civilized, they must have

left

untouched

all

the

monuments which were

erected by the monarchs of the eighteenth dynasty after their first

expulsion

!

The Tablet

Mane

of

t

h o in the

dynasties of

dynasties.

first fifteen

M anetho

The

first

eleven

comprised 192 kings, the thirteenth

In the Tablet of Abydos, on the contrary, the

alone sixty. *

f

of Abydos also appears against the credibility

Since the appearance of Rosellini 's work, the

name Menkare

supposed to have been deciphered upon a coffin discovered third p3'iamid of

cheres,

who

Memphis, and

it

said to be the

is

according to Manetho was

tlie

same

as the

is

in the

Mcn-

fourth king of the fourth

Memphitic dynasty, and the Mycerinus of Herodotus, who accordmg to him built this same pyramid. Compare the work of Lenormant, above referred t

I. 1.

to, p. 11 spq.

p. 119.

II. 1. p. 75.

t

Ros.

M.S.

320.

THE HYCSOS OF MANETHO.

257

succession of kings which forms the eighteenth dynasty begins with

number

Rosellini

forty-one.

He

ready means of escape.

merely to the Theban kings.

from

But

M anetho.

his regard to

has here also a

supposes that the Tablet refers this

The

is

assumed merely

succession of his pre-

decessors in authority over Egypt appears on this at the request

Finally, if

monument

of Remeses the Third.

we consider

Mane

in the first fifteen dynasties,

t

h o as worthy of confidence

we assume

for the

Egyptian king-

dom, a duration which is opposed to the probability, the analogy and the chronology of the Pentateuch, which, judge aof it as we will, is yet even more worthy of faith than a a n e t h o, it is 4750 years from n e t h o. According to

M

M

Menes

until

the Persian invasion, without

fourteenth dynasty.*

The

contemporaneous, by which

example of

E usebius,

reckoning the

hypothesis, that the dynasties are it

was formerly sought

to reconcile

Mane

t

after the

h o with the

Mosaic chronology, may now, since the researches of P

Rose

and especially of obsolete,

although

1 1 i

it is still

n

i,t

1

a

t

h,

be considered as entirely

asserted with a tone of so

confidence in historical writings, which are very

much

much read.

The

sacred writings recognize everywhere only one king

over

all

r

u s and

Egypt.

Just so, not only

M ane

t

Herodotus, Diodo-

h o himself, but also, what

is

of more

importance, the monuments, which indeed by their magnitude and splendor are witnesses against an origin from the petty kings of small title

:

territories.

They

bear upon them the

Kings of the world, Lords of Upper and Lower Egypt.

The names Egypt,

of the Pharaohs appear dispersed over

all

of

etc.

verdict is more names here have But if we dereceived confirmation from the monuments. It is true, that in the later dynasties, the

favorable to

*

Wilk. Vol.

M anetho. L

p. ]8.

Several of his

t

22*

J. 1. p.

98 seq.

APPENDIX.

•258

scend to particular cases,

much

very

it

appears that here also there

is

wanting to a complete harmony between him and

monuments, even according to the statements of his friends, whom we must follow in that which respects the monuments. How great the differences are, is shown by the the

M ane

comparison of the statements of

t

h o and the data

obtained from the monuments, in reference to the eighteenth

Manet ho

dynasty, in

Rosellini.*

made out of

the one Usirei or

to

•cheres;

I,

the two

Aken-

Armais, Armes or Armesses, corresponding

to

the inscriptions, he allows only four years,

Remeses of

the

has, for example,

Menephtha

whilst the fourteenth year of his reign

M

represented on the

is

Remeses a n e t according to him Rammeses, a reign of one year and four months, while on the monuments his sixty-second year monuments.t

h o ascribes to

the Great

(III),

If Sesostris

appears.

is really,

as

Champollion, Rosel-

lini and others suppose, identical with

Manetho, who

the error of

the twelfth dynasty,

is

this

Remeses

III,

places Sesostris as early as

The monuments

palpable.

furnish

no additional evidence for the whole account of Armais= Danaus of Manetho, and it is characteristic of Rosellini'swantof skill in criticism, that he receives this account without argument, as true and original, and only examines it is

it

to designate the time of

its

occurrence,! although

perfectly clear, that this tradition

is

as far

from being

an original Egyptian one, as that concerning Polybius and Proteus, with regard to which, however, even

patience that

all

in the

him, and

forsakes

the accounts concerning

words of

With how

Home

t

I. 1.

Comp.

lists

p. 286.

r. 2.

S.

1

them have had

their oriorin

r.

confidence one can rely even in those later

little

times upon king's

* Vol.

Rosellini's

he cannot avoid declaring,^

of

Manetho, t

scq.

§

Vol.

such declarations as

I. 1.

p.

1.2. p. 27.

255.

THE HYCSOS OP MANETHO. these

show

Sethus was also called Egyptus, and from him

:

Egypt received

name, an assertion which has a worthy

this

counterpart in that of cessors of Proteus

D

odo

i

r

u

s

One of the immediate suc-

:

was Nilus, from

before called Egyptus, took the

whom

name

the kings of the twentieth dynasty

M an e

t

h

a

o,

plained, as

259

the river which was

The names

Nilus.

are entirely omitted

of

by

circumstance which can by no means be ex-

Rose

1

1

n

i

i*

has attempted to do, by supposing

that these kings had accomplished nothing worthy of consideration, but by the

fact

that,

even

for

time, his

this later

sources of information were defective.

But the

that

which has been furnished from investigations upon

monuments which

is

really in favor of

not indeed compel us to place time, or to ascribe to

him

Mane

t

h

o,

does

in a proportionally early

him circumstances by which he was Even

specially favored in the use of sources of information. if

he wrote

in the

beginning of the period of the

Roman

dominion, he could out of the designations of Egyptian kings which were in circulation, easily obtain a certain number of the actual names of kings to which his whole real stock is finally

The

reduced.

question whether

Manetho

was an Egyptian or

a

Greek can scarcely be answered. The Egyptian and Antijewish interest which he exhibited is not sufficient to prove his Egyptian origin. For many Greek writers appropriated to themselves

example,

Egyptian sympathies and antipathies;

Apollonius Molo

was

a Greek. t

as,

ignorance of Egyptian religion, language and geography *I. t

for

Manetho' s is

2. p. 34.

Josephus,

c.

Apion

,

ijQ^avTO filv Aiyvitxiov

says expressly '

itaQarqinsiv iiisybiqrioav

^ovX6/.i6vot T7]v

tojv §t tig ij/uag ^XaaqvifiKLV

:

6^ fusi'voig

aktjd'iiav

.

riveg

yaQiiSO'd'aij

Similar descriptions are

found in other places, Menander e, g. was a Greek from Ephesup, and yet he wrote Phoenician history with the spirit and interest of a Phoenician.

;

260

APPENDIX.

just as little decisive

was

who had

entirely

There

against his Egyptian descent.

in later times a multitude of subjects

abandoned

among

this people

their nationality, with the excep-

tion only of their national arrogance and their antipathies as for example,

Apion was an individual of such character, since

he despised the Jews on account of circumcision and because they ate no swine's flesh, without thinking that this reproach

could properly be

made

who thus together Now, from one of

with the Jews contemned his

only by a Greek, not by an Egyptian

own

these classes of subjects must

nation.*

Manet ho

Yet he hardly lived in Egypt. Several of him are of such a kind that they could scarcely have been made even by a Greek who lived in that

also have been.

the errors attributed to

country.

2.

The Hycsos

of Manetho.

In scarcely any enquiry has criticism taken so decided a retrogressive

movement

Manetho.

of

niu

s

though

The

as long ago it is

as in that

subject

concerning the Hycsos

was considered by P

e

r

i

z o-

as his time, at a right point of view, al-

acknowledged that he was wrong

in a not

portant particular, which will soon be pointed out.

author denied that the history of the Hycsos had

its

unim-

This

founda-

Egypt, and he explained it as a transformawhich the books of Moses relate of Joseph and

tion originally in

tion of that

the exodus of Israelites, undertaken with a design to favor the

Egyptians and injure the Jews.t * Jos. c. t

The

Ap.

In the footsteps of

Per i-

2. c 13.

result of his impartial

336 seq, of the Orig. Aegypt

:

and thorough enquiry, he gives on page Satis ni fallor liquere videtur, quando

cum hisce comparamus literas, Aegyptios, quia gloriosissimam non modo Josephi, sed ct Mosis et Israelitarum ex Aegypto exeuntium historiam profile ri nolebant, finxisse Axlsam et vilem et doformem Judasacras

THE HYCSOS OF MANETHO.

zonius

Thorlacius

trod

261

in the little treatise:

"

De

Hycsosorum Abari,"* which has been but little known, and which throughout bears the marks of a youthful attempt, but yet

is

written with a spirit of investigation

He brings the

for historical criticism.

and with talent

account of

M

an e t h o connection with the translation of the books of Moses into Greek, f and the consequent diffusion of the knowledge of the ancient crime and disgrace of the

concerning the Hycsos

in

Egyptians, and he considers this account as an attempt to

throw the infamy of these things and devolve it upon the Israelites.!

This view stood

Verum autem

from the Egyptians

so manifest opposition to the position

in

which has been taken icae gentis originem, suis

off

in

ex

modern times concerning

terris,

sed

M a n e-

cum scabie et lepra repetendam.

Israelitarum in Aegypto agentium et inde exeuntium

historiam variis multisqae falsis circumstantiis

contaminasse et

ita

adulterasse, ut agaosci vix posset, et sic ad alios earn

Further

homines tuto

Since Herodotus and Diodorus are entirely silent concerning the Hycsos, videtur sane Manetho historiam eorum retulisse.

suum ad

339

:

arbitrium primus concinasse,

adulteratam, ut id

p.

ita

Aegj'pto gestas

Judaeorum

falsis et fabulosis

antiquitatera et res ab

circumstantiis

eorum majoribus

— penitus obscuraret et extingueret.

*

Copenhagen 1794.

t

Hunc antiquum

t

gentis

p.

16 and 17.

pudorem Graecis saltem, Aegypti tunc

dominis celare volentes auctores Aegyptiaci, narrandi rationes instituerunt, ut famosi istius et

cum

tanta

tantis cladibus conjuncti Israelitarum exitus narrationi

genis

parum

honorificae, haberent

sic

Aegyptiorum ignominia,

quod opponerent.

Mosaicae

indi-

Ideoque falsa

miscendo id unice egerunt, ut funesti eventus culpa omnis et opprobrium ab Aegyptis ad Israelitas transferretur. Hoc consilium Manethoni, Chaeremoni et Lysimacho fuisse res ipsa loquitur, ut ad veris

communem metam quisque viam

sit

pergentes, quod fere mendaces

ingressus.

account of Manetho

is,

anilis

solent,

suam

In the opinion of this author, the

Mosaicae de Israelitarum in Aeg. rebus

narrationis larva et imago, qua affictis subdole commentis, inauditam

Aegyptiorum

in Israelitas crudelitatem, quae in scriptis Mosaicis vivis

quodamodo tegere vel excusare Manetho volebat: hinc saevus Hycsosorum dominatus regesqxie sex in subsidium cusi.

coloribus depingitur,

262

APPENDIX.

tho that it was necessary to abandon it. If for example, we suppose with Rosellini,* that if Manet ho were handed down to us unmutilated, Egyptian affairs even those most uncertain from distance of time, would be as well

known

Greece and Rome;

as those of

if

we

in our blind-

ness go so far with him. relying upon the pretended witness

Manet ho

of

a? to believe that this author

himself,

for

has derived his facts from the authentic documents of historical

science;

that

which even

we place

if

which

t

h o

those

Truly

Rose

t

all

of

h o opposes

soon as the account

applied to the Israelites, as proof that he-

is

could not have reference to them, as with

M ane

naturally consider everything

in opposition to true history, so

is

Mane

of

of the kings of

we must

this opinion ;t then

account of the compiler

to the

in the lists

n

1 1 i

to

i|

who maintain the this view may be

we must go even

reproach the

critical

so far

obtuseness of

Jews and the Hycsos is commonly

identity of the

!

considered as one which

promulgated and believed, and we should not hope the renewal of a favorable hearing,

if

we

Ma net ho,

by the foregoing inquiry concerning

to obtain

did not believe, that

we have

given a powerful blow to the prejudice which has contributed to the rejection of the

view held by

We

us.

make

only

one additional remark, namely, that the current favorable

Mane

opinion in regard to

check through

his

t

h o even then also receives a

account of the Hycsos,

if

any other people

than the Israelites are understood by them.

we can

nation which

call to

everywhere such palpable

and improbabilities,

byJosephus and

Tho

r

1

a c

i

as

it

ftilsehoods, internal contradictions

has already been shown in part

and yet more thoroughly by u

s

—

to

whom we

desire to enter on the discussion

*

Vol.

I.

I

Vol.

1. 1. p.

Applied to any

mind, the account comprises

1. p. 5.

175.

t

must

anew

Perizonius

refer since

—

that

Compare Ros.

it is

I. 1. p.

we have no impossible

2 and

b.

THE HYCSOS OF MANETHO. to consider

of

Mane

t

it

as

coming from

a

good

historian.

263

The

admirers

h o since they are ignorant of these circumstances

which are yet so perfectly evident, can scarcely be acquitted from a species of literary dishonesty occasioned by their blind predilection for him.

We will now collect the reasons sos can be

no other than the

which prove, that the Hyc-

Israelites, that

sources are the foundation of the account this

account, on the contrary,

is

no older native

ofManetho, that

merely a transformation of

the historical facts which have reference to the Jews, so as to favor the national vanity of the Egyptians. 1.

The more

ancient defenders of the reference to the Is-

have themselves, in regard to one important point,

raelites

surpassed their antagonists.

Mane The

t

Namely, they have allowed

that

h o himself distinguished the shepherds from the Jews.

Manet ho,

shepherds, relates

long before the time

of the Jews were expelled from Egypt.

But the

latter

people

having originated in Egypt were, long after the shepherds, banished in consequence of a leprosy which polluted their bodies.*

But the matter was not allowed to end here. It that a report which originally had refer-

must be supposed

ence to the Jews, was in to

another people.

later times erroneously transferred

But by

their strongest supports

this

acknowledgement, one of

was torn away.

Is the contrary true,

M

shown that it did not occur to a n e t h o himself that the Hycsos and the Israelites were a different people, then the they canfriends of Manetho find themselves in a dilemma not defend without at the same time casting reproach upon If the Hycsos are the Israelites, he can lay no further him. can

it

;

claim to the reputation of a good historian, since he relates things of them which are not at ites.

Are they any other

nation,

all

applicable to the Israel-

then he commits a gross

mistake, in that he identified them with the Israelites. * Perizonius, p. 329.

That

264

APPENDIX.

Mane

h o did actually intend to designate the Israelites by

t

the term Hycsos,

He was

it

did not occur to

Jose

p h us to doubt.

too thoroughly convinced that the whole point of the

narrative lay in

its

application to the Jews, to consider

it

nec-

essary to state expressly this reference.

The whole

contest concerning the Hycsos owes

merely to the supposition of J o

s

would be perfectly understood from the thing he have foreseen ter for

him

this contest,

have prevented

to

M an et ho

that

If

be the Jews,

M ane

it is

t

it,

by adducing the direct proof

different

h o's view

is

of a twofold element

from them, were also the Jews.

evidently this

—

:

the

Jews are composed

a barbarian (in reference to the origin,

in doubt,)

They

The

and an Egyptian.

the Hycsos, go, after their build Jerusalem.

application to.

impossible that he should suppose that the

M ane

is

its

h o understood the leprous persons to

who were

of which he

Could

not be said, in opposition to this, that

it

Hycsos, t

itself

would have been an easy mat-

the contents of the narrative itself disprove

the Jews.

origin

must have had reference to them and to no

— Let

other nation.

it

its

e p h u s that this reference

first

foreigners,

expulsion, to Palestine, and

return there, after their second ex-

They were

pulsion, with the native Egyptians, the lepers.

pursued, by Amenophis, even to the borders of Syria.

We

leave

it

position of the

undecided whether the tradition of such a com-

Jews

is

founded on the passages of the Penta-

teuch which designate under the names nij?

Tl^DODN

,

populace, an Egyptian multitude

rabble, and

,

who accompanied

the Israelites in their Exodus,* or whether the national vanity

of the Egyptians availed

itself originally

of two methods

of calumniating the original stock of the Israelites, and then

Manet ho

later, or

perhaps even the tradition

together these things which in a

at first

manner exclusive of each other. more probable supposition.

The

latter

us as the

*

itself

joined

existed independently, and

Compare Ex. 12: 38 and Num.

11: 4.

appears to

THE HYCSOS OF MANETHO.

How

little

we can

infer

persons are the Jews of quently are not Jews,

who

is

265

from the fact that the unclean

Ma ne

t

h

o, that the

Hycsos conse-

evident from the analogy of other

Jews are made up of such a is the more valuable since we have already shown that the hypothesis that a n e t h o lived some hundred years earlier than they, is without foundation. While Lysimachus has only writers

also allow that the

A

twofold element.

comparison of these writers

M

half of the falsehood, that concerning the lepers, but not that

Charemon

with regard to the Hycsos,

This author represents the Jews the

'

has the whole.t

composed of two elements,

as

impure people,' and the strangers, who are found on the

borders of Egypt and are called in to their aid by the former.

The

nation formed by the combination of these two races, he

Even he does not know how The com-

designates expressly as Jews. to characterize

with

parison it

more

definitely this foreign stock.

Manet ho

interesting,

also

is

inasmuch as

shows how uncertain and changing the Egyptian traditions

were, as from their origin

main

common

to both

different.

Even

;

but

all

The

could not be otherwise.

it

disgrace upon the Jews,

is

except some of the main features,

is

point, the attempt to bring

Josephus

shows

this,

and also how un-

worthy of confidence the Egyptian tradition

is,

from the con-

Chareraon and M a n e h o. Diodorus Siculus has recourse to Egyptian

tradictions between

t

tion concerning the origin of the Jews, in

tradi-

two passages.

In

Eel. 34. l.t he represents the friends of Antiochus Pius or Sidetes, as saying of the

Jews

:

They

are,

even as to origin,

contemptible; since they, on account of the leprosy, as hated of the gods, were expelled from versally

sented as native Egyptians. *

all

of Egypt.

where the lepers are spoken

In Josephus,

c.

Ap.

23

1.

34, 32.

On

of,

the

Here, as uni-

Jews

are repre-

the other hand, in the second

t

T.

2. 5. 24.

ed. Wesseling.

:

APPENDIX,

266

passage in Eel. 40. 1.* he relates

There was

:

in

Egypt, in

new

ancient times, inconsequence of the anger of the gods, a disease

upon the strangers, whose

visited

different

worship

The The most

had diminished the honors of the native gods.

latter,

therefore, decreed to banish the strangers.

distin-

guished and powerful of them banded together and betook themselves to Greece and some of the other neighboring re-

whom Danaus and Cadmus But the great multitude of them

gions, under honored leaders, of

were the most conspicuous.

proceeded to the country now called Judea, which was then an

unbroken waste. This colony was conducted by Moses, etc. That which appears in a n e t h o and Charemon,in

—

M

connection, is

is

merely the one;

Now

dition.

In the one passage there

seen here divided.

probable that

is it

element of the

in the other, the other

D

i

odo

r

u

s

tra-

separated that

which was originally united, when perhaps he even intended one expression completed by means of the other

to have the

or that

M ane

originally

t

h o and

separate

artificialness

1

Charemon

The

united that which was

looseness of connection and the

of the separation, seem to us to favor the latter

opinion. 2.

From our view

Herodotus

of the subject, the circumstance that

gives just as

as of the lepers,

is

little

information of the Hycsos

easily explained, since certainly before

the time of the Ptolemies and (if our inquiry upon is

well founded) also before the time of the

M ane

t

h o

Roman dominion, The condition of

no traces of these notices can be found. was the acquaintance with the declarations of

their existence

the Pentateuch concerning the ancient relations of the to the Egyptians, til

the period after

which

Jews

any rate could not have been unAlexander. On the other hand, from the at

contrary view, the fact cannot be explained.

from the silence of the monuments, important the events concerned. *

T.

2.

is

The argument

of more weight, the more

Can

p.542seq.

it

be supposed that

THE HYCSOS OF MANETHO.

He

r

odo

t

u

in all his intercourse

s,

267

with the Egyptian priests,

did not hear anything of the dominion of the Hycsos, which

extended through

a succession

of centuries, and especially

not one word of their glorious expulsion,

known

already

n et h o received 3.

Not the

if

these events were

must have been

at that time, as they

if

Ma

from native Egyptian sources

his facts

-

?

found in the whole Pentateuch of a

least trace is

foreign dominion over Egypt. The credibility of the Pentateuch cannot be asserted without denying the reality of a government of the Hycsos. The proper name of the national ruler of Egypt, Pharaoh, meets us everywhere,

The

of Abraham, Joseph, and Moses.

—

in the time

national hatred of

the Egyptians to shepherds, presents itself before us in the

period described in Genesis and at the time of the Exodus.

That which in

adduced

is

in support

of this position, or indeed

proof that the Pentateuch bears witness to the existence of

the Hycsos, according to the current opinion

Rose

1

1

i

n

By

of Egypt.

is

of

little

this,

the fact

is

explained that the king bears

the appellation of Pharaoh, and gives to Joseph a

We

Egyptian etymology.

will

Hycsos

so long as their existence stands on so does,

it

will

of

title

not deny that such an adop-

tion of the Egyptian language by the

now

force.

supposes that the Hycsos adopted the language

i*

frail a

is

possible

but

;

foundation as

it

always remain certain, that the universal

prevalence of the national

of the king furnishes an argu-

title

ment against them.

Rose Hycsos

1 1 i

in

n

i

finds a positive proof for the existence of the

Gen. 46: 31

his brothers to

make

it

Joseph there gives direction to

seq.

understood by the king of Egypt that

they are shepherds.

With

could not have been

for their

a native king this

decidedly to their disadvantage. this

circumstance

advantage, but on the contrary It

must then be inferred from

passage that the emigration of the family of Jacob took

place under the dominion of the Hycsos ^ Vol.

I. 1.

p.

who in R o s

183 seq.

e

1 1

i

n

i'

s

APPENDIX.

268

opinion were a tribe of Scythian nomades. they are shepherds

But, the fact that

not indeed intended to serve as a recom-

is

mendation of the children of

Pharaoh, but

Israel to

it

is

designed to cause him, understanding that they cannot dwell the midst

in

of

appoint them a dwelling-

people, to

his

place in the province of Goshen, which was especially adapted

They

to the rearing of cattle.

are directed to say that they

are shepherds, and have been from the beginning, so that they

cannot think of a change

in their

theory

must mean

it

:

occupation

According

dwell in the land of Goshen.

in the land of

to

1

What

Egypt.

may

that they

:

R ose

n

i

1

i'

s

the sons

tell Pharaoh was, according to this manner of understanding it, not sufficient to cause

of Jacob are directed to author's

their residence specifically in the land of

Goshen, and yet

this

only was brought into the account, not in general their abode in

But the passage not merely does not prove what

Egypt.

R o sel

according to

the very opposite.

1

n

i

That

it

i

is

intended to prove,

it

proves

the Israelites were shepherds,

is

no

reason, to a Hycsos-king, for a separate abode.

Rose chap.

1

1

i

n

i*

verse 8,

fable of the Hycsos.

proved that

in the

Amenoph

the

makes

verse

fight

the neio king, in

defenders of the

In his view, as he believes that he has

time of Joseph the Hycsos-kings ruled Egypt,

First,

is

naturally

the

new

10 subserve his purpose.

"could the enemies be with and

Exodus

derives a second positive proof from

The appeal to the mentioning of is common to him with most of the

i.

whom

He

king.

*'

Who," he

even says,t

the Israelites might unite

against the Egyptians, except the shepherds,

expelled but not destroyed, were always threatening to

who make

an irruption upon the smiling valleys of the Delta." the mentioning of a

change from reverse.

»

Vol.

The 1. 1. p.

new king

a foreign

reason 2!>2 scq.

has no reference at

dominion

why

to a

the king

is

all

But to a

national one, or the called

t

new

is

given in

Page 294-

THE HYCSOS OF MANETHO.

"who knew

the phrase following:

of the service of Joseph

spoken

of— forms

—only

269

not Joseph."

Disregard

a forgetfulness of affection

the point of distinction between the

is

new

king and the old. So long as Joseph's services were remembered, the Israelites were treated kindly. While the king yet lived who elevated Joseph to the first dignity in his kingdom, the house of Jacob received friendly treatment in this kingdom. That only in this sense a new king is spoken of the

is

evident from the circumstance that the old as well as the name of Pharaoh. The same thing is

new king bore

confirmed by the view of the relation of the children of Israel which extends through the whole narrative.

to the Egyptians,

Were

the dynasty under which Joseph's labors were perform-

ed, and the children of Israel received, under favorable auspi-

ces into the land, really different from that under which the Israelites

endured hard bondage, the

have been

than as

far less

guilt of the latter

would

appears in the narrative

it

—the

and the forgetting of former

reproach of unthankfulness,

—

comes not upon them their treatment of the have far more reason for it and the judgments of God in the same degree less called for. Verse 10 obligations

Israelites appears to

also is not in favor but sos.

When

to pass, that,

it is

when

our enemies and land,"

it is

far

:

there falleth out any war, they join also to

and so get them up out of the was at that time only the gen-

fight against us,

evident, that there

eral possibility

was so

opposed to the existence of the Hyc" lest they multiply and it come

there said

passage than

The

of a war.

wanting that it

W

contains,

i 1

thought of a particular

k n i

s

when he

o n* finds infers

far

from

it

more

enemy in this

that at that

very time the Egyptians were engaged in a war with powerful

enemies.

But the general

referred to if

domain of

we

fable.

possibility of a

war can

easily be

appoint the Hycsos their proper place in the

Egypt had

at that

* Vol. 1.20, 21.

23*

its immewhose miserable exis-

very time in

diate vicinity, natural enemies, people

APPENDIX.

270

lence in the deserts and mountains must have awakened in

them

a desire for the spoil of the fruitful and cultivated valley

Such were

of the Nile.

the Amalekites, the Edoniites and

the Midianites 4.

From

the

monuments

also, the

Hycsos-fable has not re-

Rosellini*

ceived the least confirmation.

is

obliged to

acknowledge that no trace of the pretended names of the HycHe indeed thinks he has discovered sos-kings appears there.

upon the monuments which belong to the eighteenth dynastyf Hycsos themselves, as did Champollion before him, But that which is as appears from his letter to Blacas.J

the

found on the monuments

is

nothing but the representation of

campaign of the Egyptian against barbarian nations, such as are constantly repeated under other dynasties. Of the Hycsos in particular, there are no indications. On the contrary, where localities which can be identified are given, a victorious

they always belong to foreign countries.

where found of an extensive against the

civil

No

war and

trace

is

any-

victory, as that

Hycsos must have been, and yet it can scarcely be all vestiges of such a one were obliterated if it

supposed that

ever occurred,

;

it

can scarcely be imagined that the monu-

ments of the Hycsos themselves should be annihilated even According to Manet ho their un-

to their last remains.

limited dominion continued over

all

Egypt 511

followed a severe and protracted war.

years.

Then

Finally under Alis-

phragmutosis even Avaris was besieged.

This city was taken Thummosis. It would seem that the Hycsos had time enough to leave behind them some traces of their exisby

his son

tence, and the well

known absence

only then be accounted

succeeding dynasties, their existence 5.

The

* Vol.

I.

.

p.

of such indications could

from the assiduity of the next

the destruction of their works, if

in

were certain from other sources.

narration of

J

for,

183.

Manetho t

Ros.

I.

concerning the Hycsos

1. p.

175.

\

S. 57.

— THE HYCSOS OP MANETHO.

many

presents so

271

points of agreement with the account in

the Pentateuch concerning the Israelites, and on the other

hand, where there are deviations, the causes can be so easily pointed out by a reference to the interest in favor of Egypt,

we cannot doubt

that

First of

all,

which they both go, Israelites,

their

come

to

is

The

the same.

to

Hycsos, as well as the

Egypt from the regions of the East, ngog

and found there a

city

which they

call

Jerusalem,

make our

a circumstance which alone should be sufficient to

opponents see that their course the

Hycsos.

the

After their expulsion, they go through the desert

avaxoh']v.

to Syria,

with

identity,

which they both come, and

the region from

manner of

life is

the

Hycsos, as well as the

same

is

wrong one.

a

Israelites,

it

Further,

In reference to the

to both.

especially prominent,

is

that they are shepherds.

The

first

called

is

be mistaken Semitish name against

Rose

Gen. 42:

n

1 1 i

where

6,

corn, J

said,

is

it

founded

x'Vvaris,

—

i's

it is

Of

over the land."

—26,

whom

king of the Hycsos,

themselves to this honor,

they raised from

alone

is

to

argument

sufficient

It is evidently taken from " Joseph was the ruler, t:"'VvLij

Scythians. said

:

,

this first king, referring to

he made

all

Egypt

a characteristic trait in

The

Gen. 47: 20

Then he

tributary.!

and was specially employed

cannot be mistaken.

among

This not

Salathis.*

measuring

in

which an allusion

to

Joseph

narrative of the oppression and

cruel treatment of the Egyptians by Salathis and his successor has

its

point of digression in Gen. 47:

seph purchased the whole land of Egypt

Egyptians sold each one his * Res. ovojia f

1.

14: nsgag ds huI

field,

for

20

:

"

Pharaoh

And ;

Jo-

for the

since the famine prevailed

^acrdm sva

aviwv

i^

inolrjaav,

o»

?]v 2J(xXaTig.

Kal

ovTog ev

rj]

MifAcpidi xaT^ylvsio, ti]v

is

livco

xal nonca

XOJQttv dadfioXo/MV.

X^Ev&ude

nam

O^dgsiav ^]q/£jo,

fiia&ocpQQvav naQS/ofisvog

x. x. X.

t«

fisv

aiTOfisTgav

xal

272

APPENDIX.

The

over them, and the whole land became Pharaoh's."

perversions of these facts are easily explained by the effort transfer

to

to the

Egyptians, the historical circumstances

which are given with reference

to the

and conse-

Israelites,

quently to remove the disgrace from the latter and devolve

it

upon the former. The reproach of unjust oppression and cruel abuse, which according to history belonged to the Egyptians, must be attached to the Israelites.

The

6.

The

view given by us also has analogy

for

support.

its

much

Egyptians from national vanity loved very

to ap-

propriate to themselves the accounts of other nations, with

any relation to Egypt; and

reference to facts which had

having transformed them so as to favor themselves,

were accustomed

to pass off the

borrowed treasure

sumed mould,

as originally Egyptian. If

we seek

cases of such

employment of Hebrew

material,

himself certainly furnishes them.

they

in its as-

other

first for

Mane the

The tradition which

is

found

and also elsewhere widely diffused,* concerning the

in him,

leprosy of the Jews, was evidently founded on the minute

Mosaic precepts in reference to this disease, in Lev. chapters and xiv., precepts which have at all times given abun-

—

xiii.

dant occasion for derision to evil-minded persons.f

Mane

t

the gods, appears to be transferred from

copied from the well

When

What

h o relates further of the desire of Amunophis to see

Mane

t

ho

known

calls

Moses

to him,

and

narrative in the Pentateuch.

Moses, who according

to

him must

have belonged to the Egyptian element of the Jews, a He*

Compare

t

How

stood,

Perizonius, p. 333

ff.

the tradition might arise from

when

that

is

them will be easily undercompared which Sonnini, " Voyage dans la haute

Egypte," 3. p. 126, says in reference to the leprosy of houses and garments: Ces maladies des choses inanim6es, qui servaient uniquemenl k former les Juifs aux details de la proprete, ont diset basse

paru de aginees.

1'

Orient avcc

le

pcuple

sale,

pour Icquel

ils

avaient etc im-

THE HYCSOS OP MANETHO. (a proceeding

liopolite,

national vanity

ponents,

guished

it

characteristic of his whole course;

not satisfied with the humiliation of

is

will

273

besides claim for itself whatever

among them,) Thorlacius*

is

seeks the

its

op-

distin-

rea-

first

son of this declaration from Gen. 41: 45, where Joseph

is

said to have married the daughter of the priest of Heliopolis.

The confounding

of Moses with Joseph implied here,

remarkable since

less

C

ha

r

e

mon

is

is

the

road to the

in a direct

same thing when he makes them contemporaries, and asserts that the uuclean persons were removed from Egypt under the guidance of both.t

Lysimachus

relates of the

unclean persons, that

after

they had been thrust out into the desert by the king, and night

came

on, they kindled fires and lights for the purpose

of protection. J

Any one

sees at once, that this

no other

is

than the explanation of the Mosaic account of the

cloud and

fire,

which

the natural world in

;

is

most

in

pillar

of

accordance with the laws of

the original Egyptian narrative

the fitting garb of one of Mosaic origin.

It

is

clothed

would be a

strange mistaking of the facts in the case, to seek for any-

thing better in a writer

who

the unclean persons was

relates that the city

first

founded by

called Hierosyla, the city of

temple-robbers and defilers of sanctuaries, but afterwards this

name was changed

to

Hierosolyma,

—words which

betray to

us the whole tendency of these writers, and show that we have to do not with historians but with polemists, and indeed those of the lowest sort. to use

such passages.^

Josephus knows He

right well

how

never comes to a thorough pro-

*1. c.p. 116.

Al/vmLa ds avjoXg ovo^axa uvai. xal TovTov hQO/Qa}i(.iaTia. Tw /u£v Mcovafi Tiai&sv, tw 8s 'ibmrjnb) IIsTmrffp. X In Josephus c. Ap. I. 34: Nvxrog Xv/vovg xaiaavTag q)vX(XTt£LV savTOvg. §

He

says, e. g.

^'

intysvofiivrjg

nvg xa

concerning the one under discussion,

§

35

.

274

APPENDIX.

cedure since

a fundamental

for

it is

exposure of literary imposture,

that the exposure should not fully

for his interest

Pure love of truth

ensue.

authority

Apion

what he says of Moses upon the oldest

relies for

But

facts only

latter

it

is

only necessary to ex-

convinced that even he received his

his narrative to be

pleasure.

allows as

use, be he ever so worthless.

Egyptians as his vouchers.*

amine

He

from him.

lies far

whomever he can

from Jewish accounts, which he perverted

Whence

else than

more probably

in all the writers of this class,)

his

from the

Pentateuch does he derive his information, when he for

at

immediately or mediately, (the

relates,

example, that Moses ascended the mountain between

Egypt and Arabia, which

is

called Sinai, and

remained con-

cealed there forty days, and afterwards he descended thence

and gave the law to the Jews.f

But not alone by the Egyptians was the

original possession

of the Israelites basely stolen and after an easy transformation

proudly exhibited to view by

from their ancestors

the] Jews, help for their for

its

new

possessors, as if inherited

others also sought, in the abundance of

;

own

poverty.

The Chaldean

Berosus,

example, pretended that he obtained from the most ancient

records of his nation, the history which he gave of the deluge,

of the ark in which

Noah was

highest point of the

Armenian mountains,

nothing of the kind

is

found

in

saved, of

its

resting on the

etc.|

But since

heathen records of the times

before Alexander, at which time the

Jews were

still

shut out

o ds ysvvtxlog V710 noXXiig tov XotdoQsIp axQnalag ol avrrixsv, oti ItQoavXslv ov xara rrjv avii}v

* 'Jig i]xovaa f

Movai]v

elg

(p(uv7}v

^lovdvuoL rdlg 'EXXr^aiv ovo-

nagu twv nQsa^VTBQcov twv Alyvnimv.) to /ufT«|u

jijg

AlyvJiiov yal

jrig

c.

Ap.

2. 2.

^A^a^iag oqog^

o HOtXuiui SlvaLOv ocva/SurTa tJHSQaig TsaaaQaxovTa xQvq>&rjvat,

xaxel&sv x«Ta/5avT« dovvai loig^Iovdaioig jovg vo^ovg. t

Josephus, contr. Ap.

1.

19.

THE HYCSOS OF MANETHO. from intercourse with the world

;

275

since, further, these notices

coincide too nearly with the declarations of the sacred Scriptures to allow the possibility that they could have been de-

rived from independent tradition, the assertion of

Berosus

in reference to his sources for the primitive age, (as respects later times

he communicates also independent notices,) are to

be taken as a bare pretence. In this same category belongs also the account of D u s which he pretends to have derived from ancient Phoenician i

,

sources, concerning the contest with problems between Hi-

ram and Solomon,* where

the fact at the foundation

is

evi-

dently of Jewish origin, augmented with paltry additions

which owe

their existence to the national vanity of the Tyri-

Solomon,

ans.

it is

related, sent

problems to Hiram and

re-

who could him, should pay money to

ceived others from him upon the condition that he not solve the problems proposed to

him who solved them. was obliged as penalty a

man

was obliged

The found

to

failing to solve his problems,

pay a large sum.

Abdemon,

of Tyre,

posed others.

Hiram, to

Finally, however,

solved these problems and pro-

Since Solomon could not solve the

he

Jews, on their part, did not allow themselves to be

idle,

and there was, between them and the Gentiles an

emulation in historical forgery, which must first

latter,

pay back a large amount of money to Hiram.

cies of literature, the

mostly by

remnant of which

Josephus,

and by Eusebius

in his

possible to be cautious

*

is

fill

one who has

whole spehanded down to us,

found the right position, with disgust

at this

especially in his books against Apion,

Preparatio Evangelica.'

enough

here.

Suspicion

It is is

scarcely

the legiti-

mate rule of the critic, and all accommodation is uncritical. Nothing was more frequent than for the Jews to assume the garb of Gentiles in order in this disguise to effectually weaken the calumniations of the Gentiles, to magnify the antiquity

and greatness of their nation, from the apparent testimony of *

Jos.

c.

Ap.

1.

17.

APPENDIX.

276 their enemies,

and to confirm the credibility of their sacred

books by pretended independent heathen tradition.*

How

heathen fraud directly called forth the same thing

among Jews, we

will

show by

Artapanust

example.

a single particularly striking

relates that, according to the ac-

count of the Memphites, Moses, when he passed the waited

for

low water

;

but

it is

They recognize

to the Heliopolites.

Red

Sea,

entirely otherwise, according

the miraculous in the af-

Evidently the envy of the Egyptians had called forth the

fair.

of that which, on the authority of the sacred books of the Jews, was current concerning the passage of the Red sea, making it merely the result of the common laws of

explanation

Of this

nature.

event and the circumstances connected with,

the Egyptians (a people

it,

who have

tory as the Indians) possessed

no

This explanation, which accounts

phenomena, they gave not

as

genius for his-

little

original, native information. for the

from natural

facts

but put

as such,

it

into the form

of a parallel tradition of the Memphites which was inde-

The masked Jew now

pendent of the Jewish narrative.

opposes to the pretended authority of the Memphites, the equally assumed testimony of the Heliopolites.

We make

return

use of

and even

after this digression.

Hebrew

this,

to the Greeks.

did not

Heyne

expressly shows

appealing, for an example, to the story of Proteus and

Helen. t

We will examine,

The

notices in Valckanaer,

*

The Egyptians

With equal impudence,

they appropriated to themselves also that

earlier,

which belonged

material alone.

a little

De

more

closely, the

Aristobulo Judaeo,

p.

Egyptian

17

seq.

may

be compared.

fin Eusebius, IX.c.27. L.

pp. 108, 127: Inoleveret Aegyptiis

adeo

ilia

intcrpretatio

antiquitatis suae ex Graecis literis, ut sub Ptolemaeis et

Romanis vix

i

c.

aliam ullam nossent.

Helena,

in

quibus et

Pro exemplis sint narrationes de Proteo

hominum

et de

illorum vanitas, popularibus suis glo-

THE HYCSOS OF MANETHO.

Herodotus,*

narrative of Helen, in

the account of

Manet ho

We

further

in

it

furnishes for

it,

a

very remarkable

W el k erf recognizes

premise that than

it

since

concerninir the Hycsos, accord-

ing to our manner of understanding parallel.

277

a transformation of material

nothing

originally

purely Greek, so as to gratify the national vanity of the Egyptians

—

a view

which Bahr vainly opposes with the intention of

Her od otu s,

bringing about a base accommodation.

good-natured admirer of Egyptian wisdom, asks exactly

how

the

his priests

the matter stood with reference to Helen, imply-

ing that they must surely have the most certain knowledge upon the subject, and consequently provoking the deception as indeed generally the credulity of the Greeks,

itself;

and their child-

much contributamong this people.

ish admiration of Egyptian falsehood, has very

ed to awaken the mere

The

now

priests

spirit

of deception

him

relate to

a long history, with the

characteristic circumstances, and

Mane

the Hycsos-fable of

t

h o

much

.

In the whole, the praise

of the pretended Egyptian king Proteus, of his wisdom and justice, the

Greek

here

it is

tradition,

vain.

the

'

Egypt occupied but

magnifying

the

punctum

saliens.'

In

a subordinate place,

The Egyptian king deprived the The Greeks go to Troy and take the city

made prominent.

robber of his in

is

most

better devised than

spoil.

Menelaus

hands of Proteus. with self-praise;

first

receives back his spouse from the

Even here the Egyptians are not satisfied another's shadow must yield them light.

Menelaus repays all favor and love with ingratitude. He steals away two Egyptian boys and offers them in sacrifice. The whole, H erod otus allows to be imposed upon him, and supposes that

Homer

has deviated from the truth ob-

riam ex rebus Graeciae comparantium et fabulas Graecas

in

earn fidem

interpretantium, turn Herodoti his de rebus opinio apprimis intelligi potest. * B. 2.

113—20.

t

24

Jahns Jahr.

f.

Phil. 0. 3. S.

276

ff.

!

278 tained

APPENDIX.

among

the Egyptians, since

it

was not suited

to his

poetical design

We

have before intimated that such stolen Greek goods in a n etho for example, the story of

are also found

M

;

Armais=Danaus and Thuoris=Polybius.

NOTES

NOTES.

P.

Von Bohlen

1.

parents, and into the

was

left

Gymnasium

(Peter),

at

bom

at

W&ppels

iu 1796 of poor

In 1817 he was received

Hamburg, where he turned

He was

oriental studies.

was

an orphan in 1811.

his attention to

the pupil of Gesenius, Roediger and Hofi'-

in the University at Halle, in 1821 and in 1822 he went to Bonn and attended upon the instructions of Freytag and Schlegel. In 1825 he was elected professor extraordinary of Oriental Languages at Konigsberg and regular professor at the same place in 1830. He has since removed to Berlin. His work so often referred to in this volume is entitled, " Die Genesis historischcritisch erlautert," Konigsberg,

mann

;

1835.

It

was answered by Drechsler,

logical sentiments of the author

tions

and references made

volume

in this

in

at Leipsic, in 1837.

may be

easily inferred

byHengstenberg.

P. 2.

works which are somewhat known

Pyramids of Brick.

Four

neo-

Allusion is also made

one or two cases, to his book on India

Indien mit besonderer Riicksicht auf Aegypten." several other

The

from the quota-

in

He

:

"

Das

alte

has pubhshed

Germany.

built of brick are

still

in existence

Lower Egypt, two at Dashoor and two at the entrance of Fyoom. Several of smaller size are also found in Thebes. See in

k

W

i

n

s

o n. Vol.

P. 2.

f

.

the i

1-

131, and HI. 317.

That early age.

As H e ngste nbe rg has not given thepre-

be proper to add that arches were constructed of brick at least as early as 1540, B. C. in the reign of Amunoph I., and i 1probably in the time of the first Osirtasen, who is supposed by kins on to have been contemporary with Joseph. " It is worthy of cise dates here,

it

may

W

remark," says the same author, " That more bricks bearing the name of Thothmes III, (whom I suppose to have been king of Egypt at the time of the Exodus) have been discovered than of any other period."

NOTES.

282

Sheep. Wi Iki n son in his "Mannersand Customs of the p. 5. Ancient Egyptians," second series, Vol. 1. p. 130, 131, etc., gives the representation of a scene from a tomb hewn in the rock near the

pyramids of Geezeh, which

is

of special interest as illustrating several

The tomb

points in Egyptian antiquity.

Suphis or Cheops which shows

it,

before the 18th dynasty, and in

all

bears the

name

of the king

work of an age was made about 2090

at least, to be the

probability

it

B.C., more than a century before the arrival of Abraham in Egypt. The head sliepherd presents himself to give an account of the " First come flocks committed to his chai'ge which follow after him. the oxen, over which is the number 834, cows 220, goats 3234, asses Behind follows a man carrying the young lambs 760, and sheep 974. in baskets slung upon a pole. The steward, leaning on his staff" and accompanied by his dog, stands on the left of the picture and in another part of the tomb, the scribes are represented making out the statements presented to them by the different persons employed on the estate." The bearing of this painting upon several subsequent parts of this volume should not be unnoticed compare especially or 2050

;

;

pp. 25, 87.

JVome, -province^ from the Greek vojuos,

P. 6.

is

the

name given

to

each of the 36 parts into which Sesostris divided Egypt. P. 6. MiNUTOLi, Henry, Baron Menu Von, born at Geneva, of a Savoyard family, in 1772, is best known by his antiquarian researches in Egypt. He went to that country in 1820, and returned in 1822. A part of his collection of antiquities

was

lost

remainder purchased by the King of Prussia, deposited in

work

is

tJie

new museum

"Journey

the

to the

of Lybia," Berlin 1824.

at Berlin.

by a shipwreck

for

His most distinguished

Temple of Jupiter Amnion

He

The

about $15,000, were in the desert

published "Additions to his Journey,"

etc. in 1827.

P. 10. That this south-east icind^ etc. Numerous books of travels might be referred to in which easterly winds in Egypt are mentioned. But it is unnecessary. Russell in his Ancient and Modern Egypt, says "About the autumnal equinox they (the winds) veer round to the east, where they remain nearly six weeks, \Yith only slight deviations." :

Although

this declaration

may

not be strictly correct, yet

it is

additional testimony to the fact that they have easterly winds in

which

is all

that

is

needed here

;

for

it is

an

Egypt universally acknowledged

NOTES.

283

by Hebrew scholars, that any wind from the eastern quarter of the heavens would be designated by a Hebrew as east wind. The following extract from Prof. Robinson's Biblical Researches is introduced not only from its appropriateness in this connection, but as furnishing a similar style of reasoning to that employed by H e n g -

stenbergin volume a strong

treating of the plagues in Egypt, in chapter

"

The Lord, it east ivind. The

:

not a direct suspension

is

said,

iii.

of this

caused the sea to go (or flow out) by

miracle therefore,

is

represented as mediate

;

interference with the laws of nature,

of, or

but a miraculous adaptation of those laws to produce a required result. It

was wrought by natural means supernaturally

reason

we

applied.

For

this

are here entitled to look only for the natural effects arising

from the operation of such a cause.

In the somewhat indefinite

phraseology of the Hebrew, an east wind means any wind from the eastern quarter

;

and would include the north-east wind, which often

prevails in this region."

— Vol.

In the year 1774.

P. 12.

the Seleucidae,

I. p.

82, 3.

This refers

to the

Grecian

era, or era of

which dates from the reign of Seleucus Nicator 311

B.C. Descrijjtion of the French Scholars.

P. 13.

Work which tion is:

is

so often quoted

The

full title

byHengstenbergas

of this

the Descrip-

"Description de I'Egypte, ou Recueil des Observations et

des Recherches pendant I'Expedition

It de I'Armte Fran^aise." volumes with more than 900 engravings and 3000 It is composed of the sketches. The last number appeared in 1826. documents prepared by the eminent savans and artists who accompanied Bonaparte in his expedition to Egypt. It was printed at the expense of the French Government, and "corresponds in the grandeur

consists of 25

of

proportions," says a writer in the

its

which

it

P. 23.

JImun-m-gori

II,

of the sixteenth dynasty.

Egypt was Menes, who according throne about 2320 B. C.

Cambyses very

Am. Enc,

"

to the edifices

describes."

are divided by

little is

known

to

The kings from him

Mane

t

The

Wilkinson

first

king of

ascended the

to the

invasion of

h o into twenty-six dynasties.

But

who precede Osirtasen I., who beThe names of most of the succeeding

of any of those

longs to the sixteenth dynasty.

monarchs of the sixteenth, and those of the seventeenth and eighteenth dynasties, often occur on the monuments, and are so often mentioned

NOTES.

284

volume, that it was thought it might be well to insert here, with some slight changes, the table found in Wilkinson. Thus,

in this

when

the

name

of a king, as Amun-m-gori or Osirtasen occurs, by

turning to this table, the date of his reign may be seen, and in some cases an important event which occurred during it. The eighteenth of special interest in several respects. It was the peIn it most of the events recorded in the Books of Moses occurred. And a large part of the monuments were constructed about this time. Four hieroglyphical lists of the kings of

dynasty

is

riod of conquest.

this

dynasty exist, in addition to the

list

of

M a n e th o

"

:

The Tab-

of Abydos, the Procession of the Ramesseion, the Procession of Medeenet Haboo and the Tomb of Gurnah." The chronology of

let

Wilkinson Those who it

for

has been followed here, as generally in this volume.

are desirous of

M G

substance in

Name

r.

Name

Trom

comparing that of Rosellini d d o n 's " Ancient Egypt."

will find

1 i

Ascendfrom the

Events.

ed the

Monuments.

ancient Authors.

Throne.

16th Dijnastij^ of Tanites ? B. C.

Osirtasen

Misartesen

I.

.

Amun-m-gori I.

?

.

Amun-m-gori .^

II.

? .

Arrival of Joseph, 1706.

|. |.

1740

.

.

.

1696

.

.

.

1686

Ylth Dynasty^ of Memjjhites ?

Osirtasen II. Nofri-Ftep, or Osirtasen HI.

(Uncertain.)

165]

.

Amun-m-gori III.

i

Joseph died 1635.

1636

?

1621

.^ .

(Unknown.)

1580

.

18th Dynasty^ of Tkchan or Diospolitaji Kings. '

(Chebron)

Amosis (Chebron)

Ames

There arose a new (dynasty, or) king, who knew not Joseph." Exodus H. Moses born J^ VJ

1575

I

MM

Amunoph

Amenoph Amesses, or

A men-

ses, liis sister

) S

I.

Amcnse, sister

1550

.

his

C

Included in the reign

Thothmes

I.

.

NOTES. Name

Name

from

285 Ascend-

from the

ancient authors.

Monuments.

IVIephres, Mesphris, or Mesphra-Tuthinosis

Thothmes

Events.

ed the

Throne.

His 14th year found on the monuments.

.

The

Misphra-Tummosis >

or Tothmosis

Thothmes

II.

.0.

1532

I?

Amun-

reign of

neit-gori included

in

1505

Exod. of the Israelites 1491, 430 yers after the

1495

this.

Thummosis,

or

Tothmosis

C

Amenophis Horus

III.

arrival of

Amunoph

.

.

Aehenchres, queen)

Thothmes

i

.

(a

Moses died 1451

II.

Thothmes IV. Maut-m-Shoi

Armais

^

( (

Included

in the

of tlie vocal statue.

Remesso, or Remeses I.

1395 1385

? I.

^The supposed Remeses, Remeses II., or Great

j

j^the

C

Amenophis

<

P. 33.

Piromis.

.

tep

?

n

s

is

mistaken in

re-

man, and is comSeeWil'romi,' man. the

series. Vol. I. p. 170.

The people in Egypt were divided and each of these were again subdivided. The

P. 38. Caste. ses,

undoubtedly It signifies

article prefixed to

Man. and Cus, second

o n,

1355

al-

1289

Herodotus

posed of the Egyptian i

uments. Manetho lows him 66.

his son

gard to the meaning of this word. k

Sesostris

of the Greeks. The date of his 44th and 62d year found on the mon-

FthahmenThmeiof-

(

1430

1408

?

fAmun-mai J

reign of

her son,

A mum-men

Osirei

Remeses Maimi

1456 1446

Amunoph III The supposed Memnon

(Regency)

Amunoph II J.

Rathotis

Achencheres, or Chebres Achencheres, or Acherres

Abraham.

into four great clasfirst

was the

sacer-

dotal caste, consisting of priests of various grades, scribes, embalmers, etc.

The second was

the agricultural class, including the military

and persons of similar occupations. The were the townsmen, composed of artificers, tradesmen,

order, farmers, gardeners,

third class etc.

The

fourth class, the

common

people, included factors, laborers

and various others. The military order seems to have been nmch more honored tlian the rest of the second class, if indeed they did not

'

NOTES.

286

compose a separate caste. The king could be chosen only from among them or the sacerdotal order. If chosen from the military caste, he was immediately admitted to the order of priests and instructed in all

The

their secret learning.

Wilkinson, the reader

Vol.

I.

p.

subject of caste

236

discussed at large in

is

and Vol.

seq.,

II.

p. 1 seq., to

whom

referred.

is

When we fix upon the land of Goshen as the region east of arm of the Kile, etc. The view of our author with regard position of the land of Goshen agrees, substantially, with that of

P. 45.

the Tanitic

to the

and other scholars of the present day. " This tract,' Researches, Vol. I. p. 76, " is comprehended in the modern province esh-Shurkiyeh, which extends from the neighborhood of Abu Za'bel to the sea, and from the desert to the former Dr.

Robinson

it is

said, in the Biblical

Tanaitic branch of the Nile

;

thus including also the valley of the an-

cient canal."

P. 59.

In the best of the land. "The land of Goshen," says Dr. " was the best of the land ; and such, too, the province

Robinson,

esh-Shurkiyeh has ever been, down

In the

to the present time.

re-

markable Arabic document translated by D e S ac y, containing a valuation of all the provinces and villages of Egypt in the year 1376, the province of the Shiirkiyeh comprises 383 towns and villages, and is valued at 1,411,875 Dinars a larger sum than is put upon any other

—

During

province, with one exception.

many

inquiries respecting this district

was, that

it

;

my to

stay in Cairo, I

was considered the best province

fertility) arises

from the fact that

surface of the land in other parts of

is

Egypt

it is

less elevated ;

so that

it is

made

which the uniform reply in

Egypt.

—

This

(its

intersected by canals, while the

above the level of the Nile, than

more

easily irrigated.

There are

here more flocks and herds than anywhere else in Egypt ; and also

more fishermen." P. 59. fied

Compare, with

Tlie distance is then

from our

have passed

own

to the

far

this last expression, p.

too great.

"We

224 supra.

were quite

satis-

observation, that they (the Israelites) could not

Red Sea from any

point near Heliopolis or Cairo

which the language of the narrative allows. Both the distance and the want of water on all the routes, are fatal to sucli an hypothesis. We read, that there were six hundred thousand men of tlie Israelites above twenty years of age, who left Egypt on foot. There must of course have been as many in three days, the longest interval

NOTES.

women

above twenty

years old

;

and

287 an equal number both of

at least

males and females under the same age

mixed multiand very much cattle. The whole number, therefore, probably amounted to two and a half millions, and certainly to not less than two millions. Now the usual day's march of the best appointed armies, both in ancient and modern times, is not estimated higher than fourteen English or twelve geographical miles and it cannot be supposed that the Israelites, encumbered with women and children and flocks, would be able to accomplish more. But the distance on all these routes being not less than sixty geographical miles, they could not well have travelled it in any case in less than five tude

'

spoken

besides the

;

'

of,

;

days."— JBi6.

which might

Res. Vol.

P. 59.

Remeses

I. p.

74, 75.

"

This distance appears not too great.

P. 59. five miles,

—Bib.

Res., Vol.

From

have been passed over

thirty to thirtyin three days."

p. 80.

I.

Raamses. is

easily

It

may be

proper to say here, that in this volume

When

spelt in three ways.

it is

the

name of a

king,

it is,

on the authority of Wilkinson, Remeses. In the other two cases, the method of the verse in the Bible, to which allusion is made, is retained.

P. 70.

Embalming.,

Additional information upon the topics

etc.

discussed in this section

may

be found in

Wilkinson,

Sec. Ser. p. 451 seq. and 402 seq., with which compare

Mod. Eg. P. 94.

pp.

Vol. II.

Lane's

285—311.

"The Pharaohs

Mandoo.

'Mandoo towards

the Gentiles;' from

which

the avenger or protector against enemies, the

thology, with the additional

title

God o?lVd.t."— Wilkinson,

of

styled

frequently

Ultor.,

'

it

themselves

appears that he was

Mars of Egyptian my-

avenger,' like the

Roman

Vol. 11. Sec. Ser. p. 34.

worthy of

notice, that this species of serpent,

the asp of the ancient Egyptians,

was considered sacred throughout

P. 102.

Haje.

It is

"It was worshipped," says Plutarch, De Isid., " on account of a certain resemblance between it and the operaIt was the emblem of the God Neph and tions of the divine power.

the whole country,

the Goddess Ranno.

The asp was

easily tamed,

and came from

place of concealment by the snapping of the fingers."

its

Aelian

NOTES.

288

power of the Egyptians to charm serfrom their lurking places, etc. " Mummies of ihem have been discovered in the Necropolis of Thebes." ComIk. Vol. I. Sec. Ser. p. 237—242, also upon the Cerastes or pare

(Lib. vi. c. 33) speaks of the

pents,

and

W

call

them

forth

i

horned snake mentioned on P. 103. in his

The^J

"Modern

p. 101, see

245 seq.

Egyptians," Vol.11,

207, says: "Serpents and

p.

scorpions were not unfrequently eaten by Siadees during visit

The former were deprived

to this country.

teeth, or rendered harmless

by having

Lane

icith their teeth.

sometimes also tear serpe7its

their

my

former

of their poisonous

upper and lower

lips

bored, and tied together on each side with a silk string, to prevent and sometimes, those which were merely carried in protheir biting ;

Whencession had two silver rings put in place of the silk strings. ever a Saadee ate the flesh of a live serpent, he was, or afiected to be, '

He

excited to do so by a kind of frenzy. the end of his thumb,

upon the

reptile's

point about two inches from the head the head and the part between

pressed

;

of which he

made

it

;

pressed very hard, with

back, as he grasped

and

all

that he ate of

and the point where

three or four mouthfuls

:

his

it,

at a

was thumb

it

the rest he threw

away." P. 159.

That a connection here exists between Egyptian arid Israd-

The general similarity of the sacerdotal instituamong the ancient Egyptians and the Israelites is very noticeThe ceremony of investiture to office of the priests, among the able. Israelites, is described in Exodus 27 5 7, " Thou shalttake the gar-

itish antiquity., etc.

tions

:

—

ments, and put upon Aaron the coat, and the robe of the ephod, and the ephod, and the breast-plate, and gird

him with the curious

girdle

and thou shalt put the mitre upon his head and put the holy crown upon the mitre. Then shalt thou take the anointing oil and pour it upon his head." The priest is anointed with oil after he has

of the ephod

:

put on his entire dress. " The Egyptians" also, "represent the anointing of their priests and kings after they were attired in their

with the cap and crown upon their head.

Some

full robes,

of the sculptures in-

oil over the monarch, in the presence of Thoth, Hor-Mat, Ombte, or Nilus which may be considered a representation of the ceremony, before the statues of those gods. The functionary

troduce a priest pouring

;

was tlie high-priest of the king. He was clad in a was the same who attended on all occasions which required him to assist, or assume the duties of, the monarch in the

who

ofliciated

leopard-skin, and

—

NOTES. temple.

289

This leopard-skin dress was worn by the high-priests on

the most important solemnities, and the king himself adopted

it

all

when

same duties." Wilkinson, Mem. and Cus., 2d Ser., Both the Egyptians and Israelites were purified with water before they assumed the sacerdotal robes. (Ex. 40: 12 15.) They were divided into different orders, among both nations, and the oiFering of incense was limited to priests of the highest rank. Priests were the judges, also, among the Israelites and Egyptians. Wilkinson says, Vol.1, p. 282 "Besides their religious duties, the priests fulfilled the important ofiices of judges and legislators, as well as counsellors of the monarch and the laws, as among many other engaged

in the

Vol. II. p. 280.

—

:

;

nations of the East, forming part of the sacred books, could only be

administered by them."

So

— "If

Deut. 17: 8

in

there

arise

a

matter too hard for thee in judgment, between blood and blood, be-

and between stroke and stroke, being matters of then shalt thou arise, and get thee up and thou shalt into the place which the Lord thy God shall choose come unto the priests the Levites, and unto the judge that shall be in those days, and inquire; and they shall show thee the sentence of Of the similarity of Urim and Thummim to the Egypjudgment." tian symbol, Wilkinson, (Vol. II. 2d Ser. p. 28,) after speaking of " A similar emthe badge of the judge among the Egyptians, says blem was used by the high-priest of the Jews and it is a remarkable

tween plea and

plea,

controversy within thy gates

;

;

—

:

;

word

fact, that the

Thummim

is

not only translated

'

truth,' but, be-

ing a plural or dual word, corresponds to the Egyptian notion of the '

two Truths,'

'

light

and

figures of

truth,'

Thummim

— which

Re and Thmei,

And though

last

signify

'

lights

am

the resemblance of the

disposed to think the

lated to the sun,

which

is

'

and

to

j)erfections,' or

present a striking analogy to the two

worn by

in the breast-plate

Urim and

lights,'

Aorim

the Egyptians.

the Urasus (or basilisk),

the symbol of majesty, suggested by lord Prudhoe, I

According

or the double capacity of this goddess.

some, the Urim and

or

is

very remarkable,

Urim, more nearly

re-

seated in the breast-plate with the figure of

Truth." P. 164. qualities.

The sphinx symbolizes merely the union of the tioo designated Wilkinson in his last work confirms the opinion

Mr.

expressed in the former one, with regard if his positions

be

r

g

to the

to the

sphinx, and

are correct, answers the objections of

view that the sphinx designates not

the king as the possessor of these qualities.

25

1

in effect,

Hen gs ten-

qualities alone, but

give a rather long ex-

NOTES.

290 tract,

tut try?*

from

will not

it

its

bearing on the whole section be

deemed out of place. It will be recollected that the author of this volume had not seen this last series of Mr. Wilkinson: " The most distinguished post amongst fabulous animals must be conceded the .^/i^//o-s;;/tr/i.f, with the It was of three kinds, to tiie sphinx.

—

head of a man and the bcdy of a lion, denoting the union of intellectual and physical power ; the Crio-sphinx, with the head of a ram and and the Hieraco-sphinx, with the same body and the body of a lion They were all types or representatives of the the head of a hawk. king. The two last were probably so figured in token of respect to the two deities whose heads they bore, Neph and Re the other great deities, Amun, Khem, Ptliah and Osiris, having human heads, and ;

;

The all connected with the form of the Andro-sphinx. king was not only represented under the mysterious figure of a sphinx, but also of a ram, and of a hawk and this last had, moreover, the peculiar signification of 'Phrah,' or Pharaoh, Hhe Sun,' pertherefore

;

is

sculptures, a deity

sign of

The

by the monarch.

sonified

the sphinx female,

life,

inconsistency, therefore, of

sufficiently obvious. is

by the gods to a same capacity, as

or other divine gifts usually vouchsafed

an emblem of a Pharaoh."— Vol.

when

II. p.

in the

200.

Compare " Theologische Studien und Kritiken,"

^zazel.

ErstesHeft 1843, S. 191 and p.

in the

often seen presenting the sphinx with the

king; as well as to the ram or hawk,

P. 184.

making

— When represented

2,

and " Bib. Repository"

for July, 1842,

116 seq. P. 195.

Among the.

Egyptians, the separation bettceen the rational and

irrational creation zoas removed.

regard to animals, were, ridiculous.

Many

many

bad.

notions of the Egyptians with

of them were looked upon as deities, and worship-

ped, throughout the country. gods.

The

of them, strange and exceedingly

Some were honored The same animal was

Others were mere emblems of the

as good,

and others were execrated as

venerated in one province and served up,

as a delicacy of the table, in another.

Keepers, of both sexes, were

appointed to take charge of the sacred animals, and a revenue was provided for the maintenance both of the keepers and the animals. This employment was considered particularly honorable, and was ex-

ecuted by persons of the treated with

all

first caste.

While

living, animals

the respect which belongs to the most honored

were

human

beings; and although they could neither understand nor enjoy them.

NOTES.

291

were provided with all the luxuries and surrounded by all the comwhich wealth can bestow and when they died, they were lamented and embalmed as if they were most dear friends. Different authors have attempted to account for these facts in difforts

;

ferent ways.

After enumerating several theories, (Manners and Customs, Second Series, Vol. II.,

*'

It is, therefore, evident, that

Wilkinson, says:

108)

p.

neither the benefits derived by

man

from the habits of certain animals, nor the reputed reasons for their peculiar choice as emblems of the gods, were sufficient to account for the reverence paid to

doubt,

many

of those they held sacred.

Some, no

may have been

indebted to the first-mentioned cause; and, connection appears to subsist between those animals

however little and the gods of

whom

they were the types,

hawk.

ox, cow, sheep, dog, cat, vulture,

chosen from their

utility to

We

man.

we may

believe that the

Ibis,

and some others, were

may

also see sufficient rea-

sons for making some others sacred, in order to prevent their being

because

killed for food,

with certain

tiieir flesh

fish of the Nile,

But

the vegetables of the country.

choice they

made

in

many

was unwholsome,

as

was the case to some of

— a precaution which extended instances

;

this will not

for

why

account

for the

should not the camel

and horse have been selected for the first, and many other common There was, as animals and reptiles for the last- mentioned reason Porphyry observes, some other hidden motive, independent of these and whether it was, as Plutarch supposes, founded on rational grounds, (with a view to promote the welfare of the community,) on accidental or imaginary analogy, or on mere caprice, it is equally difficult .?

;

to discover

it,

or satisfactorily to account for the selection of certain

animals, as the exclusive types of particular deities."

'

Tke monuments confirm the accounts of classical s on, in his Manners and Customs, Sec. Series,

P. 200.

Mr.

W ilk in

women among

says of the sacred

women,

of the

service of the

first

God

families of

of Thebes,

sion already to remark

;

tlie

is

the Egyptians;

"That

icriters. I.

p.

203,

certain

country, were devoted to the

perfectly true, as I have had occa-

and they were the same

whom

Herodotus

women, The statement of Diodorus, that were distant from the tomb of Osymandyas ten stadia,

mentions under the name of yvvatnag

iQtfiag,

or 'sacred

consecrated to the Theban Jove.' their sepulchres

more than 6000 feet, agrees perfectly with the position of Queens and princesses were buried, in the Necropolis of Thebes and is highly satisfactory, from its confirming the opinion or

little

those where the ;

NOTES.

292

formed from the sculptures, respecting the

though we are unable

office

to ascertain the exact duties

For

they held.

they performed,

it

evident that they assisted in the most important ceremonies of the temple, in company with the monarch himself, holding the sacred is

and the importance of their office by the fact that the wives and daughters of the noblest families of the country, of the high-priests, and of the kings themselves, were proud to enjoy the honor it conferred."

emblems which were the badge of the post

;

sufficiently evinced

is

W

Ik n so n Vol. 1. p.62 says ''-The common Lcmanon. P. 211. custom of substituting m for h in Coptic, and the representation of a mountainous and woody country in which the chariots could not pass, convince me that this is intended for mount Lebanon." i

i

:

A passage from worthy of insertion here, not only from the light v.'hich it throws upon this section and the one contained on pp. 25-7, but also from its general interest in relation to the state of society among the ancient Egyptians: "There was no Sarah must therefore have been unveiled.

P. 213.

G

1

i

Salic

d d o n

law

's

in

Ancient Egypt,

Egypt; and

in a

p. 48, is

country where females were admitted

to a full participation in all legitimate privileges with

women were birth

;

queens in their

own

right

— royal

man — where

priestesses from their

and otherwise treated as females are, in all civilized and chriswere none of those social restrictions that else-

tian countries, there

where enslaved the minds, or constrained the persons of the gentler We have the most positive and incontrovertible evidence, in a sex. series of

monuments coeval with Egyptian events

for

2500 years,

to

prove that the female sex in Egypt was honored, civihzed, educated, and as free as among ourselves; and this is the most unanswerable proof of the high civilization of that ancient people.

This

is

the

strongest point of distinction between the Egyptian social system of

ancient times, and that of any other eastern nation.

Even among

was never placed in relation to man, her more happy and privileged sister en-

the Hebrews, the Jewish female in the

same high

position as

joyed in Egypt."

Wilkinson viith the loorship of^pis. with the worship of the Mnevis of Heliopolis. After speak-

Stands in connection

P. 215.

connects

it

The HeJews from falling was guilty. The

ing of the worship of the sacred animals in general he says

brew

legislator felt tlie necessity of preventing the

into this, the

most gross practice of which

idolatry

:

293

NOTES.

calf, a representation of the Mnevis of Heliopolis, was a proof how their minds had become imbued with the superstitions they had beheld in Egypt, which the mixed multitude had practised Sec. Ser. Vol. II. p. 96-7. But it is of little consequence there.' "

^vorship of the golden

'

which

is

referred

P. 217.

to.

And burned

Vol. III. p. 220-1,

Egyptians

made

The

in

it is

it

allusion

is

icith fire

said

:

"

A

sufficiently plain in either case-

and

beat

W

In

it.

i

strong evidence of the

1

k

i

n

skill

s

o n,

of the

working metals, and of the early advancement they is derived from their success in the management

in this art,

of different alloys; which, as M. Goguet observes, is further aro-ued from the casting of the golden calf, and still more from Moses being able to burn the metal and reduce it to powder a secret which ;

he could only have learnt in Egypt. It is said in Exodus, that Moses took the calf which they had made, and burnt it in the fire, and ground it to powder, and strowed it upon the water, and made the '

children of Israel drink of

it;'

an operation which, according

to the

French savant^ 'is known by all who work in metals to be very diffi* have been much perplexed ' Commentators' heads,' he adds, cult.' powder. Many to explain how Moses burnt and reduced the gold to an experienced but conjectures, improbable and vain offered have chemist lias removed every difficulty upon the subject, and has sugwe gested this simple process. In the place of tartaric acid, which employ, the Hebrew legislator used natron, which

What

East.

follows, respecting his

making the

is

common

in the

Israelites drink this

effect powder, proves that he was perfectly acquainted with the whole of their of the operation. He wished to increase the punishment for gold disobedience, and nothing could have been more suitable mentioned, reduced and made into a draught, in the manner I have ;

has a most disagreeable

taste.'

"

We

The fact that fish icere placed first in the narrative. several following extract from its interest in connection with under one the as well as Isaiah, and Pentateuch passages in the

P. 224.

make the other

de'^ Fishing is one of the employments most frequently is combined with fowling by amateur It monuments. the on picted the hippoposportsmen, and even with the chase of the crocodile and It is caste. tamus but is also pursued as a regular trade by an entire of Egypt, that Plague First the of aggravation fearful recorded as a

discussion

:

;

'

the fish that

was

in the river died,'

complaints of the Israelites

25*

when

(Exod.

they

vii.

murmured

21).

The

against

first

Moses

great in

the

NOTES.

294

was Wc remember the fish that we did eat in Egypt freely,' (Numbers, xi. 5.) And this abundance of fish was still further increased by the ponds, sluices, and artificial lakes which were condesert,

'

Hence

structed for the propagation of the finny tribe.

Jsaiah, in de-

nouncing divine vengeance against the Egyptians, dwells particularly on the ruin which would fall upon those who derived their sub'And the waters sistence from the animals and plants of the Nile shall fail from the sea, and the river shall be wasted and dried up. And they shall turn the rivers far away and the brooks of defence the reeds and flags shall wither. shall be emptied and dried up The paper reeds by the brooks, by the mouth of the brooks, and everything sown by the brooks, shall wither, be driven away, and be no more. The fishers also shall mourn, and all they that cast angle into the brooks shall lament, and they that spread nets upon the waMoreover, they that work in fine flax, and they ters shall languish. :

;

:

that

weave net works,

ken

in

fish,

shall be

the purposes thereof,

(Isaiah, xix. 5

all

make

that

— 10.) — Although

lakes were constantly swept with nets,

the

we

is

is

and ponds for and the artificial

any

open sea; and

in-

in the

The supply has

with abhorrence.

modern times; the

not

right of fishery on the canals and lakes

annually farmed out by the government to certain individuals,

who pay

very large sums for the privilege.

W ilk

of Agalteh at Thebes,' says Mr. piastres (about 2n.,) to

M

Nile,

reason to believe that the fishes of the sea were, from

religious motives, regarded failed in

they shall be bro-

sluices

are unable to discover

proof of the Egyptians having ever fished

deed there

And

confounded.

i

government

for

i

n son, the fish

c h a u d in his delightful letters gives

<

<

The

small

village

pays annually 1500 of

its

canal.'

an account of the

M.

fisheries

on the lake Menzaleh, too interesting to be omitted. ''The waters in fish the Arabs say that the varieties offish in the lake exceed the number of days in the year. Although this

of Menzaleh abound

;

may

be deemed an exaggeration, it is certain that whatever be the number of their species, the fishes of this lake multiply infinitely." " On the monuments the fishermen appear as a class inferior to the agricultural population, and we know historically tliat they

—

formed one of the lowest castes. This was also the case in Palestine, and hence when Christ chose two of this class to become apostles, he announces to thom that they were for the future to be engaged in a more honorable occupation. Now as he walked by the sea of Galilee, he saw Simon and Andrew his brother casting a net into the sea: for they were fishers. And Jesus said unto them. Come ye af'

:

NOTES. ter

me, and

way they

1 will

make you

forsook their

295

become fishers of men. And straightnets and followed hhn:"— Taylor, p. 02 seq. to

The garlic an article of food for the poorest classes the lower orders, vegetables constituted a very great part of their ordinary food, and they gladly availed themselves of the vaF. 22G.

.

"Among

riety and abundance of esculent roots growing spontaneously, in the lands irrigated by the rising Nile, as soon as its vi^aters had subsided some of which were eaten in a crude state, and others roasted in the ashes, boiled or stewed their chief aliment, and that of their chil;

:

dren, consisting of milk and cheese, roots, leguminous, cucurbitaceous, and other plants, and ordinary fruits of the country. Hero-

dotus

describes the food of the workmen, who built the Pyramids, have been the raphanus or figl, onions, and garlic;' yet if these were among the number they used, and, perhaps the sole provisions supplied at the government expense, we are not to suppose they were limited to them and it is probable that lentils, of which it is inferred from Strabo they had an abundance on this occasion, may be reckoned to

'

:

even the chief article, of their food."

as part, or

The

Fetldan Doorah.

P. 232.

Fcddaii, the

— W ilk.

most

II.

370.

common measure

of land in Egypt, was a few years ago equal to about an English acre. It is

now

less

than an acre.

P. 234. Carrying of the loatcr in which the foot has most to do. This does not reach the point, since the passage in question does not

seem t'

water-wheel

Robinson,!. 542,

may have been

men

pressing upon

still

often

N

mode of distributing, but of supplying

to refer to the

Possibly," says Dr.

i

e b

uh

it

foot,

rijl,

view of which he tians, Vol. II. p. 24,

operation :

"

the

in Palestine, as

we

afterwards saw.

is

it

was

called

"a watering machine that turns by the foot," a

also subjoins."

severity of the labor of irrigation

remarks

in

describes one such machine in Cairo, where

Sdkieh tcdiir bir

"The

by oxen, but by same way that water is

smaller, and turned not

with the

drawn from wells r

the water, " in more ancient times the

is

The testimony

in regard to the

Lane, Modern

uniform.

Egyp-

speaking of the raising of water by the Shaduf says

extremely laborious."

The Shaduf ha.s

exactly the well-sweep of cross-piece resting on

Dr.

Robinson,

New

England

in

541 also is

His bucket

is

two upright pouts of wood

of leather or wicker-work.

p.

His instrument miniature, supported by

a toilsome occupation.

Two of these

or

mud.

a

instruments are usually fixed

NOTES.

296

men keep time at tlieir work, raising the water "Where the banks are higher, two, three, and even four couples are thus employed, one above another." side

by

side,

and the

five or six feet.

P. i^37. his

Oxen

iDcre

2d Ser., Vol.

W

used in Egypt for threshing.

1., p.

i

1

k n i

s

o n, in

85seq., gives engravings and a description of

at Elethya. His interpretation of the hieroglyphics however, a little from the one in the text, which is taken from Gliddon " Thresh for yourselves, (twice repeated,) O oxen, thresh for yourselves, (twice,) measures for yourselves, measures for your

this

same scene

differs,

:

The same author also remarks, that similar songs may be found on the sculptured tombs of Upper Egypt. In this sam.e connection, it is said, that wheat and barley were abundantly cultivated masters,"

—

and that the former was harvested in about and the latter in about four months after sowing. Compare Ex. 9: 31, 32, from which it appears that the plague did not smite the wheat, because it was later ; and also p. 123 of this volume. In Gen. 41: 22, we read, "seven ears came up in one stalk." Among the kinds of wheat in Egypt, according to Wilkinson, " the seven-eared qual"It was cropped a little below the ear," ity" may be mentioned. hence the Israelites could obtain straw or stubble for their brick, from in every part of Egypt, five

the fields,

P. 238. the

when

was not furnished by

it

In Ex. 25: 12

seq.,

construction of the ark,

among it

other directions with regard to

said

is

their task-masters,

:

"

And

thou shalt cast four

and put them in the four corners thereof: and two rings sliall be in the one side of it, and two rings in the other And thou shalt make staves of shittim-wood, and overlay side of it. them with gold. And thou shalt put the staves into the rings by the rings of gold for

it,

And

may be borne with them."

sides of the ark, that the ark

it is

"the Levites bare the ark on their shoulders." The similarity between this construction of the ark and the manner of moving it, and the procession of shrines among the Egyptians, is too striking to be passed unnoticed. " One of the most seen from

1

Chron.

15: 2, 15, that

important ceremonies," says

of shrines,' which

is

W

mentioned

i

1

k

in the

i

n

s

o n,

"was

'

the procession

Rosctta Stone, and

is

frequent-

on the walls of the temples. The shrines were of two kinds the one a sort of canopy the other an ark or sacred boat, which may be termed the great shrine. This was carried with grand pomp by the priests, a certain number being selected for that duty, ly represented :

who, supporting

;

it

on their shoulders by means of long staves, passing

NOTES. through metal rings brought

297

the side of the sledge on which

at

into the temple,

where

it

stood,

was placed upon a stand or table, in order that the prescribed ceremonies might be performed before it. The stand was also carried in the procession by another set of priests, following the shrine, by means of similar staves a method usually adopted for transporting large statues and sacred emblems, too heavy it

it

;

or too important to be borne by one person."

P. 241. Manetho and the Hycsos. The reasonings of our author upon the trustworthiness of Manetho, and the existence of the Hycsos, seem to us to partake somewhat of the nature of special plead-

Ke may be right, but we are not yet prepared to discard the testimony of those who are best qualified to judge in this matter. It is

ing.

true,

must be very pleasant

it

for those

engaged

in

deciphering

glyphics, to find their results verified by an ancient author it

be supposed

such

tliat

men

Sir J. G.

as

Wilkinson INIanetho, as

Their

feeling.''

(Vol.

I. p.

from other passages

archaeologists, are

belief, as far as

38) says

"

:

From

in his

Iiiero-

but can

Wilkinson, C h a m

pollion, Rosellini, and other Egyptian deceived by this

;

known,

is

-

all

uniform.

the preceding extracts of

work,

it

appears reasonable to

conclude that Egypt was at one time invaded and occupied by a powerful Asiatic people,

who

held the country in subjection

being appointed to govern

Shepherd Kings.

it,

these obtained the

of Pastor or

have already shown there is authority for behave taken place in the early periods of Egyptian

I

lieving this event to

history, previous to the era of Osirtasen the

"

and viceroys

;

title

First."

He

also says

am, therefore, of opinion that the irruption of the Pastors was anterior to the erection of any building now extant in Egypt, and long before the accession of the seventeenth dynasty." Although (p. 23)

:

1

Hengstenberg has given us the view of Rosellini, we cannot forG lid don, who is supposed to We do it the more readily as the agree in opinion with that author. passage shows the imperfect state in which Manetho is handed down

bear to quote a few lines from Mr.

—

and thus answers some of the objections of our author. " This work (of Manetho) has been lost; and the re-discovery of one copy of Manetho would be the most desirable and satisfactory event to us,

great

that could be conceived in Egyptian, and

history and chronology.

glory of his nation,

it

As

the

we may

add, in universal

work of an Egyptian,

testifying the

was probably conscientiously prepared

;

although

allowed national pride to give a too partial coloring to anhis narration, and possibly an exaggerated view of his country's

he

may have

NOTES.

298. tiquity

.

But we can no longer be harsh

new

in

our criticisms

;

seeing, that

dynasty he

is

confirmed by the sculptures^ wliile every

step of discovery that

is

made

to his sixteenth

in hieroglyphics, gives

confirmatory light in support of Manetho's

earlier

some new

arrangement.

Again, because we have only mutilated extracts of his original

one,

;

a fragment preserved by Josephus, which seems to have been copied,

verbatim, from Manetho's work; another

is

an abstract

in the chro-

nology of Syncellus, who did not even see the original book himself, but embodied in his compilation the extracts he found in Julius Afri-

canus and Eusebius.

Armenian

we

Within the

These

formerly possessed. Africanus, differ so

lius

last

few years, the discovery of an

some better readings

to those

writers, Josephus, Eusebius,

and Ju-

version of Eusebius, has added

much from each

other in the several portions

of Manetho's history of which they present the extracts, that, in their time, either great errors had crept into the then-existing copies of

Ma-

them were corrupted by design in the instance of Eusebius, who evidently suppressed some

and

netho, or one or more of

mutilated others, to

own peculiar and

;

make Manetho, by

parts,

a pious fraud, conform to his

contracted system of cosmogony .''

indications of the

especially

The absence of

Hycsos on the monuments

accounted for, from the antiquity of their irruption. If, (as Rosellini supposes,) they ruled Lower Egypt, while the seventeenth dynasty of Theban kings reigned in Upper Egypt, it is all

as

is

seen, by

Wilkinson,

not certain that

monuments of them may not yet be is made of the Hycsos

not strange that no mention

the lineage of the Pharaohs, under

consequence

first

ans,

to

to the

whom they

found.

It is also

in the Bible

;

for

would be of little

lived,

Jews.

Gods and dcmi-gods who ruled Egypt

P. 241.

cording

is

before

Ac-

men.

ancient writers, the Egyptians claimed to have been ruled

by the gods or Auritae and then by the demi-gods or Mestraewho were succeeded by Menes, the first hum.an king. But

Wilkinson

says,

that no Egyptian deity

there are positive grounds for the conviction

was supposed

have lived on the earth even was purely allegorical and intimately connected with the most profound and curious mystery of their religion. It is probable that the earliest government of the country was a hierarchy, and the succession of the different gods to the sovereignty of the country would then be explained by that of the reto

;

the story of Osiris's rule in this world

spective colleges of priests.

Greeks

for

"

The Egyptians

justly ridiculed the

pretending to derive their origin from

deities.

They

•^'r

—

NOTES.

299

showed Hccatseus and Herodotus a series of three hundred and fortyfive high-priests, each of whom, they observed, was ' a man, son of a man,' but in no instance the descendant of a god thus censuring :'

Such

is

who

claimed a deity as his sixteenth ancestor. the meaning of the expression in Herodotus, ' a piromis, son

the folly of Hecataeus,

of a piromis:' and

it is singular that the historian should not have understood the signification of the word romi, (man, or piromi, the

man,) as the sense alone Vol,

suffices to

point

it

out."

Wil/cinson,

p. 17.

1.

Ptolemy PhiJadelphus.

This letter is given entire Chronographiaof Syncellus p. 73. Ptolemaeum Philadelphum Manethonis Sebennytae epistola

P. 250.

Letter to

as found in the Latin version of the

"Ad

:

Ptolemaeo Philadelplio regi magno iYugusto Manetho sacerdos et sacroruin per Aegyptum penetralium notarius, gencre Sebennyta, urbe Heliopoli, domino

meo Ptolemaeo

De rebus omnibus nobis andum

est.

quaeque ex

Hac de causa libris

salutem.

tuo iussu, rex magne,propositis attente cogitinterroganti

de iis quae mundo accident, magno Mercurio conscriptis

tibi

ab primogenitore tuo ter

mihi sunt nota, prout imperasti, cuncta manifestabuntur.

Vale mihi,

domine mi rex. Tf Sesostris

P. 258.

is

Wilkinson

really identical with this

Remeses

III., the

obviates this difficulty (Vol.

I. p.

63, 64)

" Osirei was succeeded by his son, Remeses the Great,

who

bore the

error, etc.

name

:

of Amun-mai-Pveineses, or Remeses-mi-amun, and was reputed famous Sesostris of antiquity. The origin of the confusion

to be the

regarding Sesostris

Manetho

in the

may

perhaps be explained.

He

is

mentioned by

twelfth dynasty, and Herodotus learned that he pre-

ceded the builders of the pyramids f therefore suppose that Sesostris was an ancient king famed for his exploits, and the hero of early Egyptian history ; but that after Remeses had surpassed them, and :

become the favorite of his country, the renown and name of the former monarch were transferred to the more conspicuous hero of a later age and it is remarkable that when Germanicus went to Egypt, the Thebans did not mention Sesostris, but Rhamsos, as the king who had ;

performed the glorious actions ascribed in olden times to their great conqueror. Nothing, however, can justify the supposition that SeScripsostris, or, as Diodorus calls him, Sesoosis, is the Shishak of ture."

;

NOTES.

300 P. 26S.

.Q tribe

Shepherd Kings, appear

to

"The ;

sup-

first to follow the example and though the period and history of

their conquest are involved in obscurity,

Egypt from the

too

Pastor race, called Hycsos or

have been the

of the early Asiatic invaders

tered

WMkinson

of Scythian nomades.

poses they were Scythians.

side of Syria,

it

is

evident that they en-

and that they obtained

for

some

years a firm footing in the country, possessing themselves of Lower Egypt, with a portion of the Thebaid, and perhaps advancing to

Thebes

itself.

supposed them to ha-ve come from Assyria

I at first

but on more mature consideration have been disposed, as already stated, to consider them a Scythian tribe, whos^ nomade habits accord satisfactorily with the character of a pastor race, and whose frequent inroads at early periods into other countries show the power they possessed, as well as their love of invasion, which were con-

more

tinued

till

a late time,

and afterwards imitated by

the Tartar hordes of Central

Asia."— Sec.

Ser. Vol.

their successors^ 1. p.

2.

ERRATA. Page "

4, for

Egypt read

Palestine.

10,

"

"

10,

*'

XVI

"

79,

"

Bedouins read Bcdaicin.

"

Haie read Haje.

" 102,

" 211,

Reaurner read Reaumur. read XIV.

(last line,) for

Cunana read Canaan.

00040 2240

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